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handle  this  volume 

with  care* 

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Libraries,  Storrs 


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LA   SALLE   AND   THE   DISCOVERY   OF 
THE   GREAT   WEST. 


PKANOIS  PAKKMAN'S  WKITIMS. 


The  Oregon  Teail 1  vol. 

The  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac 2  vols. 

JFrance  antJ  fSnglanti  in  !t^ortt)  America* 

Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World  .    .  1  vol. 

The  Jesuits  in  North  America 1  vol. 

La  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of  the  Grp:at 

West 1  vol. 

The  Old  R]£gime  in  Canada  under  Louis  XIV.  1  vol. 
Count   Frontenac   and   New  France   under 

Louis  XIV 1  vol. 

A  Half-Century  of  Conflict 2  vols. 

Montcalm  and  Wolfe 2  vols. 


FRANCE   AND   ENGLAND   IN   NORTH  AMERICA. 


PART     THIRD. 


/(^5, 


r. 


LA    SALLE  ''-'"^ 


AND    THE 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  GREAT  WEST. 


BY 


FRANCIS   PARKMAN, 


AUTHOR  OF   "the  OREGON  TRAIL,"    "THE    CONSPIRACY    OF    PONTIAC,' 

"pioneers  OF   FRANCE   IN  THE  NEW  WORLD,"   AND 

*'  THE  JESUITS   IN   NORTH   AMERICA." 


BOSTON: 
LITTLE,  BROWN,  AND   COMPANY. 

1900. 


f vl3  ( 


8/53. 

Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1869,  by 

Francis  Parkman, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1879,  by 

;t'RANCIS  PaRKMAJS, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


Copyright,  1897^ 
By  Grace  P.  Coffin,  and  Katherine  S.  Coolidge. 


John  Wilson  and  Son,  Cambridge. 


TO   THE   CLASS   OF   1844, 

HARVARD  COLLEGE, 

THIS    BOOK    18    CORDIALLY    DEDICATED 

BY    ONE    OF    THEIR    KUMBEB. 


PKEFACE   OF  THE  ELEVENTH  EDITION. 


When  the  earlier  editions  of  this  book  were 
published,  I  was  aware  of  the  existence  of  a  col- 
lection of  documents  relating  to  La  Salle,  and 
containing  important  material  to  which  I  had  not 
succeeded  in  gaining  access.  This  collection  was 
in  possession  of  M.  Pierre  Margry,  director  of  the 
Archives  of  the  Marine  and  Colonies  at  Paris,  and 
was  the  result  of  more  than  thirty  years  of  re- 
search. With  rare  assiduity  and  zeal,  M.  Margry 
had  explored  not  only  the  vast  depository  with 
which  he  has  been  officially  connected  from  youth, 
and  of  which  he  is  now  the  chief,  but  also  the 
other  public  archives  of  France,  and  many  private 
collections  in  Paris  and  the  provinces.  The  object 
of  his  search  was  to  throw  light  on  the  career  and 
achievements  of  French  explorers,  and,  above  all, 


Viii  PREFACE  OF  THE  ELEVENTH   EDITION. 

of  La  Salle.  A  collection  of  extraordinary  richness 
grew  graduall}^  upon  his  hands.  In  the  course  of 
my  own  inquiries,  I  owed  much  to  his  friendly 
aid ;  but  his  collections,  as  a  whole,  remained  inac- 
cessible, since  he  naturally  wished  to  be  the  first  to 
make  known  the  results  of  his  labors.  An  attempt 
to  induce  Congress  to  furnish  him  with  the  means 
of  printing  documents  so  interesting  to  American 
history  was  made  in  1870  and  1871,  by  Henry 
Harrisse,  Esq.,  aided  by  the  American  minister 
at  Paris ;  but  it  unfortunately  failed. 

In  tlie  summer  and  autumn  of  1872,  I  had  nu- 
merous interviews  with  M.  Margry,  and  at  his  desire 
undertook  to  try  to  induce  some  American  book- 
seller to  publish  the  collection.  On  returning  to 
the  United  States,  I  accordingly  made  an  arrange- 
ment with  Messrs.  Little,  Brown,  &  Co.,  of  Boston, 
by  which  they  agreed  to  print  the  papers,  if  a 
certain  number  of  subscriptions  should  first  be 
obtained.  The  condition  proved  very  difficult; 
and  it  became  clear  that  the  best  hope  of  success 
lay  in  another  appeal  to  Congress.  This  was  made 
in  the  following  winter,  in  conjunction  with  Hon. 
E.  B.  Washburne,  Colonel  Charles  Whittlesey,  of 
Cleveland,  0.  H.  Marshall,  Esq.,  of  Buffalo,  and 


PREFACE  OF  THE  ELEVENTH  EDITION.  ix 

other  gentlemen  interested  in  early  American  his- 
tory. The  attempt  succeeded.  Congress  made 
an  appropriation  for  the  purchase  of  five  hundred 
copies  of  the  work,  to  be  printed  at  Paris,  under 
direction  of  M.  Margry ;  and  the  three  volumes 
devoted  to  La  Salle  are  at  length  before  the 
public. 

Of  the  papers  contained  in  them  which  I  had  not 
before  examined,  the  most  interesting  are  the  let- 
ters of  La  Salle,  found  in  the  original  by  M.  Margry, 
among  the  immense  accumulations  of  the  Archives 
of  the  Marine  and  Colonies  and  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale.  The  narrative  of  La  Salle's  companion, 
Joutel,  far  more  copious  than  the  abstract  printed 
in  1713,  under  the  title  of  Journal  Historique,  also 
deserves  special  mention.  These,  with  other  fresh 
material  in  these  three  volumes,  while  they  add 
new  facts  and  throw  new  light  on  the-  character  of 
La  Salle,  confirm  nearly  every  statement  made  in 
the  first  edition  of  the  Discovery  of  the  Great 
West.  The  only  exception  of  consequence  relates 
to  the  causes  of  La  Salle's  failure  to  find  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi  in  1684,  and  to  the  con- 
duct, on  that  occasion,  of  the  naval  commander. 
Beaujeu. 


X  PREFACE  OF  THE  ELEVENTH  EDITION. 

This  edition  is  revised  throughout,  and  in  part 
rewritten  with  large  additions.  A  map  of  the 
country  traversed  by  the  explorers  is  also  added. 
The  name  of  La  Salle  is  placed  on  the  title-page, 
as  seems  to  be  demanded  by  his  increased  promi- 
nence in  the  narrative  of  which  he  is  the  central 
figure. 

Boston,  10  December,  1878. 


Note.  —  The  title  of  M.  Margry^s  printed  collection  is  "  D^couvertes 
et  ^tablissements  des  Fran^ais  dans  I'Ouest  et  dans  le  Sud  de  TAm^rique 
Septentrionale  (1614-1754),  Memoires  et  Documents  originaux."  I.,  II., 
m.  Besides  the  three  volumes  relating  to  La  Salle,  there  will  be  two 
others,  relating  to  other  explorers.  In  accordance  with  the  agreement 
with  Congress,  an  independent  edition  will  appear  in  France,  with  an 
introduction  setting  forth  the  circumstances  of  the  publication. 


PREFACE  OF  THE  FIEST  EDITION. 


The  discovery  of  the  '"'Great  West,"  or  the 
valleys  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  Lakes,  is  a  por- 
tion of  our  history  hitherto  very  obscure.  Those 
maocnificent  reo:ions  were  revealed  to  the  world 
througli  a  series  of  daring  enterprises,  of  which 
the  motives  and  even  the  incidents  have  been 
but  partially  and  superficially  known.  The  chief 
actor  in  them  wrote  much,  but  printed  nothing ; 
and  the  published  writings  of  his  associates  stand 
wofully  in  need  of  interpretation  from  the  un- 
published documents  which  exist,  but  which  have 
not  heretofore  been  used  as  material  for  history. 

This  volume  attempts  to  supply  the  defect.  Of 
the  large  amount  of  wholly  new  material  employed 
in  it,  by  far  the  greater  part  is  drawn  from  the 
various  public  archives  of  France,  and  the  rest 
from  private  sources.     The  discovery  of  many  of 


Xll  PREFACE  OF  TILE  FIRST  EDITION. 

these  documents  is  due  to  the  indefatigable  re- 
search of  M.  Pierre  Margry,  assistant  director  of 
the  Archives  of  the  Marine  and  Colonies  at  Paris, 
whose  labors  as  an  investigator  of  the  maritime  and 
colonial  history  of  France  can  be  appreciated  only 
by  those  who  have  seen  their  results.  In  the  de- 
partment of  American  colonial  history,  these  results 
have  been  invaluable ;  for,  besides  several  private 
collections  made  by  him,  he  rendered  important 
service  in  the  collection  of  the  French  portion  of 
the  Brodhead  documents,  selected  and  arrano;ed 
the  two  great  series  of  colonial  papers  ordered  by 
the  Canadian  government,  and  prepared  with  vast 
labor  analytical  indexes  of  these  and  of  supple- 
mentary documents  in  the  French  archives,  as  well 
as  a  copious  index  of  the  mass  of  papers  relating 
to  Louisiana.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  valuable 
publications  on  the  maritime  history  of  France 
which  have  appeared  from  his  pen  are  an  earnest 
of  more  extended  contributions  in  future. 

The  late  President  Sparks,  some  time  after  the 
publication  of  his  Life  of  La  Salle,  caused  a  col- 
lection to  be  made  of  documents  relating  to  that 
explorer,  with  the  intention  of  incorporating  them 
in  a  future  edition.  This  intention  was  never  carried 
into  effect,  and  the  documents  were  never  used. 
With   the   liberality   which   always   distinguished 


•  •« 


PREFACE  OF  THE  FIRST  EDITION.  XUI 

him,  he  placed  them  at  my  disposal,  and  this  privi- 
lege has  been  kindly  continued  by  Mrs.  Sparks. 

Abb^  Faillon,  the  learned  author  of  "  La  Colonic 
Fran9aise  en  Canada,"  has  sent  me  copies  of  vari- 
ous documents  found  by  him,  including  family 
papers  of  La  Salle.  Among  others  who  in  various 
ways  have  aided  my  inquiries  are  Dr.  John  Paul, 
of  Ottawa,  111.;  Count  Adolphe  de  Circourt,  and 
M.  Jules  Marcou,  of  Paris;  M.  A.  Gerin  Lajoie, 
Assistant  Librarian  of  the  Canadian  Parliament; 
M.  J.  M.  Le  Moine,  of  Quebec;  General  Dix, 
Minister  of  the  United  States  at  the  Court  of 
France ;  0.  H.  Marshall,  of  Buffalo ;  J.  G.  Shea, 
of  New  York ;  Buckmgham  Smith,  of  St.  Augus- 
tine ;  and  Colonel  Thomas  Aspinwall,  of  Boston. 

The  smaller  map  contained  in  the  book  is  a  por- 
tion of  the  manuscript  map  of  Franquelin,  of  which 
an  account  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix. 

The  next  volume  of  the  series  will  be  devoted 
to  the  efforts  of  Monarchy  and  Feudalism  under 
Louis  XIV.  to  establish  a  permanent  power  on 
this  continent,  and  to  the  stormy  career  of  Louia 
de  Buade,  Count  of  Frontenac. 

Boston,  16  September,  1869. 


CONTENTS. 


Introduction •    .    .       xxiii 

CHAPTER  L 
1643-1669. 

CATELIER   DE   LA   SALLE. 

PAGH 

The  Youth  of  La  Salle.  —  His  Connection  with  the  Jesuits.  —  He 
goes  to  Canada.  —  His  Character.  —  His  Schemes.  —  His  Seign- 
iory at  La  Chine.  —  His  Expedition  in  Search  of  a  Western 
Passage  to  India 1 

CHAPTER  n. 
1669-1671. 

XA    8ALLB    AND   THE    SULPITIAN8. 

The  French  in  "Western  New  York. — Louis  Joliet. — The  Sulpi- 
tians  on  Lake  Erie.  —  At  Detroit.  —  At  Saut  Ste.  Marie.  —  The 
Mystery  of  La  Salle.  —  He  discovers  the  Ohio.  —  He  descends 
the  Illinois.  —  Did  he  reach  the  Mississippi  ? 12 

CHAPTER  IIL 
1670-1672. 

THE   JESUITS   ON   THE   LAKES. 

The  Old  Missions  and  the  New. — A  Change  of  Spirit.  —  Lake 
Superior  and  the  Copper-mines.  —  Ste.  Marie.  —  La  Pointe. — 
Michillimackinac. — Jesuits  on  Laice  Michigan.  —  Allouez  and 
Dablon.  —  The  Jesuit  Fur-trade 28 


XVI  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IV. 
1667-1672. 

FRANCB   TAKRS   POSSESSION   OF   THE    WEST. 

PAQB 

Talon. —  Saint-Lusson.  —  Penot.  —  Tlie  Ceremony  at  Saut  Ste. 
Marie.  —  The  Speech  of  AUouez.  —  Count  Frontenac   ....      89 

CHAPTER  V. 
1672-1675. 

THE   DISCOVERY   OF  THE   MISSISSIPPI. 

Joliet  sent  to  find  the  Mississippi.  —  Jacques  Marquette.  —  Depart- 
ure. —  Green  Bay.  —  The  Wisconsin.  —  The  Mississippi.  —  In- 
dians. —  Mauitous.  —  The  Arkansas.  —  The  Illinois.  —  Joliet's 
Misfortune.  —  Marquette  at  Chicago.  —  His  Illness.  —  His 
Death 48 

CHAPTER  VI. 
1673-1678. 

LA   SALLE   AND   FRONTENAC. 

Objects  of  La  Salle. — Frontenac  favors  him.  —  Projects  of  Fron- 
tenac. —  Cataraqui.  —  Frontenac  on  Lake  Ontario.  —  Fort 
Frontenac.  —  La  Salle  and  Fe'nelon.  —  Success  of  La  Salle.  — 
His  Enemies 73 

CHAPTER   Vn. 

167a 

PARTY   STRIFE. 

La  Salle  and  his  Reporter.  —  Jesuit  Ascendency.  —  The  Missions 
and  the  Fur-trade.  —  Female  Inquisitors.  —  Plots  against  La 
Salle.  —  His  Brother  the  Priest.  —  Intrigues  of  the  Jesuits. 
La  Salle  poisoned.  —  He  exculpates  the  Jesuits.  —  Renewed 
Intrigues  . 95 


CONTENTS.  XVU 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
1677,  1678. 

THE   GRAND   ENTERPRISE. 

PAOB 

La  Salle  at  Fort  Frontenac.  —  La  Salle  at  Court.  —  His  Memorial. 

—  Approval  of   the  Iving.  —  Money   and   Means.  —  Henri   de 
Tonty.  —  Return  to  Canada    .  ....    108 

CHAPTER  IX. 

1678-1679. 

LA   SALLE   AT   NIAGARA. 

Father  Louis  Hennepin.  —  His  Past  Life;  his  Character. — Em- 
barkation. —  Niagara  Falls.  —  Indian  Jealousy.  —  La  Motte  and 
the  Senecas.  •— A  Disaster.  —  La  Salle  and  liis  Followers  .     .    .    118 

CHAPTER  X. 
1679. 

THE    LAUNCH    OF   THE    "  GRIFFIN." 

The  Niagara  Portage.  —  A  Vessel  on  the  Stocks.  —  Suffering 
and  Discontent.  —  La  Salle's  Winter  Journey.  —  The  Vessel 
launched.  —  Fresh  Disasters ....    131 

CHAPTER  XI. 

1679. 

LA   SALLE   ON   THE   UPPER   LAKES. 

The  Voyage  of  the  "Griffin."  —  Detroit.  —  A  Storm.  —  St.  Ignace 
of  Michillimackinac.  —  Rivals  and  Enemies.  —  Lake  Michigan 

—  Hardships.  —  A  Threatened  Fight.  —  Fort  Miami.  —  Tonty 'e 
Misfortunes.  —  Forebodings    .    .  .     138 

CHAPTER  XIL 
1679,  1680. 

LA    SALLE  ON   THE    ILLINOIS. 

The  St.  Joseph.  —  Adventure  of  La  Salle.  —  The  Prairies. — 
Famine.  —  The  Great  Town  of  the  Illinois.  —  Indians.  —  In- 
trigues. —  Difficulties.  —  Policy  of    La   Salle.  —  Desertion.— 

Another  Attempt  to  poison  him  ...         151 

b 


XVm  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XITL 

1680. 

FORT   CR^VECCEUR. 

PAGE 

Building  of  the  Fort.  —  Loss  of  the  "  Griflan."  —  A  Bold  Resolu- 
tion. —  Another  Vessel.  —  Hennepin  sent  to  the  Mississippi.  — 
Departure  of  La  Salle  .  167 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
1680. 

HARDIHOOD   OF   LA   SALLE. 

The  Winter  Journey.  —  The  Deserted  Town.  —  Starved  Rock. — 
Lake  Michigan.  —  The  Wilderness.  —  War  Parties.  —  La  Salle 'a 
Men  give  out.  —  111  Tidings.  —  Mutiny.  —  Chastisement  of  the 
Mutineers 175 

CHAPTER  XV. 

1680. 

INDIAN   CONQUERORS. 

The  Enterprise  renewed.  —  Attempt  to  rescue  Tonty.  —  BufEalo. 
—  A  Frightful  Discovery.  —  Iroquois  Fury.  —  The  Ruined 
Town.  —  A  Night  of  Horror.  —  Traces  of  the  Invaders.  — 
No  News  of  Tonty 188 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

1680. 

TONTY   AND   THE   IrOQUOIS. 

Tlie  Deserters.  —  The  Iroquois  War.  —  The  Great  Town  of  the 
Illinois.  —  Tlie  Alarm.  —  Onset  of  the  Iroquois.  —  Peril  of 
Tonty.  —  A  Treacherous  Truce.  —  Intrepidity  of  Tonty.  — 
Murder  of  Ribourde.  —  War  upon  the  Dead 201 

CHAPTER  XVn. 

1680. 

THE   ADVENTURES   OF   HENNEPIN. 

Hennepin  an  Impostor.  —  His  Pretended  Discovery.  —  His  Actual 
Diacovcry  —  Captured  by  the  Sioux.  —  The  Upper  Mississippi    226 


CONTENTS.  XIX 

CHAPTER  XVni. 

1680, 1681. 

HENNEPIN   AMONG   THE   SIOUX. 

PAOB 

Signs  of  Danger.  —  Adoption.  —  Hennepin  and  his  Indian  Rela- 
tivea.  —  The  Hunting  Party.  —  The  Sioux  Camp.  —  Falls  of 
St.  Anthony.  —  A  Vagabond  Friar.  —  His  Adventures  on  the 
Mississippi.  —  Greysolon  Du  Lhut.  —  Return  to  Civilization  .    .    241 


CHAPTER  XIX. 
1681. 

LA   SALLE   BEGINS   ANEW. 

His  Constancy.  —  His  Plans.  —  His  Savage  Allies.  —  He  becomes 
Snow-blind.  —  Negotiations.  —  Grand  Council.  —  La  Salle's  Ora- 
tory. —  Meeting  with  Tonty.  —  Preparation.  —  Departure  .    263 


CHAPTER  XX. 

1681-1682. 

SUCCESS   OF  LA  SALLB. 

His  Followers.  —  The  Chicago  Portage.  —  Descent  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. —  The  Lost  Hunter.  —  The  Arkansas.  —  The  Taensas.  — 
The  Natchez.  —  Hostility.  —  The  Mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  — 
Louis  XIV.  proclaimed  Sovereign  of  the  Great  West    ....    275 


CHAPTER  XXL 
1682,  1683. 

ST.   LOUIS  OP    THE   ILLINOIS. 

Louisiana.  —  Illness  of  La  Salle.  —  His  Colony  on  the  Illinois. 
—  Fort  St.  Louis.  —  Recall  of  Frontenac.  —  Le  Febvre  de  la 
Barre.  —  Critical  Position  of  La  Salle.  —  Hostility  of  the  New 
Governor.  —  Triumph  of  the  Adverse  Faction.  —  La  Salle  sails 
for  France     .....        289 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  Spaniards  discovered  the  Mississippi.  De  Soto 
was  buried  beneath  its  waters ;  and  it  was  down  its  muddj 
current  that  his  followers  fled  from  the  Eldorado  of 
their  dreams,  transformed  to  a  wilderness  of  misery  and 
death.  The  discovery  was  never  used,  and  was  well- 
nigh  forgotten.  On  early  Spanish  maps,  the  Mississippi 
is  often  indistinguishable  from  other  affluents  of  the 
Gulf.  A  century  passed  after  De  Soto's  journeyings  in 
the  South,  before  a  French  explorer  reached  a  northern 
tributary  of  the  great  river. 

This  was  Jean  Nicollet,  interpreter  at  Three  Rivers  on 
the  St.  Lawrence.  He  had  been  some  twenty  years  in 
Canada,  had  lived  among  the  savage  Algonquins  of 
Allumette  Island,  and  spent  eight  or  nine  years  among 
the  Nipissings,  on  the  lake  which  bears  their  name.  Here 
he  became  an  Indian  in  all  his  habits,  but  remained, 
nevertheless,  a  zealous  Catholic,  and  returned  to  civ- 
ilization at  last,  because  he  could  not  live  without  the 
sacraments.  Strange  stories  were  current  among  the 
Nipissings,  of  a  people  without  hair  or  beard,  who  came 
from  the  West,  to  trade  with  a  tribe  beyond  the  Great 
Lakes.  Who  could  doubt  that  these  strangers  were 
Chinese  or  Japanese  ?  Such  tales  may  well  have  excited 
Nicollet's  curiosity ;  and  when,  in  1635,  or  possibly  iu 


xxiv  INTRODUCTION. 

1638,  he  was  sent  as  an  ambassador  to  the  tribe  in  ques- 
tion, he  would  not  have  been  surprised  if  on  arriving 
he  had  found  a  party  of  mandarins  among  them.  Per- 
haps it  was  with  a  view  to  such  a  contingency  that  he 
provided  himself,  as  a  dress  of  ceremony,  with  a  role 
of  Chinese  damask  embroidered  with  birds  and  flowers. 
The  tribe  to  which  he  was  sent  was  that  of  the  Winne- 
bagoes,  living  near  the  head  of  the  Green  Bay  of  Lake 
Michigan.  They  had  come  to  blows  with  the  Hurons, 
allies  of  the  French  ;  and  Nicollet  was  charged  to  nego- 
tiate a  peace.  When  he  approached  the  Winnebago 
town,  he  sent  one  of  his  Indian  attendants  to  announce 
his  coming,  put  on  his  robe  of  damask,  and  advanced  to 
meet  the  expectant  crowd  with  a  pistol  in  each  hand. 
The  squaws  and  children  fled,  screaming  that  it  was  a 
manito,  or  spirit,  armed  with  thunder  and  lightning  ;  but 
the  chiefs  and  warriors  regaled  him  with  so  bountifid 
a  hospitality  that  a  hundred  and  tv/enty  beavers  were 
devoured  at  a  single  feast.  From  the  Winnebagoes,  he 
passed  westward,  ascended  Fox  River,  crossed  to  the 
Wisconsin,  and  descended  it  so  far  that,  as  he  reported 
on  his  return,  in  three  days  more  he  would  have  reached 
the  sea.  The  truth  seems  to  be,  that  he  mistook  the 
meaning  of  his  Indian  guides,  and  that  the  "great 
water  "  to  which  he  was  so  near  was  not  the  sea,  but 
the  Mississippi. 

It  has  been  affirmed  that  one  Colonel  Wood,  of  Vir- 
ginia, reached  a  branch  of  the  Mississippi  as  early  as  the 
year  1654,  and  that  about  1670  a  certain  Captain  Bolton 
penetrated  to  the  river  itself.  Neither  statement  is  sus- 
tained by  sufficient  evidence.  It  is  further  affirmed 
that,  in  1678,  a  party  from  New  England  crossed  the 
Mississippi,  reached  New  Mexico,  and,  returning,  re- 
ported their  discoveries  to  the  authorities  of  Boston :  a 


INTRODUCTION.  XXV 

story  without  proof  or  probability.  Meanwhile,  French 
Jesuits  and  fur-traders  pushed  deeper  and  deeper  into 
the  wilderness  of  the  northern  lakes.  In  1641,  Jogues 
and  Raymbault  preached  the  Faith  to  a  concourse  of 
Indians  at  the  outlet  of  Lake  Superior.  Then  came  the 
havoc  and  desolation  of  the  Iroquois  war,  and  for  years 
farther  exploration  was  arrested.  In  1658-59  Pierre 
Esprit  Radisson,  a  Frenchman  of  St.  Malo,  and  his 
brother-in-law,  Medard  Chouart  des  Groseilliers,  pene- 
trated the  regions  beyond  Lake  Superior,  and  roamed 
westward  till,  as  Radisson  declares,  they  reached  what 
was  called  the  Forked  River,  "  because  it  has  two 
branches,  the  one  towards  the  west,  the  other  towards 
the  south,  which,  we  believe,  runs  towards  Mexico,"  — 
which  seems  to  point  to  the  Mississippi  and  its  great 
confluent,  the  Missouri.  Two  years  later,  the  aged 
Jesuit  Menard  attempted  to  plant  a  mission  on  the 
southern  shore  of  Lake  Superior,  but  perished  in  the 
forest  by  famine  or  the  tomahawk.  Allouez  succeeded 
him,  explored  a  part  of  Lake  Superior,  and  heard,  in 
his  turn,  of  the  Sioux  and  their  great  river,  the  "  Mes- 
sipi."  More  and  more,  the  thoughts  of  the  Jesuits  — 
and  not  of  the  Jesuits  alone  —  dwelt  on  this  mysterious 
stream.  Through  what  regions  did  it  flow  ;  and  whither 
would  it  lead  them,  —  to  the  South  Sea  or  the  "  Sea  of 
Virginia,"  to  Mexico,  Japan,  or  China?  The  problem 
was  soon  to  be  solved,  and  the  mystery  revealed. 


LA    SALLE 


AKU   THK 


DISCOVERY     OF    THE     GREAT     WEST 


LA   SALLE 


AJfD   THB 


DISCOVERY   OF   THE   GREAT   WEST. 


CHAPTER   I. 

1643-1669. 

CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE. 

The  Youth  of  La  Salle.  —  His  Connection  with  the  Jesuits. — 
He  goes  to  Canada.  —  His  Character. — His  Schemes.  —  His 
Seigniory  at  La  Chine.  —  His  Expedition  in  Search  of  a 
Western  Passage  to  India. 

Among  the  burghers  of  Rouen  was  the  old  and 
rich  family  of  the  Caveliers.  Though  citizens  and 
not  nobles,  some  of  their  connections  held  high 
diplomatic  posts  and  honorable  employments  at 
Court.  They  were  destined  to  find  a  better  claim 
to  distinction.  In  1643  was  born  at  Rouen  Robert 
Cavelier,  better  known  by  the  designation  of  La 
Salle. ^     His  father  Jean  and  his  uncle  Henri  were 

1  The  following  is  the  acte  de  naisaance,  discovered  by  Margry  in  the 
reghtres  de  V&.at  civil,  Paroisse  St.  Herbland,  Rouen  :  "  Le  vingt-deuxieme 
jour  de  novembre,  16i3,  a  ete  baptise  Robert  Cavelier,  fils  de  honorable 
homme  Jean  Cavelier  et  de  Catherine  Geest ;  ses  parrain  et  marraine 
honorables  personnes  Nicolas  Geest  et  Marguerite  Morice." 

La  Salle's  name  in  full  was  Re'ne'-Robcrt  Cavelier,  Sieur  de  la  Salle. 
La  Salle  was  the  name  of  an  estate  near  Rouen,  belonging  to  the  Cave- 
liers. The  wealthy  French  burghers  often  distinguished  the  various  mem- 
bers of  their  families  by  designations  borrowed  from  landed  estates. 
Thus,  Fran^-ois  Marie  Arouet,  son  of  an  ex-notary,  received  the  name  of 
Voltaire,  which  he  made  famous. 

1 


2  CAVELIER  DE    LA   SALLE  [1666 

wealthy  merchants,  living  more  like  nohles  than 
like  burghers ;  and  the  boy  received  an  education 
answering;  to  the  marked  traits  of  intellect  and 
character  which  he  soon  began  to  display.  He 
showed  an  inclination  for  the  exact  sciences,  and 
especially  for  the  mathematics,  in  which  he  made 
great  proficiency.  At  an  early  age,  it  is  said,  he 
became  connected  with  the  Jesuits ;  and,  though 
doubt  has  been  expressed  of  the  statement,  it  is 
probably  true.^ 

La  Salle  was  always  an  earnest  Catholic ;  and 
yet,  judging  by  the  qualities  which  his  after  life 
evinced,  he  was  not  very  liable  to  religious  en- 
thusiasm. It  is  nevertheless  clear  that  the  Society 
of  Jesus  may  have  had  a  povferful  attraction  for 
his  youthful  imagination.  This  great  organization, 
so  complicated  yet  so  harmonious,  a  mighty  ma- 
chine moved  from  the  centre  by  a  single  hand, 
was  an  image  of  regulated  power,  full  of  fascina- 
tion for  a  mind  like  his.  But,  if  it  was  likely  that 
he  would  be  drawn  into  it,  it  was  no  less  likely 
that  he  would  soon  wish  to  escape.  To  find  him- 
self not  at  the  centre  of  power,  but  at  the  circum- 

1  Margry,  after  investigations  at  Rouen,  is  satisfied  of  its  truth. 
Journal  General  de  V Instruction  Puhlique,  xxxi.  57  L  Family  papers  of  the 
Caveliers,  examined  by  the  Abbe  Faillon,  and  copies  of  some  of  which 
he  lias  sent  to  me,  lead  to  the  same  conclusion.  We  shall  find  several 
allusions  hereafter  to  La  Salle's  having  in  his  youth  taught  in  a  school, 
which,  in  his  position,  could  only  have  been  in  connection  with  some  relig- 
ious community.  The  doubts  alluded  to  have  proceeded  from  the  fail- 
ure of  Father  Felix  Martin,  S.J.,  to  find  the  name  of  La  Salle  on  the  list 
of  novices.  If  he  had  looked  for  the  name  of  Robert  Cavelier,  he  would 
probably  have  found  it.  The  companion  of  La  Salle,  Hennepin,  is  very 
explicit  with  regard  to  this  connection  with  the  Jesuits,  a  point  on  wliich 
lie  had  no  motive  for  falsehood. 


1666.]  LA   S^VLLE  AND   THE  JESUITS  3 

ference;  not  the  mover,  but  the  moved;  the 
passive  instrument  of  another's  will,  taught  to 
walk  in  prescribed  paths,  to  renounce  his  indi- 
viduality and  become  a  component  atom  of  a  vast 
whole,  —  would  have  been  intolerable  to  him. 
Nature  had  shaped  him  for  other  uses  than  to 
teach  a  class  of  boys  on  the  benches  of  a  Jesuit 
school.  Nor,  on  his  part,  was  he  likely  to  please 
his  directors ;  for,  self-controlled  and  self-contained 
as  he  was,  he  was  far  too  intractable  a  subject  to 
serve  their  turn.  A  youth  whose  calm  exterior 
hid  an  inexhaustible  fund  of  pride  5  whose  inflexi- 
ble purposes,  nursed  in  secret,  the  confessional  and 
the  "  manifestation  of  conscience "  could  hardly 
drag  to  the  light ;  whose  strong  personality  would 
not  yield  to  the  shaping  hand ;  and  who,  by  a 
necessity  of  his  nature,  could  obey  no  initiative 
but  his  own,  —  was  not  after  the  model  that 
Loyola  had  commended  to  his  followers. 

La  Salle  left  the  Jesuits,  parting  with  them,  it 
is  said,  on  good  terms,  and  with  a  reputation  of 
excellent  acquirements  and  unimpeachable  morals. 
This  last  is  very  credible.  The  cravings  of  a  deep 
ambition,  the  hunger  of  an  insatiable  intellect,  the 
intense  longing  for  action  and  achievement,  sub- 
dued in  him  all  other  passions ;  and  in  his  faults 
the  love  of  pleasure  had  no  part.  He  had  an  elder 
brother  in  Canada,  the  Abbe  Jean  Cavelier,  a 
priest  of  St.  Sulpice.  Apparently,  it  was  this  that 
shaped  his  destinies.  His  connection  with  the 
Jesuits  had  deprived  him,  under  the  French  law, 
of  the  inheritance  of  his  father,  who  had  died  not 


4  CAVELIER  DE    LA   SALLE.  [1G66. 

lono*  before.  An  allowance  was  made  to  him  of 
three  or,  as  is  elsewhere  stated,  four  hundred  livres 
a  year,  the  capital  of  which  was  paid  over  to  him  ; 
and  with  this  pittance  he  sailed  for  Canada,  to  seek 
his  fortune,  in  the  spring  of  1666.^ 

Next,  we  find  him  at  Montreal.  In  another 
volume,  we  have  seen  how  an  association  of  en- 
thusiastic devotees  had  made  a  settlement  at  this 
place.^  Having  in  some  measure  accomplished  its 
work,  it  was  now  dissolved ;  and  the  corporation 
of  priests,  styled  the  Seminary  of  St.  Sulpice, 
which  had  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  enter- 
prise, and,  indeed,  had  been  created  with  a  view  to 
it,  was  now  the  proprietor  and  the  feudal  lord  of 
Montreal.  It  was  destined  to  retain  its  seig;niorial 
rights  until  the  abolition  of  the  feudal  tenures 
of  Canada  in  our  own  day,  and  it  still  holds  vast 
possessions  in  the  city  and  island.  These  worthy 
ecclesiastics,  models  of  a  discreet  and  sober  con- 
servatism, were  holding  a  post  with  which  a  band 
of  veteran  soldiers  or  warlike  frontiersmen  would 
have  been  better  matched.  Montreal  was  perhaps 
the  most  dangerous  place  in  Canada.  In  time  of 
war,  which  might  have  been  called  the  normal 
condition  of  the  colony,  it  was  exposed  by  its 
position  to  incessant  inroads  of  the  Iroquois,  or 

*  It  does  not  appear  what  vows  La  Salle  had  taken.  By  a  recent 
ordinance,  1666,  persons  entering  religious  orders  could  not  take  the  final 
vows  before  the  age  of  twenty-five.  By  the  family  papers  above  men- 
tioned, it  appears,  however,  that  he  had  brought  himself  under  the  opera- 
tion of  the  law,  which  debarred  those  who,  having  entered  religious  orders, 
afterwards  withdrew,  from  claiming  the  inheritance  of  relatives  who  had 
died  after  their  entrance. 

*  The  Jesuits  in  North  America,  c.  xv. 


1666.]  LA  SALLE  AT  MONTREAL.  5 

Five  Nations,  of  New  York ;  and  no  man  could 
venture  into  the  forests  or  the  j&elds  without  bear- 
ing his  life  in  his  hand.  The  savage  confederates 
had  just  received  a  sharp  chastisement  at  the 
hands  of  Courcelle,  the  governor;  and  the  result 
was  a  treaty  of  peace,  which  might  at  any  moment 
be  broken,  but  which  was  an  inexpressible  reliei 
while  it  lasted. 

The  priests  of  St.  Sulpice  were  granting  out 
their  lands,  on  very  easy  terms,  to  settlers.  They 
wished  to  extend  a  thin  line  of  settlements  along 
the  front  of  their  island,  to  form  a  sort  of  outpost, 
from  which  an  alarm  could  be  given  on  any  de- 
scent of  the  Iroquois.  La  Salle  was  the  man  for 
such  a  purpose.  Had  the  priests  understood  him, 
—  which  they  evidently  did  not,  for  some  of  them 
suspected  him  of  levity,  the  last  foible  with  which 
he  could  be  charged,  —  had  they  understood  him, 
they  would  have  seen  in  him  sl'  young  man  in 
whom  the  fire  of  youth  glowed  not  the  less 
ardently  for  the  veil  of  reserve  that  covered  it; 
who  would  shrink  from  no  danger,  but  would  not 
court  it  in  bravado ;  and  who  would  cling  with  an 
invincible  tenacity  of  gripe  to  any  purpose  which 
he  might  espouse.  There  is  good  reason  to  think 
that  he  had  come  to  Canada  with  purposes  already 
conceived,  and  that  he  was  ready  to  avail  himself 
of  any  stepping-stone  which  might  help  to  realize 
them.  Queylus,  Superior  of  the  Seminary,  made 
him  a  generous  offer;  and  he  accepted  it.  This 
was  the  gratuitous  grant  of  a  large  tract  of  land 
at  the  place  now  called  La  Chine,  above  the  great 


6  CAVELIER  DE    LA  SALLE.  [166a 

rapids  of  the  same  name,  and  eight  or  nine  miles 
from  Montreal.  On  one  hand,  the  place  was 
greatly  exposed  to  attack ;  and,  on  the  other,  it  was 
favorably  situated  for  the  fur-trade.  La  Salle  and 
his  successors  became  its  feudal  proprietors,  on  the 
sole  condition  of  delivering  to  the  Seminary,  on 
every  change  of  ownership,  a  medal  of  fine  silver, 
weighing  one  mark.^  He  entered  on  the  improve- 
ment of  his  new  domain  with  what  means  he  could 
command,  and  began  to  grant  out  his  land  to  such 
settlers  as  would  join  him. 

Approaching  the  shore  where  the  city  of  Mon- 
treal now  stands,  one  would  have  seen  a  row  of 
small  compact  dwellings,  extending  along  a  narrow 
street,  parallel  to  the  river,  and  then,  as  now, 
called  St.  Paul  Street.  On  a  hill  at  the  right 
stood  the  windmill  of  the  seigniors,  built  of  stone, 
and  pierced  with  loopholes  to  serve,  in  time  of 
need,  as  a  place  of  defence.  On  the  left,  in  an 
angle  formed  by  the  junction  of  a  rivulet  wdth  the 
St.  Lawrence,  was  a  square  bastioned  fort  of  stone. 
Here  lived  the  military  governor,  appointed  by  the 
Seminary,  and  commanding  a  few  soldiers  of  the 
regiment  of  Carignan.  In  front,  on  the  line  of 
the  street,  were  the  enclosure  and  buildings  of  the 
Seminary,  and,  nearly  adjoining  them,  those  of 
the  HOtel-Dieu,  or  Hospital,  both  provided  for 
defence  in  case  of  an  Lidian  attack.  In  the  hos- 
pital enclosure  was  a  small  church,  opening  on  the 

1  Transport  de  la  Seigneurie  de  St.  Sulpice,  cited  by  Faillon.  La  Salle 
called  his  new  domain  as  above.  Two  or  three  yeare  ater,  it  received  the 
Qarae  of  La  Chine,  for  a  reason  which  will  appear. 


1667.1  I^  CHINE.  7 

street,  and,  in  the  absence  of  any  other,  serving 
for  the  whole  settlement.^ 

Landing,  passing  the  fort,  and  walking  southward 
along  the  shore,  one  would  soon  have  left  the  rough 
clearings,  and  entered  the  primeval  forest.  Here, 
mile  after  mile,  he  would  have  journeyed  on  in  soli- 
tude, when  the  hoarse  roar  of  the  rapids,  foaming 
in  fury  on  his  left,  would  have  reached  his  Hstening 
ear;  and  at  length,  after  a  walk  of  soDie  three  hours, 
he  would  have  found  the  rude  beginnings  of  a  set- 
tlement. It  was  where  the  St.  Lawrence  widens 
into  the  broad  expanse  called  the  Lake  of  St.  Louis. 
Here,  La  Salle  had  traced  out  the  circuit  of  a  pali- 
saded village,  and  assigned  to  each  settler  half  an 
arpent,  or  about  the  third  of  an  acre,  within  the  en- 
closure, for  which  he  was  to  render  to  the  young 
seignior  a  yearly  acknowledgment  of  three  capons, 
besides  six  deniers  —  that  is,  half  a  sou — in  money. 
To  each  was  assigned,  moreover,  sixty  arpents  of 
land  beyond  the  limits  of  the  village,  with  the  per- 
petual rent  of  half  a  sou  for  each  arpent.  He  also 
set  apart  a  common,  two  hundred  arpents  in  extent, 
for  the  use  of  the  settlers,  on  condition  of  the  pay- 
ment by  each  of  ^ve  sous  a  year.  He  reserved  four 
hundred  and  twenty  arpents  for  his  own  personal 
domain,  and  on  this  he  began  to  clear  the  ground 
and  erect  buildings.  Similar  to  this  were  the  be- 
ginnings of  all  the  Canadian  seigniories  formed  at 
this  troubled  period.^ 

1  A  detailed  plan  of  Montreal  at  this  time  is  preserved  in  the  Archives 
de  I'Empire,  and  has  been  reproduced  by  Faillon.  There  is  another,  a 
few  years  later,  and  still  more  minute,  of  which  a  fac-simile  will  be  foimd 
in  the  Library  of  the  Canadian  Parliament. 

2  The  above  particulars  have  been  unearthed  by  the  indefatigable 


8  CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE.  [1668 

That  La  Salle  came  to  Canada  with  objects  dis- 
tinctly in  view,  is  probable  from  the  fact  that  he  at 
once  began  to  study  the  Indian  languages,  and  with 
such  success  that  he  is  said,  within  two  or  three 
years,  to  have  mastered  the  Iroquois  and  seven  or 
eight  other  languages  and  dialects.^  From  the  shore 
of  his  seigniory,  he  could  gaze  westward  over  the 
broad  breast  of  the  Lake  of  St.  Louis,  bounded  by 
the  dim  forests  of  Chateauguay  and  Beauharnois ; 
but  his  thoughts  flew  far  beyond,  across  the  wild 
and  lonely  world  that  stretched  towards  the  sunset. 
Like  Champlain,  and  all  the  early  explorers,  he 
dreamed  of  a  passage  to  the  South  Sea,  and  a  new 
road  for  commerce  to  the  riches  of  China  and  Ja- 
pan. Indians  often  came  to  his  secluded  settlement; 
and,  on  one  occasion,  he  was  visited  by  a  band  of 
the  Seneca  Iroquois,  not  long  before  the  scourge 
of  the  colony,  but  now,  in  virtue  of  the  treaty,  wear- 
ing the  semblance  of  friendship.  The  visitors 
spent  the  winter  with  him,  and  told  him  of  a  river 
called  the  Ohio,  rising  in  their  country,  and  flowing 
into  the  sea,  but  at  such  a  distance  that  its  mouth 
could  only  be  reached  after  a  journey  of  eight  or 
nine  months.  Evidently,  the  Ohio  and  the  Missis- 
sippi are  here  merged  into  one.^     In  accordance 

Abbe  Faillon.    Some  of  La  Salle's  grants  are  still  preserved  in  the  ancient 
records  of  Montreal. 

1  Papiers  de  Famille.  He  is  said  to  have  made  several  journeys 
into  the  forests,  towards  the  North,  in  the  years  1667  and  1668,  and 
to  have  satisfied  himself  that  little  could  be  hoped  from  explorations  in 
that  direction. 

2  According  to  Dollier  de  Casson,  who  had  good  opportunities  of  know 
iug,  the  L-oquois  always  called  the  Mississippi  the  Ohio,  while  the  Algon- 
quins  gave  it  its  prt'sent  name. 


J669.J  SCHEIVIES    OF  DISCOVERY  9 

with  geograpliical  views  then  prevalent,  he  conceived 
that  this  great  river  must  needs  flow  into  the  "  Ver- 
milion Sea;"  that  is,  the  Gulf  of  California.  If 
so,  it  would  give  him  what  he  sought,  a  western 
passage  to  China ;  while,  in  any  case,  the  popu- 
lous Indian  tribes  said  to  inhabit  its  banks  might 
be  made  a  source  of  great  commercial  profit. 

La  Salle's  imagination  took  fire.  His  resolution 
was  soon  formed ;  and  he  descended  the  St.  Law- 
rence to  Quebec,  to  gain  the  countenance  of  the 
governor  for  his  intended  exploration.  Few  men 
were  more  skilled  than  he  in  the  art  of  clear 
and  plausible  statement.  Both  the  governor, 
Courcelle,  and  the  intendant.  Talon,  w^ere  readily 
won  over  to  his  plan ;  for  which,  however,  they 
seem  to  have  given  him  no  more  substantial  aid  than 
that  of  the  governor's  letters  patent  authorizing  the 
enterprise.^  The  cost  was  to  be  his  own ;  and  he 
had  no  money,  having  spent  it  all  on  his  seigniory. 
He  therefore  proposed  that  the  Seminary,  which 
had  given  it  to  him,  should  buy  it  back  again,  with 
such  improvements  as  he  had  made.  Queylus,  the 
Superior,  being  favorably  disposed  towards  him,  con- 
sented, and  bought  of  him  the  greater  part ;  while 
La  Salle  sold  the  remainder,  includino;  the  clearing's, 
to  one  Jean  Milot,  an  ironmonger,  for  twenty-eight 
hundred  livres.^  With  this  he  bought  four  canoes, 
with  the  necessary  supplies,  and  hired  fourteen 
men. 

Meanwhile,  the  Seminary  itself  was  preparing  a 

1  Patoulet  a  Colbert,  11  Nov.,  1669. 

8  Cession  de  la  Seigneurie ;  Contrat  de  Vente  (Margry,  I,  103,  104) 


10  CAVELIER  DE    LA   SALLE.  [1669, 

similar  enterprise.  The  Jesuits  at  this  time  not 
only  held  an  ascendency  over  the  other  ecclesiastics 
in  Canada,  but  exercised  an  inordinate  influence  on 
the  civil  government.  The  Seminary  priests  of 
Montreal  were  jealous  of  these  powerful  rivals, 
and  eager  to  emulate  their  zeal  in  the  saving  of 
souls,  and  the  conquering  of  new  domains  for  the 
Faith.  Under  this  impulse,  they  had,  three  years 
before,  established  a  mission  at  Quinte,  on  the  north 
shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  in  charge  of  two  of  their 
number,  one  of  whom  was  the  Abbe  Fenelon,  elder 
brother  of  the  celebrated  Archbishop  of  Cambray. 
Another  of  them,  Dollier  de  Casson,  had  spent  the 
winter  in  a  hunting-camp  of  the  Nipissings,  where 
an  Indian  prisoner,  captured  in  the  North-west,  told 
him  of  populous  tribes  of  that  quarter,  living  in 
heathenish  darkness.  On  this,  the  Seminary  priests 
resolved  to  essay  their  conversion  ;  and  an  expedi- 
tion, to  be  directed  by  Dollier,  was  fitted  out  to 
this  end. 

He  was  not  ill  suited  to  the  purpose.  He  had 
been  a  soldier  in  his  youth,  and  had  fought  valiantly 
as  an  officer  of  cavalry  under  Turenne.  He  was  a 
man  of  great  courage ;  of  a  tall,  commanding  per- 
son; and  of  uncommon  bodily  strength,  which  he 
had  notably  proved  in  the  campaign  of  Courcelle 
against  the  Iroquois,  three  years  before.'  On  going 
to  Quebec  to  procure  the  necessary  outfit,  he  was 
urged  by  Courcelle  to  modify  his  plans  so  far  as  to 

^  He  was  the  author  of  the  very  curious  and  valuable  Ilistoire  de  Mon. 
tr(fal,  preserved  in  the  Bibliotheque  Mazarine,  of  wliich  a  copy  is  in  my 
possession.  The  Historical  Society  of  Montreal  has  recently  resolved  to 
print  it 


1669.]  DEPARTURE.  11 

act  in  concert  with  La  Salle  in  exploring  the  mys- 
tery of  the  great  unknown  river  of  the  West.  Dol- 
lier  and  his  brother  priests  consented.  One  of  them, 
Galinee,  was  joined  with  him  as  a  colleague,  be- 
cause he  w^as  skilled  in  surveying,  and  could  make 
a  map  of  their  route.  Three  canoes  were  procured, 
and  seven  hired  men  completed  the  party.  It  was 
determined  that  La  Salle's  expedition  and  that  of 
the  Seminary  should  be  combined  in  one ;  an  ar- 
rangement ill  suited  to  the  character  of  the  young 
explorer,  who  was  unfit  for  any  enterprise  of  which 
he  was  not  the  undisputed  chief. 

Midsummer  was  near,  and  there  was  no  time  to 
lose.  Yet  the  moment  was  most  unpropitious,  for 
a  Seneca  chief  had  lately  been  murdered  by  three 
scoundrel  soldiers  of  the  fort  ot  Montreal ;  and, 
while  they  were  undergoing  their  trial,  it  became 
known  that  three  other  Frenchmen  had  treacher- 
ously put  to  death  several  Iroquois  of  the  Oneida 
tribe,  in  order  to  get  possession  of  their  furs. 
The  whole  colony  trembled  in  expectation  of  a 
new  outbreak  of  the  war.  Happily,  the  event 
proved  otherwise.  The  authors  of  the  last  mur- 
der escaped ;  but  the  three  soldiers  were  shot  at 
Montreal,  in  presence  of  a  considerable  number 
of  the  Iroquois,  who  declared  themselves  satisfied 
with  the  atonement;  and  on  this  same  day,  the 
sixth  of  July,  the  adventurers  began  their  voyage. 


CHAPTER   n. 

1669-1671. 
LA   SALLE  AND   THE  SULPITIANS. 

The  French  in  Western  New  York.  —  Louis  Joliet. — The  Sul- 
PITIAN8  ON  Lake  Erie.  —  At  Detroit. —  At  Saut  Ste.  Marie. — 
The  Mystery  of  La  Salle.  —  He  discovers  the  Ohio.  —  He 
descends  the  Illinois.  —  Did  he  reach  the  Mississippi? 

La  Chine  was  the  starting-point,  and  the  com- 
bined parties,  in  all  twenty-four  men  with  seven 
canoes,  embarked  on  the  Lake  of  St.  Louis.  With 
them  were  two  other  canoes,  bearing  the  party  of 
Senecas  who  had  wintered  at  La  Salle's  settlement, 
and  who  were  now  to  act  as  guides.  Father  Gali- 
nee  recounts  the  journey.  He  was  no  woodsman : 
the  river,  the  forests,  the  rapids,  were  all  new  to 
him,  and  he  dilates  on  them  with  the  minuteness 
of  a  novice.  Above  all,  he  admired  the  Indian 
birch  canoes.  "  If  God,"  he  says,  "  grants  me  the 
grace  of  returning  to  France,  I  shall  try  to  carry 
one  with  me."  Then  he  describes  the  bivouac 
"  Your  lodging  is  as  extraordinary  as  your  vessels  ; 
for,  after  paddling  or  carrying  the  canoes  all  day, 
you  find  mother  earth  ready  to  receive  your  wea- 
ried body.  If  the  weather  is  fair,  you  make  a 
fire  and  lie  down  to  sleep  without  farther  troLil)le  ; 


1669. J  THE   SENECA  VILLAGES.  13 

but,  if  it  rains,  you  must  peel  bark  from  the  trees, 
and  make  a  shed  by  laying  it  on  a  frame  of  sticks. 
As  for  your  food,  it  is  enough  to  make  you  burn 
all  the  cookery  books  that  ever  were  written ;  for 
in  the  woods  of  Canada  one  finds  means  to  live 
well  without  bread,  wine,  salt,  pepper,  or  spice. 
The  ordinary  food  is  Indian  corn,  or  Turkey  wheat 
as  they  call  it  in  France,  which  is  crushed  between 
two  stones  and  boiled,  seasoning  it  with  meat  or 
fish,  when  you  can  get  them.  This  sort  of  life 
seemed  so  strange  to  us,  that  we  all  felt  the  effects 
of  it ;  and,  before  we  were  a  hundred  leagues  from 
Montreal,  not  one  of  us  was  free  from  some  mal- 
ady or  other.  At  last,  after  all  our  misery,  on  the 
second  of  August  we  discovered  Lake  Ontario,  like 
a  great  sea  with  no  land  beyond  it." 

Thirty-five  days  after  leaving  La  Chine,  they 
reached  Irondequoit  Bay^  on  the  south  side  of  the 
lake.  Here  they  were  met  by  a  number  of  Sen- 
eca Indians,  who  professed  friendship  and  invited 
them  to  their  villages,  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  dis- 
tant. As  this  was  on  their  way  to  the  upper  waters 
of  the  Ohio,  and  as  they  hoped  to  find  guides  at 
the  villages  to  conduct  them,  they  accepted  the 
invitation.  Dollier,  with  most  of  the  men,  re- 
mained to  guard  the  canoes;  while  La  Salle,  with 
Galinee  and  eight  other  Frenchmen,  accompanied 
by  a  troop  of  Indians,  set  out  on  the  morning  of 
the  twelfth,  and  reached  the  principal  village  before 
evening.  It  stood  on  a  hill,  in  the  midst  of  a  clear- 
ing nearly  two  leagues  in  compass.^     A  rude  stock- 

1  This  village  seems  to  have  been  that  attacked  by  Denonville  in  168? 
It  stood  on  Boughton  Hill,  near  the  present  town  of  Victor. 


14  LA    SALLE    AND    THE    SULPITIANS.  [1669 

ade  surrounded  it,  and  as  the  visitors  drew  near 
they  saw  a  band  of  old  men  seated  on  the  grass, 
waiting  to  receive  them.  One  of  these  veterans, 
so  feeble  with  age  that  he  could  hardly  stand, 
made  them  an  harangue,  in  which  he  declared 
that  the  Senecas  were  their  brothers,  and  invited 
them  to  enter  the  village.  They  did  so,  sur- 
rounded by  a  crowd  of  savages,  and  presently 
found  themselves  in  the  midst  of  a  disorderly 
cluster  of  large  but  filthy  abodes  of  bark,  about  a 
hundred  and  fifty  in  number,  the  most  capacious  of 
which  was  assigned  to  their  use.  Here  they  made 
their  quarters,  and  were  soon  overwhelmed  by 
Seneca  hospitality.  Children  brought  them  pump- 
kins and  berries  from  the  woods,  and  boy  messen- 
gers came  to  summon  them  to  endless  feasts,  where 
they  were  regaled  with  the  flesh  of  dogs  and  with 
boiled  maize  seasoned  with  oil  pressed  from  nuts 
and  the  seed  of  sunflowers. 

La  Salle  had  flattered  himself  that  he  knew 
enough  Iroquois  to  hold  communication  with  the 
Senecas ;  but  he  failed  completely  in  the  attempt. 
The  priests  had  a  Dutch  interpreter,  who  spoke 
Iroquois  fluently,  but  knew  so  little  French,  and  was 
withal  so  obstinate,  that  he  proved  useless ;  so  that 
it  was  necessary  to  employ  a  man  in  the  service  of 
the  Jesuit  Fremin,  whose  mission  was  at  this  vil- 
lage. What  the  party  needed  was  a  guide  to 
conduct  them  to  the  Ohio ;  and  soon  after  their 
arrival  a  party  of  warriors  appeared,  with  a  young 
prisoner  belonging  to  one  of  the  tribes  of  that 
region.     Galinee  wanted  to  beg  or  buy  him  from 


1669.]  DIFFICULTy    AND   DANGER.  15 

his  captors ;  but  the  Senecas  had  other  intentions. 
"I  saw/'  writes  the  priest,  "the  most  miserable 
spectacle  I  ever  beheld  in  my  life."  It  was  the 
prisoner  tied  to  a  stake  and  tortured  for  six  hours 
with  diabolical  ingenuity,  while  the  crowd  danced 
and  yelled  with  delight,  and  the  chiefs  and  elders 
sat  in  a  row  smoking  their  pipes  and  watching  the 
contortions  of  the  victim  with  an  air  of  serene 
enjoyment.  The  body  was  at  last  cut  up  and 
eaten,  and  in  the  evening  the  whole  population 
occupied  themselves  in  scaring  away  the  angry 
ghost  by  beating  with  sticks  against  the  bark  sides 
of  the  lodges. 

La  Salle  and  his  companions  began  to  fear  foi 
their  own  safety.  Some  of  their  hosts  wished  to 
kill  them  in  revenge  for  the  chief  murdered  near 
Montreal ;  and,  as  these  and  others  were  at  times  in 
a  frenzy  of  drunkenness,  the  position  of  the  French 
became  critical.  They  suspected  that  means  had 
been  used  to  prejudice  the  Senecas  against  them. 
Not  only  could  they  get  no  guides,  but  they  were 
told  that  if  they  went  to  the  Ohio  the  tribes  of 
those  parts  would  infallibly  kill  them.  Their 
Dutch  interpreter  became  disheartened  and  un- 
manageable, and,  after  staying  a  month  at  the 
village,  the  hope  of  getting  farther  on  their  way 
seemed  less  than  ever.  Their  plan,  it  was  clear, 
must  be  changed ;  and  an  Indian  from  Otina- 
watawa,  a  kind  of  Iroquois  colony  at  the  head  of 
Lake  Ontario,  offered  to  guide  them  to  his  village 
and  show  them  a  better  way  to  the  Ohio.  Tliey 
left  the  Senecas,  coasted  the  south  shore  of  the 


16  LA    SALLE    AND    THE    SULPITIANS.  [1669 

lake,  passed  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara,  where  they 
heard  the  distant  roar  of  the  cataract,  and  on  the 
twenty-fourth  of  September  reached  Otinawatawa, 
which  was  a  few  miles  north  of  the  present  town 
of  Hamilton.  The  inhabitants  proved  friendly, 
and  La  Salle  received  the  welcome  present  of  a 
Shawanoe  prisoner,  who  told  them  that  the  Ohio 
could  be  reached  in  six  weeks,  and  that  he  would 
guide  them  to  it.  Delighted  at  this  good  fortune, 
they  were  about  to  set  out ;  when  they  heard, 
to  their  astonishment,  of  the  arrival  of  two  other 
Frenchmen  at  a  neighboring  village.  One  of  the 
strangers  was  destined  to  hold  a  conspicuous  place 
in  the  history  of  western  discovery.  This  was 
Louis  Joliet,  a  young  man  of  about  the  age  of  La 
Salle.  Like  him,  he  had  studied  for  the  priest- 
hood ;  but  the  world  and  the  wilderness  had  con- 
quered his  early  inclinations,  and  changed  him  to 
an  active  and  adventurous  fur-trader.  Talon  had 
sent  him  to  discover  and  explore  the  copper-mines 
of  Lake  Superior.  He  had  failed  in  the  attempt, 
and  was  now  returning.  His  Indian  guide,  afraid 
of  passing  the  Niagara  portage  lest  he  should  meet 
enemies,  had  led  him  from  Lake  Erie,  by  way  of 
Grand  Kiver,  towards  the  head  of  Lake  Ontario ; 
and  thus  it  was  that  he  met  La  Salle  and  the 
Sulpitians. 

This  meeting  caused  a  change  of  plan.  Joliet 
showed  the  priests  a  map  which  he  had  made,  of 
such  parts  of  the  Upper  Lakes  as  he  had  visited, 
and  gave  them  a  copy  of  it ;  telling  them,  at  the 
same  time,  of  the  Pottawattamies,  and  other  tribes 


1669.1  SEPARATION.  17 

of  that  region  in  grievous  need  of  spiritual  succor. 
The  result  was  a  determination  on  their  part  to 
follow  the  route  which  he  suggested,  notwith- 
standing the  remonstrances  of  La  Salle,  who  in 
vain  reminded  them  that  the  Jesuits  had  pre- 
occupied the  field,  and  would  regard  them  as 
intruders.  They  resolved  that  the  Pottawatta- 
mies  should  no  longer  sit  in  darkness;  while,  as 
for  the  Mississippi,  it  could  be  reached,  as  they 
conceived,  with  less  risk  by  this  northern  route 
than  by  that  of  the  south. 

La  Salle  was  of  a  different  mind.  His  goal  was 
the  Ohio,  and  not  the  northern  lakes.  A  few 
days  before,  while  hunting,  he  had  been  attacked 
by  a  fever,  sarcastically  ascribed  by  Galinee  to  his 
having  seen  three  large  rattlesnakes  crawling  up 
a  rock.  He  now  told  his  two  colleagues  that  he 
was  in  no  condition  to  go  forward,  and  should  be 
forced  to  part  with  them.  The  staple  of  La  Salle's 
character,  as  his  life  will  attest,  was  an  invincible 
determination  of  purpose,  which  set  at  naught 
all  risks  and  all  sufferings.  He  had  cast  himself 
with  all  his  resources  into  this  enterprise,  and, 
while  his  faculties  remained,  he  was  not  a  man  to 
recoil  from  it.  On  the  other  hand,  the  mascu- 
iino  fibre  of  which  he  was  made  did  not  always 
withhold  him  from  the  practice  of  the  arts  of 
address,  and  the  use  of  what  Dollier  de  Casson 
styles  belles  paroles.  He  respected  the  priesthood, 
with  the  exception,  it  seems,  of  the  Jesuits ;  and 
he  was  under  obligations  to  the  Sulpitians  of 
Montreal.     Hence  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  be 

2 


18  LA    SALLE    AND    THE    SULPITIANS.  [1670 

used  his  illness  as  a  pretext  for  escaping  from  their 
company  without  ungraciousness,  and  following 
his  own  path  in  his  own  way. 

On  the  last  day  of  September,  the  priests  made 
an  altar,  supported  by  the  paddles  of  the  canoes 
laid  on  forked  sticks.  Dollier  said  mass ;  La  Salle 
and  his  followers  received  the  sacrament,  as  did 
also  those  of  his  late  colleagues;  and  thus  they 
parted,  the  Sulpitians  and  their  party  descending 
the  Grand  River  towards  Lake  Erie,  while  La 
Salle,  as  they  supposed,  began  his  return  to  Mon- 
treal. What  course  he  actually  took  we  shall 
soon  inquire ;  and  meanwhile,  for  a  few  moments, 
we  will  follow  the  priests.  When  they  reached 
Lake  Erie,  they  saw  it  tossing  like  an  angry  ocean. 
They  had  no  mind  to  tempt  the  dangerous  and 
unknown  navigation,  and  encamped  for  the  winter 
in  the  forest  near  the  peninsula  called  the  Long 
Point.  Here  they  gathered  a  good  store  of  chest- 
nuts, hickory-nuts,  plums,  and  grapes  ;  and  built 
themselves  a  log  cabin,  with  a  recess  at  the  end 
for  an  altar.  They  passed  the  winter  unmolested, 
shooting  game  in  abundance,  and  saying  mass 
three  times  a  week.  Early  in  spring,  they  planted 
a  large  cross,  attached  to  it  the  arms  of  France, 
and  took  formal  possession  of  the  country  in  the 
name  of  Louis  XIV.  This  done,  they  resumed 
their  voyage,  and,  after  many  troubles,  landed  one 
evening  in  a  state  of  exhaustion  on  or  near  Point 
Pelee,  towards  the  western  extremity  of  Lake  Erie. 
A  storm  rose  as  they  lay  asleep,  and  swept  off  a 
great  part  of  their  baggage,  which,  in  their  fatigue, 


1670. 1  SULPITIANS   AT   DETHOIT.  19 

they  had  left  at  the  e^ge  of  the  water.  Their 
altar-service  was  lost  with  the  rest,  a  misfortune 
which  they  ascribed  to  the  jealousy  and  malice  of 
the  Devil.  Debarred  henceforth  from  saying  Mass, 
they  resolved  to  return  to  Montreal  and  leave  the 
Pottawattamies  uninstructed.  They  presently  en- 
tered the  strait  by  which  Lake  Huron  joins  Lake 
Erie  ;  and,  landing  near  where  Detroit  now  stands, 
found  a  large  stone,  somewhat  suggestive  of  the 
human  figure,  which  the  Indians  had  bedaubed 
with  paint,  and  which  they  worshipped  as  a  manito. 
In  view  of  their  late  misfortune,  this  device  of 
the  arch-enemy  excited  their  utmost  resentment. 
"  After  the  loss  of  our  altar-service,"  writes 
Galinee,  ^^  and  the  hunger  we  had  suffered,  there 
was  not  a  man  of  us  who  was  not  filled  with  hatred 
against  this  false  deity.  I  devoted  one  of  my  axes 
to  breaking  him  in  j^ieces ;  and  then,  having 
fastened  our  canoes  side  by  side,  we  carried  the 
largest  piece  to  the  middle  of  the  river,  and  threw 
it,  vv^ith  all  the  rest,  into  the  water,  that  he  might 
never  be  heard  of  again.  God  rewarded  us  imme- 
diately for  this  good  action,  for  we  kiUed  a  deer 
and  a  bear  that  same  day." 

This  is  the  first  recorded  passage  of  white  men 
through  the  Strait  of-  Detroit ;  though  Joliet  had, 
no  doubt,  passed  this  way  on  his  return  from  the 
Upper  Lakes.^  The  two  missionaries  took  this 
course,  with  the  intention  of  proceeding  to  the 

^  The  Jesuits  and  fur-traders,  on  their  way  to  the  Upper  Lakes,  had 
followed  the  route  of  the  Ottawa,  or,  more  recently,  that  of  Toronto  and 
the  Georgian  Bay.  Iroquois  hostility  had  long  closed  the  Niagara  portage 
and  Lake  Erie  against  them. 


20  LA    SALLE    AXD    THE    SULPITIANS.  (1670 

Saut  Sainte  Marie,  and  there  joining  the  Ottawas, 
and  other  tribes  of  that  region,  in  their  yearly 
descent  to  Montreal.  They  issued  upon  Lake  Hu- 
ron ;  followed  its  eastern  shores  till  they  reached 
the  Georgian  Bay,  near  the  head  of  which  the 
Jesuits  had  established  their  great  mission  of  the 
Hurons,  destroyed,  twenty  years  before,  by  the 
Iroquois ;  ^  and,  ignoring  or  slighting  the  labors 
of  the  rival  missionaries,  held  their  way  northward 
along  the  rocky  archipelago  that  edged  those 
lonely  coasts.  They  passed  the  Manatoulins,  and, 
ascending  the  strait  by  which  Lake  Superior  dis- 
charges its  waters,  arrived  on  the  twenty-fifth  of 
May  at  Ste.  Marie  du  Saut.  Here  they  found  the 
two  Jesuits,  Dablon  and  Marquette,  in  a  square 
fort  of  cedar  pickets,  built  by  their  men  within 
the  past  year,  and  enclosing  a  chapel  and  a  house. 
Near  by,  they  had  cleared  a  large  tract  of  land, 
and  sown  it  with  wheat,  Lidian  corn,  peas,  and 
other  crops.  The  new-comers  were  graciously 
received,  and  invited  to  vespers  in  the  chapel ; 
but  they  very  soon  found  La  Salle's  prediction 
made  good,  and  saw  that  the  Jesuit  fathers  wanted 
no  help  from  St.  Sulpice.  Galinee,  on  his  part, 
takes  occasion  to  remark  that,  though  the  Jesuits 
had  baptized  a  few  Indians  at  the  Saut,  not  one 
of  them  was  a  2rood  enousrh  Christian  to  receive 
the  Eucharist ;  and  he  intimates  that  the  case,  by 
their  own  showing,  was  still  worse  at  their  mission 
of  St.  Esprit.  The  two  Sulpitians  did  not  care  to 
prolong  their  stay;    and,   three  days  after  their 

1  The  Jesuits  in  North  America. 


1669-70.1  LA    SALLE'S    DISCO VEKIES.  21 

arrival,  they  left  the  Saut :  not,  as  they  expected, 
with  the  Indians,  but  with  a  French  guide,  fur- 
nished by  the  Jesuits.  Ascending  French  River 
to  Lake  Nipissing,  they  crossed  to  the  waters  of 
the  Ottawa,  and  descended  to  Montreal,  w^hich 
they  reached  on  the  eighteenth  of  June.  They 
had  made  no  discoveries  and  no  converts ;  but 
Galinee,  after  his  arrival,  made  the  earliest  map  of 
the  Upper  Lakes  known  to  exist.^ 

We  return  now  to  La  Salle,  only  to  find  ourselves 
involved  in  mist  and  obscurity.  What  did  he  do 
after  he  left  the  two  priests  ?  Unfortunately,  a  defi- 
nite answer  is  not  possible ;  and  the  next  two  years 
of  his  life  remain  in  some  measure  an  enigma. 
That  he  was  busied  in  active  exploration,  and  that 
he  made  important  discoveries,  is  certain ;  but  the 
extent  and  character  of  these  discoveries  remain 
wrapped  in  doubt.  He  is  known  to  have  kept  jour- 
nals and  made  maps ;  and  these  w^ere  in  existence, 
and  in  possession  of  his  niece,  Madeleine  Cavelier, 
then  in  advanced  age,  as  late  as  the  year  1756  ;  be- 
yond which  time  the  most  diligent  inquiry  has  failed 
to  trace  them.  Abbe  Faillon  affirms  that  some 
of  La  Salle's  men,  refusing  to  follow  him,  returned 
to  La  Chine,  and  that  the  place  then  received  its 
name,  in  derision  of  the  young  adventurer's  dream  of 
a  westward  passage  to  China. ^  As  for  himself,  the 
only  distinct  record  of  his  movements  is  that  con- 

^  See  Appendix.  The  above  narrative  is  from  R^cit  de  ce  qui  s'est  passn 
de  plus  remarquable  dans  le  Voyage  de  MM.  Dollier  et  Galin€e.  ( Bibliotheque 
Nationale.) 

2  Dollier  de  Casson  alludes  to  this  as  "  cette  transmigration  o^l^bre 
qui  se  fit  de  la  Chine  dans  ces  quartiers" 


22  LA    SALLE    AND    THE    SULPITIANS.        [1669-70 

tallied  in  a  paper,  entitled  "Histoire  de  Monsieui 
de  la  Salle."  It  is  an  account  of  his  explorations, 
and  of  the  state  of  parties  in  Canada  previous  to 
the  year  1678 ;  taken  from  the  lips  of  La  Salle 
himself,  by  a  person  whose  name  does  not  ap- 
pear, but  who  declares  that  he  had  ten  or  twelve 
conversations  with  him  at  Paris,  whither  he  had 
come  with  a  petition  to  the  Court.  The  writer  him- 
self had  never  been  in  America,  and  was  ignorant 
of  its  geography ;  hence  blunders  on  his  part  might 
reasonably  be  expected.  His  statements,  however, 
are  in  some  measure  intelligible  ;  and  the  following 
is  the  substance  of  them.  After  leaving  the  priests. 
La  Salle  went  to  Onondaga,  where  we  are  left  to 
infer  that  he  succeeded  better  in  getting  a  guide 
than  he  had  before  done  amono;  the  Senecas.  Thence 
he  made  his  way  to  a  point  six  or  seven  leagues  dis- 
tant from  Lake  Erie,  where  he  reached  a  branch  of 
the  Ohio  ;  and,  descending  it,  followed  the  river  as 
far  as  the  rapids  at  Louisville,  or,  as  has  been  main- 
tained, beyond  its  confluence  with  the  Mississippi. 
His  men  now  refused  to  go  farther,  and  abandoned 
him,  escaping  to  the  English  and  the  Dutch ; 
whereupon  he  retraced  his  steps  alone.^    This  must 

1  The  following  is  the  passage  relathig  to  this  journey  i'n  the  remark- 
able paper  above  mentioned.  After  recomiting  La  Salle's  visit  with  the 
Sulpitians  to  the  Seneca  village,  and  stating  that  the  intrigues  of  the 
Jesuit  missionary  prevented  them  from  obtaining  a  guide,  it  speaks  of 
the  separation  of  the  travellers  and  the  journey  of  Galine'e  and  his  party 
to  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie,  where  "  les  Jesuites  les  congedierent."  It  then 
proceeds  as  follows :  "  Cependant  Mr.  de  la  Salle  continua  son  cheniin 
par  une  riviere  qui  va  de  Test  a  I'ouest ;  et  passe  a  Onontaque  [Onon- 
daga],  j)nWk  six  ou  sept  lieues  au-dessous  du  Lac  Eric;  et  estant  par- 
venu jusqu'au  280'°»  ou  83™«  degre  de  longitude,  et  jusqu'au  41°"  degrt^ 
de  latitude,  trouva  un  sault  qui  tombe  vers  I'ouest  dans  un  pays  bas, 


1669-71.1  THE    RIVER    ILLINOIS.  23 

have  been  in  the  winter  of  1669-70,  or  in  the  fol- 
lowing spring;  unless  there  is  an  error  of  date  in  the 
statement  of  Nicolas  Perrot,  the  famous  voyageur, 
who  says  that  he  met  him  in  the  summer  of  1670, 
hunting  on  the  Ottawa  with  a  party  of  Iroquois.^ 

But  how  was  La  Salle  employed  in  the  following 
year?  The  same  memoir  has  its  solution  to  the 
problem.  By  this  it  appears  that  the  indefatigable 
explorer  embarked  on  Lake  Erie,  ascended  the  De- 
troit to  Lake  Huron,  coasted  the  unknown  shores 
of  Michigan,  passed  the  Straits  of  Michillimackinac, 
and,  leaving  Green  Bay  behind  him,  entered  what  is 
described  as  an  incomparably  larger  bay,  but  which 
was  evidently  the  southern  portion  of  Lake  Michi- 
gan. Thence  he  crossed  to  a  river  flowing  west- 
ward,—  evidently  the  Illinois, — and  followed  it  until 
it  was  joined  by  another  river  flowing  from  the  north- 
west to  the  south-east.  By  tliis,  the  Mississippi  only 
can  be  meant ;  and  he  is  reported  to  have  said  that 
he  descended  it  to  the  thirty-sixth  degree  of  latitude ; 
where  he  stopped,  assured  that  it  discharged  itself 
not  into  the  Gulf  of  California,  but  into  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico ;  and  resolved  to  follow  it  thither  at  a 

marescageux,  tout  convert  de  vielles  souches,  dont  il  y  en  a  quelques-unes 
qui  sont  encore  sur  pied.  II  fut  done  contraint  de  prendre  terre,  et  sui- 
vant  une  hauteur  qui  le  pouToit  mener  loin,  il  trouva  quelques  saurages 
qui  luj  dirent  que  fort  loin  de  la  le  mesme  fleuve  qui  se  perdoit  dans  cette 
terre  basse  et  vaste  se  reunnissoit  en  un  lit.  II  continua  done  son  che- 
niin,  inais  comme  la  fatigue  estoit  grande,  23  ou  21  hommes  qu'il  avoit 
menez  jusques  la  le  quitterent  tous  en  une  nuit,  regagnerent  le  fleuve,  et 
se  sauverent,  les  uns  a  la  Nouvelle  Hollande  et  les  autres  a  la  Nouvelle 
Angleterre.  II  se  vit  done  seul  a  400  lieues  de  chez  luy,  ou  il  ne  laisse  paa 
de  revonir,  remontant  la  riviere  et  vivant  de  chasse,  d'herbes,  et  de  ce  que 
luy  donnerent  les  sauvages  qu'il  rencontra  en  son  chemin." 
1  Perrot,  M^moires,  119, 120 


24  LA    SALLE    AND    THE    SULPITIANS.  [1671 

future  day,  when  better  provided  with  men  and 
supphes.^ 

The  first  of  these  statements,  —  that  relatmg 
to  the  Ohio,  —  confused,  vague,  and  in  great  part 
incorrect,  as  it  certainly  is,  is  nevertheless  well 
sustained  as  regards  one  essential  point.  La  Salle 
himself,  in  a  memorial  addressed  to  Count  Frontenac 
in  1677,  affirms  that  he  discovered  the  Ohio,  and 
descended  it  as  far  as  to  a  fall  which  obstructed  it.^ 
Again,  his  rival,  Louis  Joliet,  whose  testimony  on 
this  point  cannot  be  suspected,  made  two  maps  of 
the  region  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  Great  Lakes. 
The  Ohio  is  laid  down  on  both  of  them,  with  an  in- 

1  The  memoir  —  after  stating,  as  above,  that  he  entered  Lake  Huron, 
doubled  the  peninsula  of  Michigan,  and  passed  La  Baye  des  Puants 
( Green  Bay)  —  says  :  "  II  reconnut  une  baye  incomparablement  plus 
large;  au  fond  de  laquelle  vers  I'ouest  il  trouva  un  tres-beau  havre  et  au 
fond  de  ce  havre  un  fleuve  qui  va  de  Test  a  I'ouest.  II  suivit  ce  fleuve,  et 
estant  parvenu  jusqu'environ  le  280""*  degre  de  longitude  e.t  le  39™"  de 
latitude,  il  trouva  un  autre  fleuve  qui  se  joignant  au  premier  coulait 
du  nordouest  au  sudest,  et  il  suivit  ce  fleuve  jusqu'au  36"'  degre  de 
latitude." 

The  "  tres-beau  havre "  may  have  been  the  entrance  of  the  river 
Chicago,  whence,  by  an  easy  portage,  he  might  have  reached  the  Des 
Plaines  branch  of  the  Illinois.  We  shall  see  that  he  took  this  course  in 
his  famous  exploration  of  1682. 

The  intendant.  Talon,  announces,  in  his  despatches  of  this  year,  that 
he  had  sent  La  Salle  southward  and  westward  to  explore. 

2  The  following  are  his  words  (he  speaks  of  himself  in  the  third  per- 
son) :  "  L'anne'e  1667,  et  les  suivantes,  il  fit  divers  voyages  avec  beaucoup 
de  depenses,  dans  lesquels  il  dccouvrit  le  premier  beaucoup  de  pays  au 
8ud  des  grands  lacs,  et  entre  autres  la  grande  riviere  d'Ohio;  il  la  suivit 
jusqu'a  un  endroit  oil  elle  tombe  de  fort  haut  dans  de  vastes  marais,  a  la 
hauteur  de  37  degre's,  apres  avoir  ete  grossie  par  une  autre  riviere  fort 
.arge  qui  vient  du  nord ;  et  toutes  ces  eaux  se  dechargent  selon  toutes 
les  apparences  dans  le  Golfe  du  Mexique." 

This  *'  autre  riviere,"  which,  it  seems,  was  above  the  fall,  may  have 
been  the  Miami  or  the  Scioto.  Tliere  is  but  one  fall  on  the  river,  thai 
of  Louisville,  which  is  not  so  high  as  to  deserve  to  be  described  as  "  fort 
haut,"  being  only  a  strong  rapid.  The  latitude,  as  will  be  seen,  is  dilferent 
in  the  two  accounts,  and  incorrect  in  botlL 


1671.1  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  25 

scription  to  the  effect  that  it  had  been  explored  by 
La  Salle. ^  That  he  discovered  the  Ohio  may  then 
be  regarded  as  established.  That  he  descended  it 
to  the  Mississippi,  he  himself  does  not  pi^etend ;  nor 
is  there  reason  to  believe  that  he  did  so. 

With  regard  to  his  alleged  voyage  down  the  Illi- 
nois, the  case  is  different.  Here,  he  is  reported  to 
have  made  a  statement  which  admits  but  one  in- 
terpretation,—  that  of  the  discovery  by  him  of  the 
Mississippi  prior  to  its  discovery  by  Joliet  and 
Marquette.  This  statement  is  attributed  to  a  man 
not  prone  to  vaunt  his  own  exploits,  who  never  pro- 
claimed them  in  print,  and  whose  testimony,  even 
in  his  own  case,  must  therefore  have  weight.  But 
it  comes  to  us  through  the  medium  of  a  person 
strongly  biassed  in  favor  of  La  Salle,  and  against 
Marquette  and  the  Jesuits. 

Seven  years  had  passed  since  the  alleged  dis- 
covery, and  La  Salle  had  not  before  laid  claim  to  it ; 
although  it  was  matter  of  notoriety  that  during  five 
years  it  had  been  claimed  by  Joliet,  and  that  his 
claim  was  generally  admitted.    The  correspondence 


1  One  of  these  maps  is  entitled  Carte  de  la  d^coiiverte  du  Sieur  Joliet^ 
1674.  Over  the  lines  representing  the  Ohio  are  the  words,  "  Route  du 
sieur  de  la  Salle  pour  aller  dans  le  Mexique."  The  other  map  of  Joliet 
bears,  also  written  over  the  Ohio,  the  words,  "  Riviere  par  oii  descendit 
le  sieur  de  la  Salle  au  sortir  du  lac  Erie  pour  aller  dans  le  Mexique."  I 
have  also  another  manuscript  map,  made  before  the  voyage  of  Joliet  and 
Marquette,  and  apparently  in  the  year  1673,  on  which  the  Ohio  is  repre- 
sented as  far  as  to  a  point  a  little  below  Louisville,  and  ovw  it  is  written, 
"  Riviere  Ohio,  ainsy  appelle'e  par  les  Iroquois  a  cause  de  sa  beautc,  par 
ou  le  sieur  de  la  Salle  est  descendu."  The  Mississippi  is  not  represented 
on  this  map ;  but  —  and  this  is  very  significant,  as  indicating  the  extent 
of  La  Salle's  exploration  of  the  following  year — a  small  part  of  the 
upper  Illinois  is  laid  down. 


26  LA    SALLE    AND    THE    SlfLPITMNS.  [107J 

of  the  governor  and  the  intendant  is  silent  as  to 
La  Salle's  having  penetrated  to  the  Mississippi ; 
though  the  attempt  was  made  under  the  auspices  of 
the  latter,  as  his  own  letters  declare ;  while  both  had 
the  discovery  of  the  great  river  earnestly  at  heart. 
The  governor,  Frontenac,  La  Salle's  ardent  sup- 
porter and  ally,  believed  in  1672,  as  his  letters 
show,  that  the  Mississippi  flowed  into  the  Gulf  of 
California ;  and,  two  years  later,  he  announces  to 
the  minister  Colbert  its  discovery  by  Joliet.^  After 
La  Salle's  death,  his  brother,  his  nephew,  and  his 
niece  addressed  a  memorial  to  the  king,  petitioning 
for  certain  grants  in  consideration  of  the  discoveries 
of  their  relative,  which  they  specify  at  some  length ; 
but  they  do  not  pretend  that  he  reached  the  Mis- 
sissippi before  his  expeditions  of  1679  to  1682.^ 
This  silence  is  the  more  significant,  as  it  is  this  very 
niece  who  had  possession  of  the  papers  in  which 
La  Salle  recounts  the  journeys  of  which  the  issues 
are  in  question.^     Had  they  led  him  to  the  Missis- 

1  Lettre  de  Frontenac  au  Ministre,  14  Nov.,  1674.  He  here  speaks  of 
"  la  grande  riviere  qii'il  [Joliet]  a  trouvee,  qui  va  du  nord  au  sud,  et  qui 
est  aussi  large  que  celle  du  Saint-Laurent  vis-a-vis  de  Quebec."  Four 
years  later,  Frontenac  speaks  slightingly  of  Joliet,  but  neither  denies  hig 
discovery  of  the  Mississippi  nor  claims  it  for  La  Salle,  in  whose  interest 
he  writes. 

^  Papiers  de  Famille ;  Memoire  pr^sent€  au  Roi.  The  following  is  an 
extract :  "  II  parvient  .  .  .  jusqu'a  la  riviere  des  Illinois.  II  y  construi- 
Bit  un  fort  sitae  a  350  lieues  au-dela  du  fort  de  Frontenac,  et  suivant 
ensuite  le  cours  de  cette  riviere,  il  trouva  qu'elle  se  jettoit  dans  un  grand 
fleuve  appelle  par  ceux  du  pays  Missisippi,  c'est  a  dire  grande.  eau,  envi- 
ron cent  lieues  au-dessous  du  fort  qu'il  venoit  de  construire."  This  fort 
was  Fort  Crevecoeur,  built  in  1G80,  near  the  site  of  Peoria.  The  memoir 
goes  on  to  relate  the  descent  of  La  Salle  to  the  Gulf,  which  concluded 
this  expedition  of  1079-82. 

•^  The  following  is  an  extract,  given  by  Margry,  from  a  letter  of  the 
aged  Madeleine  Cavelier,  dated  21  Fe'vrier,  1766,  and  addressed  to  her 


1671.1  LA    SALLE'S    DISCOVERIES.  27 

sippi,  it  is  reasonably  certain  that  she  would  have 
made  it  known  in  her  memorial.  La  Salle  dis- 
covered the  Ohio,  and  in  all  probability  the  Illinois 
also ;  but  that  he  discovered  the  Mississippi  has 
not  been  proved,  nor,  in  the  light  of  the  evidence 
we  have,  is  it  likely. 

nephew,  M.  Le  Baillif,  who  had  applied  for  the  papers  in  behalf  of  the 
minister,  Silhouette  :  "  J'ay  cherche  une  occasion  sure  pour  vous  anvoye 
les  papiers  de  M.  de  la  Salle.  II  y  a  des  cartes  que  j'ay  jointe  a  ces  pa- 
piers,  qui  doivent  prouver  que,  en  1675,  M.  de  Lasalle  avet  deja  fet  deux 
voyages  en  ces  decouverte,  puisqu'il  y  avet  une  carte,  que  je  vous  en- 
voye,  par  laquelle  11  est  fait  mention  de  Tandroit  auquel  M.  de  Lasalle 
aborda  pres  le  fleuve  de  INIississipi ;  un  autre  androit  qu'il  nomme  le 
fleuve  Colbert ;  en  un  autre  il  prans  possession  de  ce  pais  au  nom  du  roy 
et  fait  planter  une  crois." 

The  words  of  the  aged  and  illiterate  writer  are  obscure,  but  her  ex- 
pression aborda  pres  seems  to  indicate  that  La  Salle  had  not  reached  the 
Mississippi  prior  to  1675,  but  only  approached  it. 

Finally,  a  memorial  presented  to  Seignelay,  along  with  the  official  nar- 
rative of  1679-81,  by  a  friend  of  La  Salle,  whose  object  was  to  place  the 
discoverer  and  his  achievements  in  the  most  favorable  light,  contains  the 
following :  "  II  [La  Salle]  a  este  le  premier  a  former  le  dessein  de  ces  des- 
couvertes,  qu'il  communiqua,  il  y  a  plus  de  quinze  ans,  a  M.  de  Courcelles, 
gouverneur,  et  a  M.  Talon,  intendant  du  Canada,  qui  I'approuverent.  II 
a  fait  ensuite  plusieurs  voyages  de  ce  coste-la,  et  un  entr'autres  en  1669 
avec  MM.  Dolier  et  Galinee,  prestres  du  Seminaire  de  St.  Sulpice.  11 
est  vray  que  le  sieiir  Jolliet,  pour  le  prevenir.Jit  un  voyage  in  1673,  a  la  riviere 
Colbert ;  mais  ce  fut  uniquement  pour  y  f aire  commerce."  See  Margry, 
II.  285.  This  passage  is  a  virtual  admission  that  Joliet  reached  the 
Mississippi  {Colbert)  before  La  Salle. 

Margry,  in  a  series  of  papers  in  the  Journal  G^n€ral  de  I'Tnstruction 
Puhlique  for  1862,  first  took  the  position  that  La  Salle  reached  the  Mis- 
sissippi in  1670  and  1671,  and  has  brought  forward  in  defence  of  it  all  the 
documents  which  his  unwearied  research  enabled  him  to  discover.  Father 
Tailhan,  S.J.,  has  replied  at  length,  in  the  copious  notes  to  his  edition  of 
Nicolas  Perrot,  but  without  having  seen  the  principal  document  cited  by 
Margry,  and  of  which  extracts  have  been  given  in  the  notes  to  this 
chapter. 


CHAPTER    m. 

1670-1672. 
THE  JESUITS   ON  THE  LAKES. 

The  Old  Missions  and  the  New.  —  A  Change  of   Spirit.  —  Lake 
Superior  and  the  Copper-mines.  —  Ste.  Marie.  — La  Pointb.  — 

MiCHILlJMACKINAC. — JeSUITS  ON  LaKE  MICHIGAN.  —  AlLOCEZ  AND 

Dablon.  —  The  Jesuit  Fur-trade. 

What  were  the  Jesuits  doing  ?  Since  the  ruin 
of  their  great  mission  of  the  Hurons,  a  perceptible 
change  had  taken  place  in  them.  They  had  put 
forth  exertions  almost  superhuman,  set  at  naught 
famine,  disease,  and  death,  lived  with  the  self- 
abnegation  of  saints  and  died  with  the  devotion  of 
martyrs ;  and  the  result  of  all  had  been  a  disas- 
trous failure.  From  no  short-coming  on  their 
part,  but  from  the  force  of  events  beyond  the 
sphere  of  their  influence,  a  very  demon  of  havoc 
had  crushed  their  incipient  churches,  slaughtered 
their  converts,  uprooted  the  populous  communi- 
ties on  which  their  hopeshad  rested,  and  scattered 
them  in  bands  of  wretched  fugitjves  far  and  wide 
through  the  wilderness.^  They  had  devoted  them- 
selves in  the  fulness  of  faith  to  the  building  up  of 
a  Christian  and  Jesuit  empire  on  the  conversion 

1  See  The  Jesuits  in  North  America. 


1670-72.]       REPORTS  OF  THE  JESUITS.  29 

of  the  great  stationary  tribes  of  the  lakes ;  and  of 
these  none  remained  but  the  Iroquois,  the  de- 
stroyers of  the  rest,  among  whom,  indeed,  was  a 
field  which  might  stimulate  their  zeal  by  an  abun- 
dant promise  of  sufferings  and  martyrdoms,  but 
which,  from  its  geographical  position,  w^as  too 
much  exposed  to  Dutch  and  English  influence  to 
promise  great  and  decisive  results.  Their  best 
hopes  were  now  in  the  North  and  the  West ;  and 
thither,  in  great  part,  they  had  turned  their  en- 
ergies. 

We  find  them  on  Lake  Huron,  Lake  Superior, 
and  Lake  Michigan,  laboring  vigorously  as  of  old, 
but  in  a  spirit  not  quite  the  same.  Now,  as  before, 
two  objects  inspired  their  zeal,  the  "  greater  glory 
of  God,"  and  the  influence  and  credit  of  the  Order 
of  Jesus.  If  the  one  motive  had  somewhat  lost  in 
power,  the  other  had  gained.  The  epoch  of  the 
saints  and  martyrs  was  passing  away ;  and  hence- 
forth we  find  the  Canadian  Jesuit  less  and  less 
an  apostle,  more  and  more  an  explorer,  a  man 
of  science,  and  a  politician.  The  yearly  reports 
of  the  missions  are  still,  for  the  edification  of 
the  pious  reader,  filled  with  intolerably  tedious 
stories  of  baptisms,  conversions,  and  the  exem- 
plary deportment  of  neophytes;  for  these  have 
become  a  part  of  the  formula ;  but  they  are  re- 
lieved abundantly  by  more  mundane  topics.  One 
finds  observations  on  the  winds,  currents,  and  tides 
of  the  Great  Lakes ;  speculations  on  a  subterranean 
outlet  of  Lake  Superior;  accounts  of  its  copper- 
mines,  and  how  we,  the  Jesuit  fathers,  are  labor 


30  THE    JESUITS    ON    THE    LAKES.  [1670-72. 

ing  to  explore  them  for  the  profit  of  the  colony ; 
surmises  touching  the  North  Sea,  the  South  Sea, 
the  Sea  of  China,  which  we  hope  ere  long  to  dis- 
cover ;  and  reports  of  that  great  mysterious  river 
of  which  the  Indians  tell  us,  —  flowing  southward, 
perhaps  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  perhaps  to  the 
Vermilion  Sea,  —  and  the  secrets  whereof,  with 
the  help  of  the  Virgin,  we  will  soon  reveal  to  the 
world. 

The  Jesuit  was  as  often  a  fanatic  for  his  Order  as 
for  his  faith ;  and  oftener  yet  the  two  fanaticisms 
mingled  in  him  inextricably.  Ardently  as  he 
burned  for  the  saving  of  souls,  he  would  have  none 
saved  on  the  Upper  Lakes  except  by  his  brethren 
and  himself.  He  claimed  a  monopoly  of  conver- 
sion, with  its  attendant  monopoly  of  toil,  hardship, 
and  martyrdom.  Often  disinterested  for  himself, 
he  was  inordinately  ambitious  for  the  great  corpo- 
rate power  in  which  he  had  merged  his  own  per- 
sonality ;  and  here  lies  one  cause,  among  many,  of 
the  seeming  contradictions  which  abound  in  the 
annals  of  the  Order. 

Prefixed  to  the  Relation  of  1671  is  that  monu- 
ment of  Jesuit  hardihood  and  enterprise,  the  map 
of  Lake  Superior ;  a  work  of  which,  however,  the 
exactness  has  been  exaggerated,  as  compared  with 
other  Canadian  maps  of  the  day.  While  making 
surveys,  the  priests  were  diligently  looking  for 
copper.  Father  Dablon  reports  that  they  had 
found  it  in  greatest  abundance  on  Isle  Minong, 
now  Isle  Royale.  "  A  day's  journey  from  the 
head  of  the  lake,  on  the  south  side,  there  is,"  he 


1670-72.]  STE.   MAKIE   DU   SAUT.  31 

says,  "a  rock  of  copper  weighing  from  six  hun- 
dred to  eight  hundred  pounds,  lying  on  the  shore 
where  any  who  pass  may  see  it; "  and  he  farther 
speaks  of  great  copper  boulders  in  the  bed  of  the 
river  Ontonagan.^ 

There  were  two  principal  missions  on  the  Upper 
Lakes,  which  were,  in  a  certain  sense,  the  parents 
of  the  rest.  One  of  these  was  Ste.  Marie  du  Saut, 
—  the  same  visited  by  Dollier  and  Galinee,  —  at 
the  outlet  of  Lake  Superior.  This  was  a  noted 
fishing-place ;  for  the  rapids  were  full  of  white- 
fish,  and  Indians  came  thither  in  crowds.  The 
permanent  residents  were  an  Ojibwa  band,  whom 
the  French  called  Sauteurs,  and  whose  bark  lodges 
were  clustered  at  the  foot  of  the  rapids,  near  the 
fort  of  the  Jesuits.  Besides  these,  a  host  of  Al- 
gonquins,  of  various  tribes,  resorted  thither  in  the 
spring  and  summer;  living  in  abundance  on  the 


1  He  complains  that  the  Indians  were  very  averse  to  giving  infonna- 
tion  on  the  subject,  so  that  the  Jesuits  had  not  as  yet  discovered  the  metal 
in  situ,  though  they  hoped  soon  to  do  so.  The  Indians  told  him  that  the 
copper  had  first  been  found  by  four  hunters,  who  had  landed  on  a  certain 
island,  near  the  north  shore  of  the  lake.  Wishing  to  boil  their  food  in  a 
vessel  of  bark,  they  gathered  stones  on  the  shore,  heated  them  red  hot, 
and  threw  them  in,  but  presently  discovered  them  to  be  pure  copper. 
Their  repast  over,  they  hastened  to  re-embark,  being  afraid  of  the  lynxee 
and  the  hares,  which,  on  this  island,  were  as  large  as  dogs,  and  which 
wouli  have  devoured  their  provisions,  and  perhaps  their  canoe.  They 
took  with  them  some  of  the  wonderful  stones ;  but  scarcely  had  they  left 
the  island,  when  a  deep  voice,  like  thunder,  sounded  in  their  ears,  "  Wlio 
are  these  thieves  who  steal  the  toys  of  my  children?  "  It  was  the  God 
of  the  Waters,  or  some  other  powerful  manito.  The  four  adventurers 
retreated  in  great  terror ;  but  three  of  them  soon  died,  and  the  fourth 
survived  only  long  enough  to  reach  his  village,  and  tell  the  story.  The 
island  has  no  foundation,  but  floats  with  the  movement  of  the  wind;  and 
no  Indian  dares  land  on  its  shores,  dreading  the  wrath  of  the  manito. 
Dablon,  Eelation,  1670  84. 


32  THE    JESUITS    ON    THE    LAKES  [1670-72. 

fishery,  and  dispersing  in  winter  to  wander  and 
starve  in  scattered  hunting-parties  far  and  wide 
through  the  forests. 

The  other  chief  mission  was  that  of  St.  Es- 
prit, at  La  Pointe,  near  the  western  extremity  of 
Lake  Superior.  Here  were  the  Hurons,  fugitives 
twenty  years  before  from  the  slaughter  of  their 
countrymen ;  and  the  Ottawas,  who,  hke  them, 
had  sought  an  asylum  from  the  rage  of  the  L^o- 
quois.  Many  other  tribes  —  Illinois,  Pottawat- 
tamies,  Foxes,  Menomonies,  Sioux,  Assiniboins, 
Knisteneaux,  and  a  multitude  besides  —  came 
hither  yearly  to  trade  with  the  French.  Here 
was  a  young  Jesuit,  Jacques  Marquette,  lately 
arrived  from  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie.  His  savage 
flock  disheartened  him  by  its  backslidings ;  and 
the  best  that  he  could  report  of  the  Hurons,  after 
all  the  toil  and  all  the  blood  lavished  in  their 
conversion,  was,  that  they  "  still  retain  a  little 
Christianity ; "  while  the  Ottawas  are  "  far  re- 
moved from  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  addicted 
beyond  all  other  tribes  to  foulness,  incantations, 
and  sacrifices  to  evil  spirits."  * 

Marquette  heard  from  the  Illinois  —  yearly 
visitors  at  La  Pointe  —  of  the  great  river  which 
they  had  crossed  on  their  way,^  and  which,  as  he 

1  Lettre  du  Pere  Jacques  Marquette  au  R.  P.  Sup&ieiir  des  Missions ;  in. 
Belation,  1670,  87. 

2  The  Illinois  lived  at  this  time  bejond  the  Mississippi,  thirty  days' 
journey  from  La  Pointe  ;  whither  they  had  been  driven  by  the  Iroquois, 
from  their  former  abode  near  Lake  Michigan.  Dablon  {Relation,  1671 
24,  25)  says  that  they  lived  seven  days'  journey  beyond  the  Mississippi, 
in  eight  villages.  A  few  years  later,  most  of  tliera  returned  to  the.east  side, 
and  made  their  abode  on  the  river  Illinois. 


1670-72.]  MARQUETTE    AND    ANDRIi.  33 

conjectured,  flowed  into  the  Gulf  of  California. 
He  heard  marvels  of  it  also  from  the  Sioux,  who 
Hved  on  its  banks ;  and  a  strong  desire  possessed 
him  to  explore  the  mystery  of  its  course.  A 
sudden  calamity  dashed  his  hopes.  The  Sioux  — 
the  Iroquois  of  the  AYest,  as  the  Jesuits  call  them 
—  had  hitherto  kept  the  peace  with  the  expatri- 
ated tribes  of  La  Pointe ;  but  now,  from  some 
cause  not  worth  inquiry,  they  broke  into  open 
war,  and  so  terrified  the  Hurons  and  Ottawas  that 
they  abandoned  their  settlements  and  fled.  Mar- 
quette followed  his  panic-stricken  flock,  who,  pass- 
ing the  Saut  Ste.  Marie,  and  descending  to  Lake 
Huron,  stopped  at  length,  the  Hurons  at  Michil- 
hmackinac,  and  the  Ottawas  at  the  Great  Mana- 
toulin  Island.  Two  missions  were  now  necessary 
to  minister  to  the  divided  bands.  That  of  Michil- 
limackinac  was  assigned  to  Marquette,  and  that 
of  the  Manatoulin  Island  to  Louis  Andre.  The 
former  took  post  at  Point  St.  Ignace,  on  the  north 
shore  of  the  Straits  of  Michillimackinac,  while  the 
latter  began  the  mission  of  St.  Simon  at  the  new 
abode  of  the  Ottawas.  When  winter  came,  scat- 
tering his  flock  to  their  hunting-grounds,  Andre 
made  a  missionary  tour  among  the  Nipissings  and 
other  neighboring  tribes.  The  shores  of  Lake 
Huron  had  long  been  an  utter  solitude,  swept  of 
their  denizens  by  the  terror  of  the  all-conquering 
Iroquois ;  but  now  that  these  tigers  had  felt  the 
power  of  the  French,  and  learned  for  a  time  to 
leave  their  Indian  allies  in  peace,  the  fugitive 
hordes  were  returning   to   their   ancient   abodes 


34  THE    JESUITS    OIS    THE    LAKES.  [1670-72 

Andre's  experience  among  them  was  of  the  rough- 
est. The  staple  of  his  diet  was  acorns  and  tripe 
de  roclie,  a  species  of  lichen,  which,  being  boiled, 
resolved  itself  into  a  black  glue,  nauseous,  but  not 
void  of  nourishment.  At  times,  he  was  reduced 
to  moss,  the  bark  of  trees,  or  moccasins  and  old 
moose-skins  cut  into  strips  and  boiled.  His  hosts 
treated  him  very  ill,  and  the  worst  of  their  fare 
was  always  his  portion.  When  spring  came  to  his 
relief,  he  returned  to  his  post  of  St.  Simon,  with 
impaired  digestion  and  unabated  zeal. 

Besides  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie  and  Michillimack- 
inac,  both  noted  fishing-places,  there  was  another 
spot,  no  less  famous  for  game  and  fish,  and 
therefore  a  favorite  resort  of  Indians.  This  was 
the  head  of  the  Green  Bay  of  Lake  Michigan.^ 
Here  and  in  adjacent  districts  several  distinct 
tribes  had  made  their  abode.  The  Menomoniea 
were  on  the  river  which  bears  their  name  ;  the 
Pottawattamies  and  Winnebagoes  were  near  the 
borders  of  the  bay ;  the  Sacs,  on  Fox  River ; 
the  Mascoutins,  Miamis,  and  Kickapoos,  on  the 
game  river,  above  Lake  Winnebago  ;  and  the  Outa- 
gamies,  or  Foxes,  on  a  tributary  of  it  flowing  from 
the  north.  Green  Bay  was  manifestly  suited  for 
a  mission;  and,  as  early  as  the  autumn  of  1660, 

1  The  Baye  des  Puans  of  the  early  writers  ;  or,  more  conectly,  La 
Baye  des  Eaux  Puantes.  The  Winnebago  Indians,  living  near  it,  were 
called  Les  Puans,  apparently  for  no  other  reason  than  because  some 
portion  of  the  bay  was  said  to  have  an  odor  like  the  sea. 

Lake  Michigan,  the  Lac  des  Illinois  of  the  French,  was,  according  to  a 
letter  of  Father  Allouez,  called  Machihiganing  by  the  Indians.  Dablon 
writes  the  name  Mitchiganon. 


1670-72.1  THE    GREEN    BAY    MISSION.  35 

Father  Claude  AUoiiez  was  sent  thither  to  found 
one.  After  nearly  perishing  by  the  way,  he  set 
out  to  explore  the  destined  field  of  his  labors,  and 
went  as  far  as  the  town  of  the  Mascoutins.  Early 
in  the  autumn  of  1670,  having  been  joined  by 
Dablon,  Superior  of  the  missions  on  the  Upper 
Lakes,  he  made  another  journey,  but  not  until 
the  two  fathers  had  held  a  council  with  the  con- 
gregated tribes  at  St.  Frangois  Xavier ;  for  so 
they  named  their  mission  of  Green  Bay.  Here, 
as  they  harangued  their  naked  audience,  theii 
gravity  was  put  to  the  proof ;  for  a  band  of 
warriors,  anxious  to  do  them  honor,  walked  in- 
cessantly up  and '  down,  aping  the  movements  of 
the  soldiers  on  guard  before  the  governor's  tent 
at  Montreal.  "  We  could  hardly  keep  from  laugh- 
mg,"  writes  Dablon,  "  though  we  were  discoursing 
on  very  important  subjects  ;  namely,  the  mysteries 
of  our  religion,  and  the  things  necessary  to  es- 
caping from  eternal  fire."  ^ 

The  fathers  were  delighted  with  the  country, 
which  Dablon  calls  an  earthly  paradise  ;  but  he 
adds  that  the  way  to  it  is  as  hard  as  the  path  to 
heaven.  He  alludes  especially  to  the  rapids  of 
Fox  River,  which  gave  the  two  travellers  great 
trouble.  Having  safely  passed  them,  they  saw  an 
Indian  idol  on  the  bank,  similar  to  that  which 
Dollier  and  Galinee  found  at  Detroit;  being  merely 
a  rock,  bearing  some  resemblance  to  a  man,  and 
hideously  painted.  With  the  help  of  their  at- 
tendants, they  threw  it  into  the  river,     Dabloji 

1  Relatim,  1671,  43. 


36  THE    JESUITS    ON    THE    LAKES.  [1310-12 

expatiates  on  the  buffalo,  which  he  describes  ap- 
parently on  the  report  of  others,  as  his  description 
is  not  very  accurate.  Crossing  Winnebago  Lake, 
the  two  priests  followed  the  river  leading  to  the 
town  of  the  Mascoutins  and  Miamis,  which  they 
reached  on  the  fifteenth  of  September.^  These  two 
tribes  lived  together  within  the  compass  of  the 
same  enclosure  of  palisades ;  to  the  number,  it  is 
said,  of  more  than  three  thousand  souls.  The 
missionaries,  who  had  brought  a  highly-colored 
picture  of  the  Last  Judgment,  called  the  Indians 
to  council  and  displayed  it  before  them ;  while 
Allouez,  who  spoke  Algonquin,  harangued  them 
on  hell,  demons,  and  eternal  flames.  They  listened 
with  open  ears,  beset  him  night  and  day  with 
questions,  and  invited  him  and  his  companion  to 
unceasing  feasts.  They  were  welcomed  in  every 
lodge,  and  followed  everywhere  with  eyes  of  curi- 
osity, wonder,  and  awe.  Dablon  overflows  with 
praises  of  the  Miami  chief,  who  was  honored  by 
his  subjects  like  a  king,  and  whose  demeanor 
towards  his  guests  had  no  savor  of  the  savage. 

Their  hosts  told  them  of  the  great  river  Missis- 
sippi, rising  far  in  the  north  and  flowing  southward, 
—  they  knew  not  whither,  —  and  of  many  tribes  that 
dwelt  along  its  banks.  When  at  length  they  took 
their  departure,  they  left  behind  them  a  reputation 
as  medicine-men  of  transcendent  power. 

1  This  town  was  on  the  Neenah  or  Fox  River,  above  Lake  Winno- 
bago.  The  Mascoutms,  Fire  Nation,  or  Nation  of  the  Prairie,  are  extinct 
or  merged  in  other  tribes.  See  Tlie  Jesuits  in  North  America.  The 
Miamis  soon  removed  to  the  banks  of  the  river  St.  Joseph,  near  Lake 
Micliigau. 


1670-72.1  THE    CROSS    AMONG    THE    FOXES.  37 

In  the  winter  following,  Allouez  visited  tlie 
Foxes,  whom  he  found  in  extreme  ill-huinor. 
They  were  incensed  against  the  French  by  the 
ill-usage  which  some  of  their  tribe  had  lately  met 
when  on  a  trading  visit  to  Montreal;  and  they 
received  the  Faith  with  shouts  of  derision.  The 
priest  was  horror-stricken  at  what  he  saw.  Their 
lodges,  each  containing  from  five  to  ten  families, 
seemed  in  his  eyes  like  seraglios;  for  some  of  the 
chiefs  had  eio;ht  wives.  He  armed  himseK  with 
patience,  and  at  length  gained  a  hearing.  Nay,  he 
succeeded  so  well,  that  when  he  showed  them  his 
crucifix  they  would  throw  tobacco  on  it  as  an 
offering ;  and,  on  another  visit  which  he  made 
them  soon  after,  he  taught  the  whole  village  to 
make  the  sign  of  the  cross.  A  war-party  was  going 
out  against  their  enemies,  and  he  bethought  him 
of  telling  them  the  story  of  the  Cross  and  the 
Emperor  Constantine.  This  so  wrought  upon  them 
that  they  all  daubed  the  figure  of  a  cross  on  their 
shields  of  bull-hide,  set  out  for  the  war,  and  came 
back  victorious,  extolling  the  sacred  symbol  as  a 
great  war-medicine. 

^''  Thus  it  is,"  writes  Dablon,  who  chronicles  the 
incident,  "  that  our  holy  faith  is  established  among 
these  people ;  and  we  have  good  hope  that  we 
shall  soon  carry  it  to  the  famous  river  called  the 
Mississippi,  and  perhaps  even  to  the  South  Sea."  ^ 
Most  things  human  have  their  phases  of  the  ludi- 
crous ;  and  the  heroism  of  these  untiring  priests  is 
no  exception  to  the  rule. 

1  Relation,  1672,  42. 


38  THE    JESUITS    ON    THE    LAKES.  [1670-72, 

The  various  missionary  stations  were  much  alike. 
They  consisted  of  a  chapel  (commonly  of  logs)  and 
one  or  more  houses,  with  perhaps  a  storehouse 
and  a  workshop  ;  the  whole  fenced  with  pahsades, 
and  forming,  in  fact,  a  stockade  fort,  surrounded 
with  clearings  and  cultivated  fields.  It  is  evident 
that  the  priests  had  need  of  other  hands  than  their 
own  and  those  of  the  few  lay  brothers  attached  to 
the  mission.  They  required  men  inured  to  labor, 
accustomed  to  the  forest  life,  able  to  guide  canoes 
and  handle  tools  and  weapons.  In  the  earlier 
epoch  of  the  missions,  when  enthusiasm  was  at  its 
height,  they  were  served  in  great  measure  by 
volunteers,  who  joined  them  through  devotion  or 
penitence,  and  who  were  known  as  donnes,  or 
"  given  men.'*  Of  late,  the  number  of  these  had 
much  diminished;  and  they  now  relied  chiefly  on 
hired  men,  or  engages.  These  were  employed  in 
building,  hunting,  fishing,  clearing  and  tilling  the 
ground,  guiding  canoes,  and,  if  faith  is  to  be  placed 
in  reports  current  throughout  the  colony,  in  trad- 
ing with  the  Indians  for  the  profit  of  the  missions. 
This  charge  of  trading  —  which,  if  the  results  were 
applied  exclusively  to  the  support  of  the  missions, 
does  not  of  necessity  involve  much  censure  —  is 
vehemently  reiterated  in  many  quarters,  including 
the  official  despatches  of  the  governor  of  Canada ; 
while,  so  far  as  I  can  discover,  the  Jesuits  never 
distinctly  denied  it ;  and,  on  several  occasions,  they 
partially  admitted  its  truth.^ 

1  This  charge  was  made  from  the  first  establishment  of  the  missions 
For  remarks  on  it,  see  The  Jesuits  in  North  America  and  Tlie  Old 
R(5gime  in  Canada, 


CHAPTER  ly. 

1667-1672. 
FRANCE  TAKES  POSSESSION  OF  THE  WEST. 

Talon.  —  Saint-Ldsson.  —  Perrot.  —  The  Ceremony  at   Sadt  Stb 
Marie.  —  The  Speech  of  Allouez.  —  Count  Frontenac. 

Jean  Talon,  intendant  of  Canada,  was  full  of 
projects  for  the  good  of  the  colony.  On  the  one 
hand,  he  set  himself  to  the  development  of  its  in- 
dustries, and,  on  the  other,  to  the  extension  of  its 
domain.  He  meant  to  occupy  the  interior  of  the 
continent,  control  the  rivers,  which  were  its  only 
highways,  and  hold  it  for  France  against  every 
other  nation.  On  the  east,  England  was  to  be 
hemmed  within  a  narrow  strip  of  seaboard ;  while, 
on  the  south,  Talon  aimed  at  securing  a  port  on 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  to  keep  the  Spaniards  in 
check,  and  dispute  with  them  the  possession  of 
the  vast  regions  which  they  claimed  as  their  own. 
But  the  interior  of  the  continent  was  still  an  un- 
known world.  It  behooved  him  to  explore  it ;  and 
to  that  end  he  availed  himself  of  Jesuits,  officers, 
fur- traders,  and  enterprising  schemers  hke  La  Salle. 
His  efforts  at  discovery  seem  to  have  been  con- 
ducted with  a  singular  economy  of  the  king's  purse. 
La  Salle  paid  all  the  expenses  of  his  first  expedi- 


40  FRANCE    TAKES    POSSESSION,  ETC.  [1670 

tion  made  under  Talon's  auspices ;  and  apparently  of 
the  second  also,  though  the  intendant  announces  it 
in  his  despatches  as  an  expedition  sent  out  by  him- 
self.^ When,  in  1670,  he  ordered  Daumont  de  Saint- 
Lusson  to  search  for  copper  mines  on  Lake  Superior, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  take  formal  possession  of 
the  whole  interior  for  the  king,  it  was  arranged 
that  he  should  pay  the  costs  of  the  journey  by 
trading  with  the  Indians.^ 

Saint-Lusson  set  out  with  a  small  party  oi 
men,  and  Nicolas  Perrot  as  his  interpreter.  Among 
Canadian  voyageurs,  few  names  are  so  conspicuous 
as  that  of  Perrot ;  not  because  there  were  not  others 
who  matched  him  in  achievement,  but  because  he 
could  write,  and  left  behind  him  a  tolerable  account 
of  what  he  had  seen.^  He  was  at  this  time  twenty- 
six  years  old,  and  had  formerly  been  an  engage  of 
the  Jesuits.  He  was  a  man  of  enterprise,  courage, 
and  address  ;  the  last  being  especially  shown  in  his 
dealings  with  Indians,  over  whom  he  had  great 
influence.  He  spoke  Algonquin  fluently,  and  was 
favorably  known  to  many  tribes  of  that  family.  Saint- 

1  At  least,  La  Salle  was  in  great  need  of  money,  about  the  time 
of  his  second  journey.  On  the  sixth  of  August,  1671,  lie  had  received 
on  credit,  "  dans  son  grand  besoin  et  ne'cessite,"  from  Branssac,  fiscal  attor- 
ney of  the  Seminary,  merchandise  to  tlie  amount  of  four  hundred  and 
fifty  livres  ;  and,  on  the  eighteenth  of  December  of  the  following  year,  he 
gave  his  promise  to  pay  tlie  same  sum,  in  money  or  furs,  in  tlie  August 
following.     Faillon  found  the  papers  in  the  ancient  records  of  Montreal. 

2  In  his  despatch  of  2d  Nov.,  1G71,  Talon  writes  to  the  khig  that 
"  Saint-Lusson's  expedition  will  cost  nothing,  as  he  has  received  beaver 
enough  from  the  Indians  to  pay  him." 

*  Moeurs,  Coustumes,  et  Rellicjion  des  Sauvar/es  de  VAm^rnjue  Sepien- 
tnonale.  This  work  of  Perrot,  hitlierto  unpublished,  appeared  in  1864, 
under  the  editorship  of  Father  Tailhan,  S.J.  A  great  part  of  it  is  incor- 
porated in  La  Potherie. 


1671.]  SAINT-LUSSON    AND    PERROT.  41 

Lussoii  wintered  at  the  Manatoulin  Islands ;  while 
Perrot,  having  first  sent  messages  to  the  tribes  of 
the  north,  im'iting  them  to  meet  the  deputy  of  the 
governor  at  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie  in  the  following 
spring,  proceeded  to  Green  Bay,  to  urge  the  same 
invitation  upon  the  tribes  of  that  quarter.  They 
knew  him  well,  and  greeted  him  with  clamors  of 
welcome.  The  Miamis,  it  is  said,  received  him  with 
a  sham  battle,  which  was  designed  to  do  him  honor, 
but  by  which  nerves  more  susceptible  would  have 
been  severely  shaken.^  They  entertained  him  also 
with  a  grand  game  of  la  crosse,  the  Indian  ball- 
play.  Perrot  gives  a  marvellous  account  of  the 
authority  and  state  of  the  Miami  chief,  who,  he 
says,  was  attended  day  and  night  by  a  guard  of 
warriors;  an  assertion  which  would  be  incredible, 
were  it  not  sustained  by  the  account  of  the  same 
chief  given  by  the  Jesuit  Dablon.  Of  the  tribes 
of  the  Bay,  the  greater  part  promised  to  send  dele- 
gates to  the  Saut ;  but  the  Pottawattamies  dissuaded 
the  Miami  potentate  from  attempting  so  long  a 
journey,  lest  the  fatigue  incident  to  it  might  injure 
his  health ;  and  he  therefore  deputed  them  to  rep- 
resent him  and  his  tribesmen  at  the  great  meeting. 
Their  principal  chiefs,  with  those  of  the  Sacs,  Win- 
nebagoes,  and  Menomonies,  embarked,  and  paddled 
for  the  place  of  rendezvous,  where  they  and  Perrot 
arrived  on  the  fifth  of  May.^ 

1  See  La  Potherie,  11.  125.  Perrot  himself  does  not  mention  it. 
Charlevoix  erroneously  places  this  intervieAV  at  Chicago.  Perrot's  nar- 
rative shows  that  he  did  not  go  farther  than  the  tribes  of  Green  Bay ; 
and  the  Miamis  were  then,  as  we  have  seen,  on  the  upper  part  of  Yost 
River. 

2  Perrot,  M^moires  127. 


42  FRANCE    TAKES    POSSESSION.  ETC.  [167] 

Saint-Lusson  was  here  with  his  men,  fifteen  in 
number,  among  w^hom  was  Louis  Joliet;^  and  In- 
dians were  fast  thronging  in  from  their  wintering 
grounds,  attracted,  as  usual,  by  the  fisliery  of  the 
rapids  or  moved  by  the  messages  sent  by  Perrot, 
—  Crees,  Monsonis,  Amikoues,  Nipissings,  and  many 
more.  When  fourteen  tribes,  or  their  representa- 
tives, had  arrived,  Saint-Lusson  prepared  to  execute 
the  commission  with  which  he  was  charged. 

At  tlie  foot  of  the  rapids  was  the  village  of  the 
Saute urs,  above  the  village  was  a  hill,  and  hard  by 
stood  the  fort  of  the  Jesuits.  On  the  morning  of  the 
fourteenth  of  June,  Saint-Lusson  led  his  followers 
to  the  top  of  the  hill,  all  fully  equipped  and  under 
arms.  Here,  too,  in  the  vestments  of  their  priestly 
office,  were  four  Jesuits,  —  Claude  Dablon,  Supe- 
rior of  the  Missions  of  the  Lakes,  Gabriel  Druilletes, 
Claude  Allouez,  and  Louis  Andre. ^  All  around, 
the  great  throng  of  Indians  stood,  or  crouched,  or 
reclined  at  length,  with  eyes  and  ears  intent.  A 
large  cross  of  wood  had  been  made  ready.  Dablon, 
in  solemn  form,  pronounced  his  blessing  on  it ;  and 
then  it  was  reared  and  planted  in  the  ground,  while 
the  Frenchmen,  uncovered,  sang  the  Vexilla  Regis, 
Then  a  post  of  cedar  was  planted  beside  it,  with 
a  metal  plate  attached,  engraven  with  the  royal 
arms  ;  while  Saint-Lusson's  followers  sang  the  Ex- 
aiidiat,  and  one  of  the  Jesuits  uttered  a  prayer  for 
the  king.     Saint-Lusson  now  advanced,  and,  hold- 

1  Proces  Verbal  de  la  Prise  de  Possession,  etc.,  14  Juin,  1671.  The  names 
are  attached  to  this  instrument. 

2  Marquette  is  said  to  have  been  present  but  the  oflB(;ial  act,  just 
cited,  proves  the  contrary.     He  was  still  at  St.  Esprit. 


1671.]  CEREMONY    AT    THE    SAUT.  43 

ing  his  sword  in  one  hand,  and  raising  with  the 
other  a  sod  of  earth,  proclaimed  in  a  loud  voice,  — 
"  In  the  name  of  the  Most  High,  Mighty,  and  Re- 
doubted Monarch,  Louis,  Fourteenth  of  that  name, 
Most  Christian  King  of  France  and  of  Navarre,  I 
take  possession  of  this  place,  Sainte  Marie  du  Saut, 
as  also  of  Lakes  Huron  and  Superior,  the  Island  of 
Manatoulin,  and  all  countries,  rivers,  lakes,  and 
streams  contiguous  and  adjacent  thereunto :  both 
those  which  have  been  discovered  and  those  which 
may  be  discovered  hereafter,  in  all  their  length  and 
breadth,  bounded  on  the  one  side  by  the  seas  of  the 
North  and  of  the  West,  and  on  the  other  by  the 
South  Sea:  declaring  to  the  nations  thereof  that 
from  this  time  forth  they  are  vassals  of  his  Ma- 
jesty, bound  to  obey  his  laws  and  follow  his  cus- 
toms ;  promising  them  on  his  part  all  succor  and 
protection  against  the  incursions  and  invasions  of 
their  enemies :  declaring  to  all  other  potentates, 
princes,  sovereigns,  states,  and  republics,  —  to  them 
and  to  their  subjects,  —  that  they  cannot  and  are 
not  to  seize  or  settle  upon  any  parts  of  the  aforesaid 
countries,  save  only  under  the  good  pleasure  of 
His  Most  Christian  Majesty,  and  of  him  who  will 
govern  in  his  behalf ;  and  this  on  pain  of  incurring 
his  resentment  and  the  efforts  of  his  arms.    Vive  le 

Roir  ' 

The  Frenchmen  fired  their  guns  and  shouted 
''  Vive  le  Roij'  and  the  yelps  of  the  astonished 
Indians  mingled  with  the  din. 

What   now   remains    of    the    sovereignty   thus 

1  Proces  Verbal  de  la  Prise  de  Possession. 


4:4  FRAJNCE    TAKES    POSSESSION,  ETC.  [167J. 

pompously  proclaimed  ?  Now  and  then,  the  ac- 
cents of  France  on  the  lips  of  some  straggling 
boatman  or  vagabond  half-breed,  —  this,  and  noth- 
ing more. 

When  the  uproar  was  over,  Father  Allouez  ad- 
dressed the  Indians  in  a  solemn  harangue  ;  and 
these  were  his  words  :  "  It  is  a  good  work,  my 
brothers,  an  important  work,  a  great  work,  that 
brings  us  together  in  council  to-day.  Look  up  at 
the  cross  which  rises  so  high  above  your  heads.  It 
was  there  that  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  after 
making  himself  a  man  for  the  love  of  men,  was 
nailed  and  died,  to  satisfy  his  Eternal  Father  for 
our  sins.  He  is  the  master  of  our  lives  ;  the  ruler 
of  Heaven,  Earth,  and  Hell.  It  is  he  of  whom  I 
am  continually  speaking  to  you,  and  whose  name 
and  word  I  have  borne  through  all  your  country. 
But  look  at  this  post  to  which  are  fixed  the  arms 
of  the  great  chief  of  France,  whom  we  call  King. 
He  lives  across  the  sea.  He  is  the  chief  of  the 
greatest  chiefs,  and  has  no  equal  on  earth.  All  the 
chiefs  whom  you  have  ever  seen  are  but  children 
beside  him.  He  is  like  a  great  tree,  and  they  are 
but  the  little  herbs  that  one  walks  over  and  tram- 
ples under  foot.  You  know  Onontio,^  that  famous 
chief  at  Quebec ;  you  know  and  you  have  seen  that 
he  is  the  terror  of  the  Iroquois,  and  that  his  very 
name  makes  them  tremble,  since  he  has  laid  their 
country  waste  and  burned  their  towns  with  fire. 
Across  the  sea  there  are  ten  thousand  Onontios  like 
him,  who  are  but  the  warriors  of  our  great  King,  of 

1  The  Indian  name  of  the  governor  of  Canada. 


1671.)  SAINT-LUSSON'S    HARANGUE  46 

whom  I  have  told  you.  When  he  says,  ^  I  am  going 
to  war/  everybody  obeys  his  orders ;  and  each  of 
these  ten  thousand  chiefs  raises  a  troop  of  a  hun- 
dred warriors,  some  on  sea  and  some  on  land. 
Some  embark  in  great  ships,  such  as  you  have  seen 
at  Quebec.  Your  canoes  carry  only  four  or  five 
men,  or,  at  the  most,  ten  or  twelve  ;  but  our  ships 
carry  four  or  ^ye  hundred,  and  sometimes  a  thou- 
sand. Others  go  to  war  by  land,  and  in  such  num- 
bers that  if  they  stood  in  a  double  file  they  w^ould 
reach  from  here  to  Mississaquenk,  which  is  more 
than  twenty  leagues  off.  When  our  King  attacks 
his  enemies,  he  is  more  terrible  than  the  thunder : 
the  earth  trembles ;  the  air  and  the  sea  are  all  on 
fire  with  the  blaze  of  his  cannon :  he  is  seen  in  the 
midst  of  his  warriors,  covered  over  with  the  blood 
of  his  enemies,  whom  he  kills  in  such  numbers 
that  he  does  not  reckon  them  by  the  scalps,  but  by 
the  streams  of  blood  which  he  causes  to  flow.  He 
takes  so  many  prisoners  that  he  holds  them  in  no 
account,  but  lets  them  go  where  they  w^ill,  to  show 
that  he  is  not  afraid  of  them.  But  now  nobody 
dares  make  war  on  him.  All  the  nations  beyond 
the  sea  have  submitted  to  him  and  begged  humbly 
for  peace.  Men  come  from  every  quarter  of  the 
earth  to  listen  to  him  and  admire  him.  All  that  is 
done  in  the  world  is  decided  by  him  alone. 

"  But  what  shall  I  say  of  his  riches  ?  You  think 
yourselves  rich  when  you  have  ten  or  twelve  sacks 
of  corn,  a  few  hatchets,  beads,  kettles,  and  other 
things  of  that  sort.  He  has  cities  of  his  own, 
more  than  there  are  of  men  in  all  this  country  for 


46  FRANCE    TAKES    POSSESSION,  ETC,  [1671-72 

five  hundred  leao^iies  around.  In  each  citv  there 
are  storehouses  where  there  are  hatchets  enouoi:h 
to  cut  down  all  j^our  forests,  kettles  enough  to  cook 
all  your  moose,  and  beads  enough  to  fill  all  your 
lodges.  His  house  is  longer  than  from  here  to  the 
top  of  the  Saut,  —  that  is  to  say,  more  than  half  a 
league,  —  and  higher  than  your  tallest  trees  ;  and 
it  holds  more  families  than  the  largest  of  your 
towns."  ^  The  father  added  more  in  a  similar 
strain  ;  but  the  peroration  of  his  harangue  is  not 
on  record. 

Whatever  impression  this  curious  effort  of  Jesuit 
rhetoric  may  have  produced  upon  the  hearers,  it 
did  not  prevent  them  from  stripping  the  royal  arms 
from  the  post  to  which  they  were  nailed,  as  soon  as 
Saint-Lusson  and  his  men  had  left  the  Saut ;  proba- 
bly, not  because  they  understood  the  import  of  the 
symbol,  but  because  they  feared  it  as  a  charm.  Saint- 
Lusson  proceeded  to  Lake  Superior,  where,  how- 
ever, he  accomplished  nothing,  except,  perhaps,  a 
traffic  with  the  Indians  on  his  own  account ;  and  he 
soon  after  returned  to  Quebec.  Talon  was  resolved 
to  find  the  Mississippi,  the  most  interesting  object 
of  search,  and  seemingly  the  most  attainable,  in  the 
wild  and  vague  domain  which  he  had  just  claimed 
for  the  king.  The  Indians  had  described  it ;  the 
Jesuits  were  eager  to  discover  it ;  and  La  Salle,  if 
he  had  not  reached  it,  had  explored  two  several 
avenues  by  which  it  might  be  approached.  Talon 
looked  about  him  for  a  fit  agent  of  the  enterprise, 

1  A  close  translation  of  Dablon's  report  of  the  speech.  See  ReJation, 
1671,  27. 


1672.]  TALON  AND   COURCELLE.  47 

and  made  choice  of  Louis  Joliet,  who  had  returned 
from  Lake  Superior.^  But  the  intendant  was  not 
to  see  the  fulfilment  of  his  design.  His  busy  and 
useful  career  in  Canada  was  drawing  to  an  end. 
A  misunderstanding  had  arisen  between  him  and 
the  governor,  Courcelle.  Both  were  faithful  ser- 
vants of  the  king;  but  the  relations  between  the 
two  chiefs  of  the  colony  were  of  a  nature  neces- 
sarily so  critical,  that  a  conflict  of  authority  was 
scarcely  to  be  avoided.  Each  thought  his  functions 
encroached  upon,  and  both  asked  for  recall.  An- 
other governor  succeeded ;  one  who  was  to  stamp 
his  mark,  broad,  bold,  and  ineffaceable,  on  the 
most  memorable  page  of  French- American  History^ 
Louis  de  Buade,  Count  of  Palluau  and  Frontenac. 

1  Lettre  de  Frontenac  au  Ministre,  2  Nov.,  1672.  In*the  Brodhead  Col- 
lection, by  a  copyist's  error,  the  name  of  the  Chevalier  de  Grandf ontaine 
is  substituted  for  that  of  Talon. 


CHAPTER  V. 

1672-1675. 
THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 

JOLIET  SENT  TO  FIND  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  —  JaCQUES  MaRQUETTE. — DE- 
PARTURE.—  Green  Bay.  —  The  Wisconsin.  —  The  Mississippi. — 
Indians.  —  Manitous.  —  The  Arkansas.  —  The  Illinois.  —  Jo- 
liet's  Misfortune.  —  Marquette  at  Chicago.  —  His  Illness. — 
His  Death. 

If  Talon  had  remained  in  the  colony,  Frontenac 
would  infallibly  have  quarrelled  with  him ;  but  he 
was  too  clear-sighted  not  to  approve  his  plans  for 
the  discovery  and  occupation  of  the  interior.  Be- 
fore sailing  for  France,  Talon  recommended  Joliet 
as  a  suitable  agent  for  the  discovery  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, and  the  governor  accepted  his  counsel.^ 

Louis  Joliet  was  the  son  of  a  wagon-maker  in 
the  service  of  the  Company  of  the  Hundred  Asso- 
ciates,^ then  owners  of  Canada.  He  was  born  at 
Quebec  in  1645,  and  was  educated  by  the  Jesuits. 
When  still  very  young,  he  resolved  to  be  a  priest. 
He  received  the  tonsure  and  the  minor  orders  at 
the  age  of  seventeen.  Four  years  after,  he  is  men- 
tioned with  especial  honor  for  the  part  he  bore  in 
the  disputes  in  philosophy,  at  which  the  dignitaries 
of   the   colony   were   present,   and   in  which   the 

1  Lettre  de  Frontenac  au  Ministre,  2  Nov.,  1672  ;  Ibid.  14  Nov.,  1674. 
^  See  The  Jesuits  in  North  America. 


1673.]  JOLIET.  49 

intendant  himself  took  part.^  Not  long  after,  he 
renounced  his  clerical  vocation,  and  turned  fur- 
trader.  Talon  sent  him,  with  one  Pere,  to  explore 
the  copper-mines  of  Lake  Superior ;  and  it  was  on 
his  return  from  this  expedition  that  he  met  La  Salle 
and  the  Sulpitians  near  the  head  of  Lake  Ontario.^ 

In  what  we  know  of  Joliet,  there  is  nothing  that 
reveals  any  salient  or  distinctive  trait  of  character, 
any  especial  breadth  of  view  or  boldness  of  design. 
He  appears  to  have  been  simply  a  merchant,  intel- 
ligent, well  educated,  courageous,  hardy,  and  enter- 
prising. Though  he  had  renounced  the  priesthood, 
he  retained  his  partiality  for  the  Jesuits  ;  and  it  is 
more  than  probable  that  their  influence  had  aided 
not  a  little  to  determine  Talon's  choice.  One  of 
their  number,  Jacques  Marquette,  was  chosen  to 
accompany  him. 

He  passed  up  the  lakes  to  Michillimackinac,  and 
found  his  destined  companion  at  Point  St.  Ignace, 
on  the  north  side  of  the  strait,  where,  in  his  pali- 
saded mission-house  and  chapel,  he  had  labored  for 
two  years  past  to  instruct  the  Huron  refugees  from 


i  "Le2  Juillet  (1666)  les  premieres  disputes  de  philosojjhie  se  font 
dans  la  congregation  avec  succes.  Toutes  les  puissances  s'y  trouvent ; 
M.  rintendant  entr'autres  y  a  argumente  tres-bien.  M.  Jolliet  et  Pierre 
Francheville  y  ont  tres-bien  repondu  de  toute  la  logique."  —  Journal  des 
Jesuites. 

2  Nothing  was  known  of  Joliet  till  Shea  investigated  his  history.  Fer- 
land,  in  his  Notes  sur  les  Registres  de  Notre-Dame  de  Quebec ;  Faillon,  in  his 
Cotonie  Francaise  en  Canada ;  and  Margry,  in  a  series  of  papers  in  the 
Journav  G€n€ral  de  V Instruction  Puhlique,  —  hare  thrown  much  new  light 
on  his  life.  From  journals  of  a  voyage  made  by  him  at  a  later  period 
to  the  coast  of  Labrador,  given  in  substance  by  Margry,  he  seems  to 
have  been  a  man  of  close  and  intelligent  observation.  His  mathematical 
acquirements  appear  to  have  been  very  considerable. 

4 


50  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  11673 

St.  Esprit,  and  a  band  of  Ottawas  who  had  joined 
them.     Marquette  was  born  in  1637,  of  an  old  and 
honorable  family  at  Laon,  in  the  north  of  France, 
and  was  now  thirty-five  years  of  age.    When  about 
seventeen,  he  had  joined  the  Jesuits,  evidently  from 
motives  purely  religious ;  and  in  1666  he  was  sent 
to  the  missions  of  Canada.   At  first,  he  was  destined 
to  the  station  of  Tadoussac  ;  and,  to  prepare  himself 
for  it,  he  studied  the  Montagnais  language  under 
Gabriel  Druilletes.    But  his  destination  was  changed, 
and  he  was  sent  to  the  Upper  Lakes  in  1668,  where 
he  had  since  remained.     His  talents  as  a  linguist 
must  have  been  great ;  for,  within  a  few  years,  he 
learned  to  speak  with  ease  six  Indian  languages. 
The  traits  of  his  character  are  unmistakable.     He 
was  of  the  brotherhood  of  the  early  Canadian  mis- 
sionaries, and  the  true  counterpart  of  Gamier  oi 
Jogues.     He  was  a  devout  votary  of  the  Virgin 
Mary,  who,  imaged  to  his  mind  in  shapes  of  the 
most  transcendent  loveliness  with  which  the  pencil 
of  human  genius  has  ever  informed  the  canvas,  was 
to  him  the  object  of  an  adoration  not  unmingled 
with  a  sentiment  of  chivalrous  devotion.    The  long- 
ings of  a  sensitive  heart,  divorced  from  earth,  sought 
solace  in  the  skies.     A  subtile  element  of  romance 
was  blended  with  the  fervor  of  his  worship,  and 
huncc  like  an  illumined  cloud  over  the  harsh  and 
hard  realities  of  his  daily  lot.    Kindled  by  the  smile 
of  his  celestial  mistress,  his  gentle  and  noble  nature 
knew  no  fear.     For  her  he  burned  to  dare  and  to 
suffer,  discover  new  lands  and  conquer  new  realms 
to  her  sway. 


1673.  J  DEPARiURE.  51 

He  begins  the  journal  of  his  voyage  thus :  '^  The 
day  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  of  the  Holy 
Virgin  ;  whom  I  had  continually  invoked,  since  I 
came  to  this  country  of  the  Ottawas,  to  obtain  from 
God  the  favor  of  being  enabled  to  visit  the  nations 
on  the  river  Mississippi,  —  this  very  day  was  pre- 
cisely that  on  which  M.  Joliet  arrived  with  orders 
from  Count  Frontenac,  our  governor,  and  from 
M.  Talon,  our  intendant,  to  go  with  me  on  this 
discovery.  I  was  all  the  more  delighted  at  this 
good  news,  because  I  saw  my  plans  about  to  be 
accomplished,  and  found  myself  in  the  happy  ne- 
cessity of  exposing  my  life  for  the  salvation  of  all 
these  tribes;  and  especially  of  the  Illinois,  who, 
when  I  was  at  Point  St.  Esprit,  had  begged  me 
very  earnestly  to  bring  the  word  of  God  anions 
them." 

The  outfit  of  the  travellers  was  very  simple. 
They  provided  themselves  with  two  birch  canoes, 
and  a  supply  of  smoked  meat  and  Indian  corn ;  em- 
barked with  fiYQ  men  ;  and  began  their  voyage  on 
the  seventeenth  of  May.  They  had  obtained  all 
possible  information  from  the  Indians,  and  had 
made,  by  means  of  it,  a  species  of  map  of  their 
intended  route.  ^^  Above  all,"  writes  Marquette, 
"  I  placed  our  voyage  under  the  protection  of  the 
Holy  Virgin  Immaculate,  promising  that,  if  she 
granted  us  the  favor  of  discovering  the  great  river, 
I  would  give  it  the  name  of  the  Conception."  ^    Their 

1  The  doctrine  of  the  Immaculate  Conception,  sanctioned  in  our  own 
time  by  the  Pope,  was  always  a  favorite  tenet  of  the  Jesuits;  and 
Marquette  was  especially  devoted  to  it. 


62  THE   DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  [1073 

course  was  westward ;  and,  plying  their  paddles, 
they  passed  the  Straits  of  Michillimackinac,  and 
coasted  the  northern  shores  of  Lake  Michigan ; 
landing  at  evening  to  build  their  camp-fire  at  the 
edge  of  the  forest,  and  draw  up  their  canoes  on 
the  strand.  They  soon  reached  the  river  Meno- 
monie,  and  ascended  it  to  the  village  of  the  Menomo- 
nies,  or  Wild-rice  Indians.^  When  they  told  them 
the  object  of  their  voyage,  they  were  filled  with 
astonishment,  and  used  their  best  ingenuity  to  dis- 
suade them.  The  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  they 
said,  were  inhabited  by  ferocious  tribes,  who  put 
every  stranger  to  death,  tomahawking  all  new- 
comers without  cause  or  provocation.  They  added 
that  there  was  a  demon  in  a  certain  part  of  the 
river,  whose  roar  could  be  heard  at  a  great  distance, 
and  who  would  engulf  them  in  the  abyss  where 
he  dwelt ;  that  its  waters  were  full  of  frightful 
monsters,  who  would  devour  them  and  their  canoe ; 
and,  finally,  that  the  heat  was  so  great  that  they 
would  perish  inevitably.  Marquette  set  their  coun- 
sel at  naught,  gave  them  a  few  words  of  instruction 
in  the  mysteries  of  the  Faith,  taught  them  a  prayer, 
and  bade  them  farewell. 

The  travellers  next  reached  the  mission  at 
the  head  of  Green  Bay;  entered  Fox  Kiver;  with 
difficulty  and  labor  dragged  their  canoes  up  the 
long  and  tumultuous  rapids;  crossed  Lake  AYin- 

1  The  Malhoumincs,  Malouminek,  Oumalouminek,  or  Nation  des 
Folles-Avoines,  of  early  French  writers.  The  folle-avoine,  wild  oats  or 
**wild  rice,"  Zizania  aqitatica,  was  their  ordinary  food,  as  also  of  other 
tribes  of  this  region 


1673J  MASCOUTINS;    MIAMIS.  53 

nebago ;  and  followed  the  quiet  windings  of  the 
river  beyond,  where  they  glided  through  an  endless 
growth  of  wild  rice,  and  scared  the  innumerable 
birds  that  fed  upon  it.  On  either  hand  rolled  the 
prairie,  dotted  with  groves  and  trees,  browsing  elk 
and  deer.^  On  the  seventh  of  June,  they  reached 
the  Mascoutins  and  Miamis,  who,  since  the  visit  of 
Dablon  and  Allouez,  had  been  joined  by  the  Kick- 
apoos.  Marquette,  who  had  an  eye  for  natural 
beauty,  was  delighted  with  the  situation  of  the 
town,  which  he  describes  as  standing  on  the  crown 
of  a  hill ;  while,  all  around,  the  prairie  stretched 
beyond  the  sight,  interspersed  with  groves  and 
belts  of  tall  forest.  But  he  was  still  more  de- 
lighted when  he  saw  a  cross  planted  in  the  midst 
of  the  place.  The  Indians  had  decorated  it  with  a 
Dumber  of  dressed  deer-skins,  red  girdles,  and  bows 
and  arrows,  which  they  had  hung  upon  it  as  an 
offering  to  the  Great  jNIanitou  of  the  French ;  a 
sight  by  which  Marquette  says  he  was  "  extremely 
consoled." 

The  travellers  had  no  sooner  reached  the  town 
than  they  called  the  chiefs  and  elders  to  a  council. 
Joliet  told  them  that  the  governor  of  Canada  had 
sent  him  to  discover  new  countries,  and  that  God 
had  sent  his  companion  to  teach  the  true  faith  to 
the  inhabitants ;  and  he  prayed  for  guides  to  show 
them  the  way  to  the  waters  of  the  Wisconsin.    The 


1  Dablon,  on  his  journey  with  Allouez  in  1670,  was  delighted  with 
the  aspect  of  the  country  and  the  abundance  of  game  along  this  river. 
Carver,  a  century  later,  speaks  to  the  same  effect,  saying  that  the  birds 
rose  up  in  clouds  from  the  wild-rice  marshes. 


54  THE   DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPFL  [WTd. 

coQiicil  readily  consented ;  and  on  the  tenth  of  June 
the  Frenchmen  embarked  again,  with  two  Indians 
to  conduct  them.  All  the  town  came  down  to 
the  shore  to  see  their  departure.  Here  were  the 
Miamis,  with  long  locks  of  hair  dangling  over  each 
ear,  after  a  fashion  which  Marquette  thought  very 
becoming ;  and  here,  too,  the  Mascoutins  and  the 
Kickapoos,  whom  he  describes  as  mere  boors  in 
comparison  with  their  Miami  townsmen.  All  stared 
alike  at  the  seven  adventurers,  marvelling  that  men 
could  be  found  to  risk  an  enterprise  so  hazardous. 

The  river  twisted  among  lakes  and  marshes 
choked  with  wild  rice ;  and,  but  for  their  guides, 
they  could  scarcely  have  followed  the  perplexed 
and  narrow  channel.  It  brought  them  at  last  to 
the  portage,  where,  after  carrying  their  canoes  a 
mile  and  a  half  over  the  prairie  and  through  the 
marsh,  they  launched  them  on  the  Wisconsin,  bade 
farewell  to  the  waters  that  flowed  to  the  St.  Law- 
rence, and  committed  themselves  to  the  current 
that  was  to  bear  them  they  knew  not  whither, — 
perhaps  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  perhaps  to  the 
South  Sea  or  the  Gulf  of  California.  They  glided 
calmly  down  the  tranquil  stream,  by  islands  choked 
with  trees  and  matted  with  entangling  grape-vines; 
by  forests,  groves,  and  prairies,  the  parks  and 
pleasure-grounds  of  a  prodigal  nature ;  by  thickets 
and  marshes  and  broad  bare  sand-bars ;  under  the 
shadowing  trees,  between  whose  tops  looked  down 
from  afar  the  bold  brow  of  some  woody  bluff.  At 
night,  the  bivouac, —  the  canoes  inverted  on  the 
bank,  the  flickering  fire,  the  meal  of  bison-flesh 


1673.]  THE    MISSISSIPPI.  55 

or  venison,  the  evening  pipes,  and  slumber  beneath 
the  stars ;  and  when  in  the  morning  they  embarked 
again,  the  mist  hung  on  the  river  hke  a  bridal  veil ; 
then  melted  before  the  sun,  till  the  glassy  water 
and  the  languid  woods  basked  breathless  in  the 
sultry  glare. ^ 

On  the  17th  of  June,  they  saw  on  their  right 
the  broad  meadows,  bounded  in  the  distance  by 
rugged  hills,  where  now  stand  the  town  and  fort 
of  Prairie  du  Chien.  Before  them  a  wide  and 
rapid  current  coursed  athwart  their  way,  by  the 
foot  of  lofty  heights  wrapped  thick  in  forests. 
They  had  found  what  they  sought,  and  "  with  a 
joy,"  writes  Marquette, ''  which  I  cannot  express," 
they  steered  forth  their  canoes  on  the  eddies  of  the 
Mississippi. 

Turning  southward,  they  paddled  down  the 
stream,  through  a  solitude  unrelieved  by  the  faint- 
est trace  of  man.  A  large  fish,  apparently  one  of 
the  huge  cat-fish  of  the  Mississippi,  blundered 
against  Marquette's  canoe,  with  a  force  which 
seems  to  have  startled  him ;  and  once,  as  they 
drew  in  their  net,  they  caught  a  "  spade-fish," 
whose  eccentric  appearance  greatly  astonished 
them.  At  length,  the  buffalo  began  to  appear, 
grazing  in  herds  on  the  great  prairies  which  then 
bordered  the  river;  and  Marquette  describes  the 
fierce  and  stupid  look  of  the  old  bulls,  as  they 
stared  at  the  intruders  throusrh  the  tano-led  mane 

o  o 

which  nearly  blinded  them. 

1  The  above  traits  of  the  scenery  of  the  Wisconsin  are  taken  fron: 
personal  observation  of  the  river  during  midsummer. 


56  TlIE    DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  flG73. 

They  advanced  with  extreme  caution,  landed  at 
night,  and  made  a  fire  to  cook  their  evening  meal ; 
then  extinguished  it,  embarked  again,  paddled  some 
way  farther,  and  anchored  in  the  stream,  keeping 
a  man  on  the  watch  till  morning.  They  had  jour- 
neyed more  than  a  fortnight  without  meeting  a 
human  being,  when,  on  the  twenty-fifth,  they  dis- 
covered footprints  of  men  in  the  mud  of  the  Avest- 
ern  bank,  and  a  well-trodden  path  that  led  to  the 
adjacent  prairie.  Joliet  and  Marquette  resolved  to 
follow  it ;  and,  leaving  the  canoes  in  charge  of  their 
men,  they  set  out  on  their  hazardous  adventure. 
The  day  was  fair,  and  they  walked  two  leagues  in 
silence,  following  the  path  through  the  forest  and 
across  the  sunny  prairie,  till  they  discovered  an 
Indian  village  on  the  banks  of  a  river,  and  two 
others  on  a  hill  half  a  league  distant.*  Now,  with 
beating  hearts,  they  invoked  the  aid  of  Heaven, 
and,  again  advancing,  came  so  near,  without  being 
seen,  that  they  could  hear  the  voices  of  the  Indians 
among  the  wigwams.  Then  they  stood  forth  in 
full  view,  and  shouted  to  attract  attention.  There 
was  great  commotion  in  the  village.  The  inmates 
swarmed  out  of  their  huts,  and  four  of  their  chief 
men  presently  came  forward  to  meet  the  strangers, 
advancing  very  deliberately,  and  holding  up  toward 
the  sun  two  calumets,  or  peace-pipes,  decorated 
with  feathers.     They  stopped  abruptly  before  the 

1  The  Indian  villages,  under  the  names  of  Peouaria  (Peorfa)  and 
Moingouena,  are  represented  in  Marquette's  map  upon  a  river  cor- 
responding in  position  with  tlie  Des  Moines  ;  though  the  distance  from 
the  Wisconsin,  as  given  by  him,  would  indicate  a  river  farther  north. 


1673.J  TPIE    ILLIXOIS    INDIANS.  67 

two  Frenchmen,  and  stood  gazing  at  them  with- 
out speaking  a  word.  Marquette  was  much  re- 
lieved on  seeing  that  they  wore  French  cloth, 
whence  he  judged  that  they  must  be  friends  and 
alUes.  He  broke  the  silence,  and  asked  them 
who  they  w^ere ;  whereupon  they  answered  that 
they  were  Illinois,  and  offered  the  pipe ;  which 
having  been  duly  smoked,  they  all  went  together 
to  the  village.  Here  the  chief  received  the  travel- 
lers after  a  singular  fashion,  meant  to  do  them 
honor.  He  stood  stark  naked  at  the  door  of  a 
large  wigwam,  holding  up  both  hands  as  if  to 
shield  his  eyes.  ''  Frenchmen,  how  bright  the 
sun  shines  when  you  come  to  visit  us !  All  our 
village  awaits  you ;  and  you  shall  enter  our  wig- 
wams in  peace."  So  saying,  he  led  them  into  his 
own,  which  w^as  crowded  to  suffocation  wdth  sav- 
ages, staring  at  their  guests  in  silence.  Having 
smoked  with  the  chiefs  and  old  men,  they  were 
invited  to  visit  the  great  chief  of  all  the  Illinois,  at 
one  of  the  villages  they  had  seen  in  the  distance ; 
and  thither  they  proceeded,  followed  by  a  throng 
of  warriors,  squaws,  and  children.  On  arriving, 
they  were  forced  to  smoke  again,  and  listen  to  a 
speech  of  welcome  from  the  great  chief,  wdio  de- 
livered it  standing  between  two  old  men,  naked 
like  himself.  His  lodge  w^as  crow^ded  with  the 
dignitaries  of  the  tribe,  whom  Marquette  addressed 
in  Algonquin,  announcing  himself  as  a  messenger 
sent  by  the  God  who  had  made  them,  and  whom  it 
behooves  them  to  recognize  and  obey.  He  added  a 
few  w^ords  touching  the  power  and  glory  of  Count 


58  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI  [1673 

Frontenac,  and  concluded  by  asking  information 
concerning  the  Mississippi,  and  the  tribes  along  its 
banks,  whom  he  was  on  his  way  to  visit.  The 
chief  replied  with  a  speech  of  compliment ;  assur- 
ing his  guests  that  their  presence  added  flavor  to 
his  tobacco,  made  the  river  more  calm,  the  sky 
more  serene,  and  the  earth  more  beautiful.  In 
conclusion,  he  gave  them  a  young  slave  and  a 
calumet,  begging  them  at  the  same  time  to  aban- 
don their  purpose  of  descending  the  Mississippi. 

A  feast  of  four  courses  now  followed.  First,  a 
wooden  bowl  full  of  a  porridge  of  Indian  meal 
boiled  with  grease  was  set  before  the  guests;  and 
the  master  of  ceremonies  fed  them  in  turn,  like 
infants,  with  a  large  spoon.  Then  appeared  a  plat- 
ter of  fish ;  and  the  same  functionary,  carefully 
removing  the  bones  with  his  fingers,  and  blowing 
on  the  morsels  to  cool  them,  placed  them  in  the 
mouths  of  the  two  Frenchmen.  A  large  dog, 
killed  and  cooked  for  the  occasion,  was  next  placed 
before  them ;  but,  failing  to  tempt  their  fastidious 
appetites,  was  supplanted  by  a  dish  of  fat  buffalo- 
meat,  which  concluded  the  entertainment.  The 
crowd  having  dispersed,  buffalo-robes  were  spread 
on  the  ground,  and  Marquette  and  Joliet  spent  the 
night  on  the  scene  of  the  late  festivity.  In  the 
morning,  the  chief,  with  some  six  hundred  of  his 
tribesmen,  escorted  them  to  their  canoes,  and  bade 
them,  after  their  stolid  fashion,  a  friendly  farewell. 

Again  they  were  on  their  way,  slowly  drifting 
down  the  great  river.  They  passed  the  mouth  of 
the  Illinois,  and  glided  beneath  that  line  of  rocks 


1673.  J  THE    PAINTED    ROCKS.  59 

on  the  eastern  side,  cut  into  fantastic  forms  by  the 
elements,  and  marked  as  "  The  Ruined  Castles " 
on  some  of  the  early  French  maps.  Presently 
they  beheld  a  sight  which  reminded  them  that  the 
Devil  was  still  lord  paramount  of  this  wilderness. 
On  the  flat  face  of  a  high  rock  were  painted,  in 
red,  black,  and  green,  a  pair  of  monsters,  each 
"  as  large  as  a  calf,  with  horns  like  a  deer,  red 
eyes,  a  beard  like  a  tiger,  and  a  frightful  expres- 
sion of  countenance.  The  face  is  something  like 
that  of  a  man,  the  body  covered  with  scales ;  and 
the  tail  so  long  that  it  passes  entirely  round  the 
body,  over  the  head  and  between  the  legs,  ending 
like  that  of  a  fish."  Such  is  the  account  which  the 
worthy  Jesuit  gives  of  these  manitous,  or  Indian 
gods.^  He  confesses  that  at  first  they  frightened 
him  ;  and  his  imagination  and  that  of  his  credulous 
companions  were  so  wrought  upon  by  these  unhal- 
lowed efforts  of  Indian  art,  that  they  continued  for 

1  The  rock  where  these  figures  were  painted  is  immediately  above 
the  city  of  Alton.  The  tradition  of  their  existence  remains,  though  they 
are  entirely  effaced  by  time.  In  1867,  when  I  passed  the  place,  a  part 
of  the  rock  had  been  quarried  away,  and,  instead  of  Marquette's  mon- 
sters, it  bore  a  huge  advertisement  of  "  Pl-intation  Bitters."  Some 
years  ago,  certain  jiersons,  with  more  zeal  than  knowledge,  proposed 
to  restore  the  figures,  after  conceptions  of  their  own ;  but  the  idea  was 
abandoned.  * 

Marquette  made  a  drawing  of  the  two  monsters,  but  it  is  lost.  I  have, 
however,  a  fac-simile  of  a  map  made  a  few  years  later,  by  order  of  the 
Intendant  Duchesneau,  which  is  decorated  with  the  portrait  of  one  of 
them,  answering  to  Marquette's  description,  and  probably  copied  from 
his  drawing.  St.  Cosme,  who  saw  them  in  1699,  says  that  they  were  even 
then  almost  effaced.  Douay  and  Joutel  also  speak  of  them ;  the  former, 
bitterly  hostile  to  his  Jesuit  contemporaries,  charging  ]\Iarquette  with 
exaggeration  in  his  account  of  them.  Joutel  could  see  nothing  terrifying 
in  their  appearance ;  but  he  says  that  his  Indians  made  sacrifices  to  them 
as  they  passed. 


60  TIIE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE   MISSISSIPPI.  [1673. 

a  long  time  to  talk  of  them  as  they  plied  their  pad- 
dles. They  were  thus  engaged,  when  they  were 
suddenly  aroused  by  a  real  danger.  A  torient  of 
yellow  mud  rushed  furiously  athwart  the  calm  blue 
current  of  the  Mississippi ;  boiling  and  surging,  and 
sweeping  in  its  course  logs,  branches,  and  uprooted 
trees.  They  had  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Mis- 
souri, where  that  savage  river,  descending  froai  its 
mad  career  through  a  vast  unknown  of  barbarism, 
poured  its  turbid  floods  into  the  bosom  of  its  gen- 
tler sister.  Their  light  canoes  whirled  on  the  miry 
vortex  like  dry  leaves  on  an  angry  brook.  "  1 
never,"  writes  Marquette,  "  saw  any  thing  more  ter- 
rific ; "  but  they  escaped  with  their  fright,  and  held 
their  way  down  the  turbulent  and  swollen  current 
of  the  now  united  rivers.^  They  passed  the  lonely 
forest  that  covered  the  site  of  the  destined  city  of 
St.  Louis,  and,  a  few  days  later,  saw  on  their  left 
the  mouth  of  the  stream  to  which  the  Iroquois 
had  given  the  well-merited  name  of  Ohio,  or  the 
Beautiful  River. ^  Soon  they  began  to  see  the 
marshy  shores  buried  in  a  dense  growth  of  the  cane, 
with  its  tall  straight  stems  and  feathery  light-green 
foliage.  The  sun  glowed  through  the  hazy  air 
with  a  languid  stifling  heat,  and  by  day  and  night 

^  The  Missouri  is  called  Pekitanoui  by  Marquette.  It  also  bears, 
on  early  French  maps,  the  names  of  Kiviere  des  Osages,  and  Riviere 
des  Emissourites,  or  Oumessourits.  On  Marquette's  map,  a  tribe  of  this 
name  is  placed  near  its  banks,  just  above  the  Osages.  Judging  by  the 
course  of  the  Mississippi  that  it  discharged  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  he 
conceived  the  hope  of  one  day  reaching  the  South  Sea  by  way  of  the 
Missouri. 

2  Called,  on  Marquette's  map,  Ouabouskiaou.  On  some  of  the  earliest 
maps,  it  is  called  Ouabache  (Wabash). 


1673. J  THE    LOWER    MISSISSIPPI  61 

mosquitoes  in  myriads  left  them  no  peace.  They 
floated  slowly  down  the  current,  crouched  in  the 
shade  of  the  sails  which  they  had  spread  as  awn- 
ings, when  suddenly  they  saw  Indians  on  the  east 
bank.  The  surprise  was  mutual,  and  each  party 
was  as  much  frightened  as  the  other.  Marquette 
Fiastened  to  display  the  calumet  which  the  Illinois 
had  given  him  by  way  of  passport ;  and  the  Indians, 
recognizing  the  pacific  symbol,  replied  with  an  invi- 
tation to  land.  Evidently,  they  were  in  communica- 
tion with  Europeans,  for  they  were  armed  with  guns, 
knives,  and  hatchets,  wore  garments  of  cloth,  and 
carried  their  gunpowder  in  small  bottles  of  thick 
glass.  They  feasted  the  Frenchmen  with  buffalo- 
meat,  bear's  oil,  and  white  plums ;  and  gave  them  a 
variety  of  doubtful  information,  including  the  agree- 
able but  delusive  assurance  that  they  would  reach 
the  mouth  of  the  river  in  ten  days.  It  was,  in  fact, 
more  than  a  thousand  miles  distant. 

They  resumed  their  course,  and  again  floated 
down  the  interminable  monotony  of  river,  marsh, 
and  forest.  Day  after  day  passed  on  in  solitude,  and 
they  had  paddled  some  three  hundred  miles  since 
their  meeting  with  the  Indians,  when,  as  they 
neared  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas,  they  saw  a  clus- 
ter of  wigwams  on  the  west  bank.  Their  inmates 
were  all  astir,  yelling  the  war-whoop,  snatching 
their  weapons,  and  running  to  the  shore  to  meet 
the  strangers,  who,  on  their  part,  called  for  succor 
to  the  Virgin.  In  truth,  they  had  need  of  her  aid ; 
for  several  large  wooden  canoes,  filled  with  savages, 
were  putting  out  from  the  shore,  above  and  below 


62  TIIE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  [1673 

them,  to  cut  off  their  retreat,  while  a  swarm  of  head- 
lono*  voimo:  warriors  waded  into  the  water  to  attack 
them.  The  cmTcnt  proved  too  strong ;  and,  f aihng 
to  reach  the  canoes  of  the  Frenchmen,  one  of  them 
threw  his  war-club,  which  flew  over  the  heads  of 
the  startled  travellers.  Meanwhile,  Marquette  had 
not  ceased  to  hold  up  his  calumet,  to  which  the  ex- 
cited crowd  gave  no  heed,  but  strung  their  bows 
and  notched  their  arrows  for  immediate  action ; 
when  at  length  the  elders  of  the  village  arrived, 
saw  the  peace-pipe,  restrained  the  ardor  of  the 
youth,  and  urged  the  Frenchmen  to  come  ashore. 
Marquette  and  his  companions  complied,  trembling, 
and  found  a  better  recejDtion  than  they  had  reason 
to  expect.  One  of  the  Indians  spoke  a  little  Illi- 
nois, and  served  as  interpreter;  a  friendly  con- 
ference was  followed  by  a  feast  of  sagamite  and 
fish ;  and  the  travellers,  not  without  sore  misgiv- 
ings, spent  the  night  in  the  lodges  of  their  enter- 
tainers.^ 

Early  in  the  morning,  they  embarked  again,  and 
proceeded  to  a  village  of  the  Arkansas  tribe,  about 
eight  leagues  below.  Notice  of  their  coming  was 
sent  before  them  by  their  late  hosts ;  and,  as  they 
drew  near,  they  were  met  by  a  canoe,  in  the  prow  of 
which  stood  a  naked  personage,  holding  a  calumet, 
singing,  and  making  gestures  of  friendship.  On 
reaching  the  village,  which  was  on  the  east  side,^ 
opposite  the  mouth  of  the  river  Arkansas,  they  were 

^  This  village,  called  Mitchigamea,  is  represented  on  several  con 
temporary  maps. 

^  A  few  years  later,  the  Arkansas  were  all  on  the  west  side. 


1673.J  THE    AKKANSAS.  63 

conducted  to  a  sort  of  scaffold,  before  the  lodge  of 
the  war-chief.  The  space  beneath  had  been  pie- 
pared  for  then'  reception,  the  ground  being  neatly 
covered  with  rush  mats.  On  these  they  were 
seated ;  the  warriors  sat  around  them  in  a  semi- 
circle ;  then  the  elders  of  the  tribe ;  and  then  the  pro- 
miscuous crowd  of  villagers,  standing,  and  staring 
over  the  heads  of  the  more  dignified  members  of 
the  assembly.  All  the  men  were  naked ;  but,  to 
compensate  for  the  lack  of  clothing,  they  wore 
strings  of  beads  in  their  noses  and  ears.  The 
women  were  clothed  in  shabby  skins,  and  wore 
their  hair  clumped  in  a  mass  behind  each  ear.  By 
good  luck,  there  was  a  young  Indian  in  the  village, 
who  had  an  excellent  knowledge  of  Illinois;  and 
through  him  Marquette  endeavored  to  explain  the 
mysteries  of  Christianity,  and  to  gain  information 
concerning  the  river  below.  To  this  end  he  gave 
his  auditors  the  presents  indispensable  on  such 
occasions,  but  received  very  little  in  return.  They 
told  him  that  the  Mississippi  was  infested  by  hostile 
Indians,  armed  with  guns  procured  from  white 
men;  and  that  they,  the  Arkansas,  stood  in  such 
fear  of  them  that  they  dared  not  hunt  the  buffalo, 
but  were  forced  to  live  on  Indian  corn,  of  which 
they  raised  three  crops  a  year. 

During  the  speeches  on  either  side,  food  was 
brought  in  without  ceasing :  sometimes  a  platter  of 
sagamite  or  mush ;  sometimes  of  corn  boiled  whole ; 
sometimes  a  roasted  dog.  The  villagers  had  large 
earthen  pots  and  platters,  made  by  themselves  with 
tolerable   skill,   as  well  as   hatchets,  knives,  and 


64  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE   MISSISSIPPI.  [1673 

beads,  gained  by  traffic  with  the  Illinois  and  other 
tribes  in  contact  with  the  French  or  Spaniards.  All 
day  there  was  feasting  without  respite,  after  the 
merciless  practice  of  Indian  hospitality ;  but  at 
night  some  of  their  entertainers  proposed  to  kill 
and  plunder  them,  a  scheme  which  was  defeated 
by  the  vigilance  of  the  chief,  who  visited  their 
quarters,  and  danced  the  calumet  dance  to  reassure 
his  guests. 

The  travellers  now  held  counsel  as  to  what  course 
they  should  take.  They  had  gone  far  enough,  as 
they  thought,  to  establish  one  important  point: 
that  the  Mississippi  discharged  its  waters,  not  into 
the  Atlantic  or  sea  of  Virginia,  nor  into  the  Gulf 
of  California  or  Yermilion  Sea,  but  into  the  GuK 
of  Mexico.  They  thought  themselves  nearer  to  its 
mouth  than  they  actually  were,  the  distance  being 
still  about  seven  hundred  miles ;  and  they  feared 
that,  if  they  went  farther,  they  might  be  killed  by 
Indians  or  captured  by  Spaniards,  whereby  the  re- 
sults of  their  discovery  would  be  lost.  Therefore 
they  resolved  to  return  to  Canada,  and  report  what 
they  had  seen. 

They  left  the  Arkansas  village,  and  began  their 
homeward  voyage  on  the  seventeenth  of  July.  It 
was  no  easy  task  to  urge  their  way  upward,  in  the 
heat  of  midsummer,  against  the  current  of  the  dark 
and  gloomy  stream,  toiling  all  day  under  the  parch- 
ing sun,  and  sleeping  at  night  in  the  exhalations  of 
the  unwholesome  shore,  or  in  the  narrow  confines  of 
their  birchen  vessels,  anchored  on  the  river.  Mar- 
quette was  attacked  with  dysentery.    Languid  and 


1678.]  EETUEN    TO    CANADA.  65 

well-nigh  spent,  he  invoked  his  celestial  mistress, 
as  day  after  day,  and  week  after  week,  they  won 
their  slow  way  northward.  At  length,  they  reached 
the  Illinois,  and,  entering  its  mouth,  followed  its 
course,  charmed,  as  they  went,  with  its  placid 
waters,  its  shady  forests,  and  its  rich  plains,  grazed 
by  the  bison  and  the  deer.  They  stopped  at  a  spot 
soon  to  be  made  famous  in  the  annals  of  western 
discovery.  This  was  a  village  of  the  Illinois,  then 
called  Kaskaskia;  a  name  afterwards  transferred 
to  another  locality.^  A  chief,  with  a  band  of  young 
warriors,  offered  to  guide  them  to  the  Lake  of  the 
Illinois;  that  is  to  say.  Lake  Michigan.  Thither 
they  repaired ;  and,  coasting  its  shores,  reached 
Green  Bay  at  the  end  of  September,  after  an  ab- 
sence of  about  four  months,  during  which  they  had 
paddled  their  canoes  someAvhat  more  than  two 
thousand  five  hundred  miles.^ 

1  Marquette  says  that  it  consisted  at  this  time  of  seventy-fom 
lodges.  These,  like  the  Huron  and  Iroquois  lodges,  contained  each 
several  fires  and  several  families.  This  village  was  about  seven  miles 
below  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Ottawa. 

2  The  journal  of  Marquette,  first  published  in  an  imperfect  form  by 
Thevenot;  in  1681,  has  been  reprinted  by  Mr.  Lenox,  under  the  direction 
of  Mr.  Shea,  from  the  manuscript  preserved  in  the  archives  of  the  Cana- 
dian Jesuits.  It  will  also  be  found  in  Shea's  Discovery  and  Exploration  of 
the  Mississippi  Valley,  and  the  Relations  In^dites  of  Martin.  The  true  map 
of  Marquette  accompanies  all  these  publications.  The  map  published  by 
Tlievenot  and  reproduced  by  Bancroft  is  not  Marquette's.  The  original 
of  this,  of  which  I  have  a  fac-simile,  bears  the  title  Carte  de  la  NouveJle 
D^couverte  que  les  Peres  J€suites  ont  faite  en  I'ann^e  1672,  et  continu€e  par  le 
Pete  Jacques  Marquette,  etc.  The  return  route  of  the  expedition  is  incor- 
rectly laid  down  on  it.  A  manuscript  map  of  the  Jesuit  Eaffeix,  pre- 
served in  the  Bibliotheque  Imperiale,  is  more  accurate  in  this  particular. 
I  have  also  another  contemporary  manuscript  map,  indicating  the  vari- 
ous Jesuit  stations  in  the  West  at  this  time,  and  representing  the 
Mississippi,  as  discovered  by  Marquette.  For  these  and  other  maps,  sec 
Appendix. 

5 


63  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE   MISSISSIPPI.  1167i. 

Marquette  remained  to  recruit  his  exhausted 
strength ;  but  Joliet  descended  to  Quebec,  to  bear 
the  report  of  his  discovery  to  Count  Frontenac. 
Fortune  had  wonderfully  favored  him  on  his  long 
and  perilous  journey ;  but  now  she  abandoned  him 
on  the  very  threshold  of  home.  At  the  foot  of  the 
rapids  of  La  Chine,  and  immediately  above  Mon- 
treal, his  canoe  was  overset,  two  of  his  men  and  an 
Indian  boy  were  drowned,  all  his  papers  were  lost, 
and  he  himself  narrowly  escaped.^  In  a  letter  to 
Frontenac,  he  speaks  of  the  accident  as  follows : 
"  1  had  escaped  every  peril  from  the  Indians ;  I 
had  passed  forty-two  rapids ;  and  was  on  the  point 
of  disembarking,  full  of  joy  at  the  success  of  so 
long  and  difficult  an  enterprise,  when  my  canoe 
capsized,  after  all  the  danger  seemed  over.  I  lost 
two  men,  and  my  box  of  papers,  within  sight  of  the 
first  French  settlements,  which  I  had  left  almost 
two  years  before.  Nothing  remains  to  me  but  my 
life,  and  the  ardent  desire  to  employ  it  on  any  ser- 
vice which  you  may  please  to  direct."  ~ 

Marquette  spent  the  winter  and  the  following 
summer  at  the  mission  of  Green  Bay,  still  suffering 

1  Lettre  de  Frontenac  an  Ministre,  Quebec,  14  Nov.,  1674. 

2  This  letter  is  appended  to  Joliet's  smaller  map  of  his  discoveriei. 
See  Appendix.  Compare  De'tails  sur  le  Voyage  de  Loin's  Joliet  and  Relation 
di  la  Descourerte  de  plnsieurs  Pays  situpz  an  midi  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  faitc 
en  1673  (Margry,  I.  259).  These  are  oral  accounts  given  by  Joliet  aftei 
the  loss  of  his  papers.  Also,  Lettre  de  Joliet,  Oct.  10,  1674  (Harrisse). 
On  tlie  seventh  of  October,  1675,  Joliet  married  Claire  Bissot,  daughter 
of  a  wealthy  Canadian  merchant,  engaged  in  trade  with  the  nortliern 
Indians.  This  drew  Joliet's  attention  to  Hudson's  Bay ;  and  he  mado 
a  journey  thither  in  1679,  by  way  of  the  Saguenay.  He  found  three 
English  forts  on  the  bay,  occupied  by  about  sixty  men,  who  had  also 
an  armed  vessel  of  twelve  guns  and  several  small  trading-craft     The 


1C74.I  MARQUETTE'S    MISSION.  67 

from  his  malady.  In  the  autumn,  however,  it 
abated ;  and  he  was  permitted  by  his  Superior  to 
attempt  the  execution  of  a  plan  to  which  he  was 
devotedly  attached.  —  the  founding,  at  the  prin- 
cipal town  of  the  Illinois,  of  a  mission  to  be  called 
the  Immaculate  Conception,  a  name  which  he  had 
already  given  to  the  river  Mississippi.  He  set  out 
on  this  errand  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  October,  ac- 
companied by  two  men,  named  Pierre  and  Jacq;ies, 
one  of  whom  had  been  with  him  on  his  great  jour- 
ney of  discovery.  A  band  of  Pottawattamies  and 
another  band  of  Illinois  also  joined  him.  The 
united  parties  —  ten  canoes  in  all  —  followed  the 
east  shore  of  Green  Bay  as  far  as  the  inlet  then 
called  Sturgeon  Cove,  from  the  head  of  which  they 
crossed  by  a  difficult  portage  through  the  forest  to 
the  shore  of  Lake  Michigan.  November  had  come. 
The    bright   hues    of    the    autumn   foliage    were 

English  held  out  great  inducements  to  Joliet  to  join  them ;  but  he  de- 
clined, and  returned  to  Quebec,  where  he  reported  that,  unless  these  for- 
midable rivals  were  dispossessed,  the  trade  of  Canada  would  be  ruined. 
In  consequence  of  this  report,  some  of  the  principal  merchants  of  the 
colony  formed  a  company  to  compete  with  the  English  in  the  trade  of 
Hudson's  Bay.  In  the  year  of  this  journey,  Joliet  received  a  grant  of 
the  islands  of  Mignan ;  and  in  the  following  year,  1680,  he  received 
another  grant,  of  the  great  island  of  Anticosti  in  the  lower  St.  Lawrence. 
In  1681,  he  was  establisned  here,  with  his  wife  and  six  servants.  He  was 
engaged  in  fisheries  ;  and,  being  a  skilful  navigator  and  surveyor,  he  made 
about  this  time  a  chart  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  In  1690,  Sir  William  Phips, 
on  his  way  with  an  English  fleet  to  attack  Quebec,  made  a  descent  on 
Joliet's  establishment,  burnt  his  buildings,  and  took  prisoners  his  wife  and 
his  mother-in-law.  In  1694,  Joliet  explored  the  coasts  of  Labrador,  un- 
der the  auspices  of  a  company  formed  for  the  whale  and  seal  fishery.  On 
his  return,  Frontenac  made  him  royal  pilot  for  the  St.  Lawrence ;  and  at 
about  the  same  time  he  received  the  appointment  of  hydrographer  at 
Quebec.  He  died,  apparently  poor,  in  1699  or  1700,  and  was  buried  on 
one  of  the  islands  of  Mignan.  The  discovery  of  the  above  facts  is  duo 
in  great  part  to  the  researches  of  Margry. 


68  THE   DISCOVERY  OF  THE   MISSISSIPi»I.  [1874 

changed  to  rusty  brown.  The  shore  was  desolate, 
and  the  lake  was  stormy.  They  were  more  than 
a  month  in  coastmg  its  western  border,  when  at 
length  they  reached  the  river  Chicago,  entered  it, 
and  ascended  about  two  leagues.  Marquette's 
disease  had  lately  returned,  and  hemorrhage  now 
ensued.  He  told  his  two  companions  that  this 
journey  would  be  his  last.  In  the  condition  in 
which  he  was,  it  was  impossible  to  go  farther. 
The  two  men  built  a  log  hut  by  the  river,  and 
here  they  prepared  to  spend  the  winter;  while 
Marquette,  feeble  as  he  was,  began  the  spiritual 
exercises  of  Saint  Ignatius,  and  confessed  his  two 
companions  twice  a  week. 

Meadow,  marsh,  and  forest  were  sheeted  with 
snow,  but  game  was  abundant.  Pierre  and  Jacques 
killed  buffalo  and  deer  and  shot  wild  turkeys  close 
to  their  hut.  There  was  an  encampment  of  Illi- 
nois within  two  days'  journey ;  and  other  Indians, 
passing  by  this  well-known  thoroughfare,  occasion- 
ally visited  them,  treating  the  exiles  kindly,  and 
sometimes  bringing  them  game  and  Indian  corn. 
Eighteen  leagues  distant  was  the  camp  of  two  ad- 
venturous French  traders  :  one  of  them,  a  noted 
coureur  de  hois,  nicknamed  La  Taupine  ;  ^  and  the 
other,  a  self-styled  surgeon.  They  also  visited 
Marquette,  and  befriended  him  to  the  best  of  their 
power. 

Urged  by  a  burning  desire  to  lay,  before  he 

1  Pierre  Moreau,  alias  La  Taupine,  was  afterwards  bitterly  com- 
plained of  by  the  Intendaiit  Duchesneau,  for  acting  as  the  governor's 
agent  in  illicit  trade  with  the  Indians. 


1676.]  THE    mSSION    AT    KASKASKIA.  69 

died,  the  foundation  of  his  new  mission  of  the 
Immaculate  Conception,  Marquette  begged  his  two 
followers  to  join  him  in  a  nove7ia,  or  nine  days' 
devotion  to  the  Virgin.  In  consequence  of  this, 
as  he  believed,  his  disease  relented ;  he  began  to 
regain  strength,  and  in  March  was  able  to  resume 
the  journey.  On  the  thirtieth  of  the  month,  they 
left  their  hut,  which  had  been  inundated  by  a 
sudden  rise  of  the  river,  and  carried  their  canoe 
through  mud  and  water  over  the  portage  which 
led  to  the  Des  Plaines.  Marquette  knew  the 
way,  for  he  had  passed  by  this  route  on  his 
return  from  the  Mississippi.  Amid  the  rains  of 
opening  spring,  they  floated  down  the  swollen 
current  of  the  Des  Plaines,  by  naked  woods  and 
spongy,  saturated  prairies,  till  they  reached  its 
junction  with  the  main  stream  of  the  Illinois, 
which  they  descended  to  their  destination,  the 
Indian  town  which  Marquette  calls  Kaskaskia. 
Here,  as  we  are  told,  he  was  received  "  like  an 
angel  from  Heaven."  He  passed  from  wigwam  to 
wigwam,  telling  the  listening  crowds  of  God  and 
the  Virgin,  Paradise  and  Hell,  angels  and  demons ; 
and,  when  he  thought  their  minds  prepared,  he 
summoned  them  all  to  a  grand  council. 

It  took  place  near  the  town,  on  the  great  meadow 
which  lies  between  the  river  and  the  modern  vil- 
lage of  Utica.  Here  five  hundred  chiefs  and  old 
men  were  seated  in  a  ring ;  behind  stood  fifteen 
hundred  youths  and  warriors,  and  behind  these 
again  all  the  women  and  children  of  the  village. 
Marquette,  standing  in  the  midst,  displayed  four 


70  THE  DISCOVERY   OF  THE   MISSISSIPPI.  [1675. 

large  pictures  of  the  Yirgin ;  harangued  the  as- 
sembly on  the  mysteries  of  the  Faith,  and  ex- 
horted them  to  adopt  it.  The  temper  of  his 
auditory  met  his  utmost  wishes.  They  begged 
him  to  stay  among  them  and  continue  his  instruc- 
tions ;  but  his  hfe  was  fast  ebbing  away,  and  it 
behooved  him  to  depart. 

A  few  days  after  Easter  he  left  the  village, 
escorted  by  a  crowd  of  Indians,  who  followed  him 
as  far  as  Lake  Michigan.  Here  he  embarked  with 
his  two  companions.  Their  destination  was  Michil- 
limackinac,  and  their  course  lay  along  the  eastern 
borders  of  the  lake.  As,  in  the  freshness  of  ad- 
vancing spring,  Pierre  and  Jacques  urged  their 
canoe  along  that  lonely  and  savage  shore,  the  priest 
lay  with  dimmed  sight  and  prostrated  strength, 
communing  with  the  Virgin  and  the  angels.  On 
the  nineteenth  of  May,  he  felt  that  his  hour  was 
near;  and,  as  they  passed  the  mouth  of  a  small 
river,  he  requested  his  companions  to  land.  They 
complied,  built  a  shed  of  bark  on  a  rising  ground 
near  the  bank,  and  carried  thither  the  dying  Jesuit. 
With  perfect  cheerfulness  and  composure,  he  gave 
directions  for  his  burial,  asked  their  forgiveness 
for  the  trouble  he  had  caused  them,  administered 
to  them  the  sacrament  of  penitence,  and  thanked 
God  that  he  was  permitted  to  die  in  the  wilder- 
ness, a  missionary  of  the  Faith  and  a  member  of 
the  Jesuit  brotherhood.  At  night,  seeing  that 
they  were  fatigued,  he  told  them  to  take  rest, 
saying  that  he  would  call  them  when  he  felt 
his  time  approaching.     Two  or  three  hours  after, 


I67t)-7.J  BURIAL    OF    MARQUETTE.  71 

they  heard  a  feeble  voice,  and,  hastening  to  his 
side,  found  him  at  the  point  of  death.  He  ex- 
pired cahnly,  murmuring  the  names  of  Jesus  and 
Mary,  with  his  eyes  fixed  on  the  crucifix  which 
one  of  his  followers  held  before  him.  They  dug 
a  grave  beside  the  hut,  and  here  they  buried  him 
according  to  the  directions  which  he  had  given 
them  ;  then,  re-embarking,  they  made  their  way 
to  MIchillimackinac,  to  bear  the  tidings  to  the 
priests  at  the  mission  of  St.  Ignace.^ 

In  the  winter  of  1676,  a  party  of  Kiskakon 
Ottawas  were  hunting  on  Lake  Michigan ;  and 
when,  in  the  following  spring,  they  prepared  to 
return  home,  they  bethought  them,  in  accordance 
with  an  Indian  custom,  of  taking  with  them  the 
bones  of  Marquette,  who  had  been  their  instructor 
at  the  mission  of  St.  Esprit.  They  repaired  to  the 
spot,  found  the  grave,  opened  it,  washed  and  dried 
the  bones  and  placed  them  carefully  in  a  box  of 
birch-bark.  Then,  in  a  procession  of  thirty  canoes, 
the}^  bore  it,  singing  their  funeral  songs,  to  St. 
Ignace  of  Michillimackinac.  As  they  approached, 
priests,  Indians,  and  traders  all  thronged  to  the 
shore.  The  relics  of  Marquette  were  received 
with  solemn  ceremony,  and  buried  beneath  the 
floor  of  the  little  chapel  of  the  mission.^ 

1  The  contemporary  Relation  tells  us  that  a  miracle  took  place  at  the 
buria.  of  IMarquette.  One  of  the  two  Frenchmen,  overcome  with  grief 
and  colic,  hethought  him  of  applying  a  little  earth  from  the  grave  to  the 
seat  of  pain.     This  at  once  restored  him  to  health  and  cheerfulness. 

2  For  Marquette's  death,  see  the  contemporary  Relation,  published  by 
Shea,  Lenox,  and  Martin,  with  the  accompanying  Lettre  et  Journal.  The 
river  where  he  died  is  a  small  stream  in  the  west  of  Michigan,  some  dis- 
tance south  of  the  promontory  called  the  "  Sleeping  Bear  "    It  long  boro 


72  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  [1677 

his  name,  which  is  now  borne  by  a  larger  neighboring  stream.  Charle 
voix's  account  of  Marquette's  death  is  derived  from  tradition,  and  is  not 
supported  by  the  contemporary  narrative.  In  1877,  human  bones,  with 
fragments  of  birch  bark,  were  found  buried  on  the  supposed  site  of  the 
Jesuit  chapel  at  Point  St.  Ignace. 

In  1847,  the  missionary  of  the  Algonquins  at  the  Lake  of  Two  Moun- 
tains, above  Montreal,  wrote  down  a  tradition  of  the  death  of  Marquette, 
from  the  lips  of  an  old  Indian  woman,  born  in  1777,  at  Michillimackinac. 
Her  ancestress  had  been  baptized  by  the  subject  of  tlie  story.  The  tradi- 
tion has  a  resemblance  to  that  related  as  fact  by  Charlevoix.  The  old 
squaw  said  that  the  Jesuit  was  returning,  very  ill,  to  Michillimackinac, 
when  a  storm  forced  him  and  his  two  men  to  land  near  a  little  river. 
Here  he  told  them  that  he  should  die,  and  directed  them  to  ring  a  bell  over 
liis  grave  and  plant  a  cross.  They  all  remained  four  days  at  the  spot ; 
and,  though  without  food,  the  men  felt  no  hunger.  On  the  night  of  the 
fourth  day  he  died,  and  the  men  buried  him  as  he  had  directed.  On  wak- 
ing in  the  morning,  they  saw  a  sack  of  Indian  corn,  a  quantity  of  bacon, 
and  some  biscuit,  miraculously  sent  to  them,  in  accordance  with  the 
promise  of  Marquette,  who  had  told  them  that  they  should  have  food 
enough  for  their  journey  to  Michillimackinac.  At  the  same  instant,  the 
stream  began  to  rise,  and  in  a  few  moments  encircled  the  grave  of  the 
Jesuit,  whicli  formed,  thenceforth,  an  islet  in  the  waters.  The  tradition 
adds,  that  an  Indian  battle  afterwards  took  place  on  the  banks  of  this 
stream,  between  Christians  and  infidels ;  and  that  the  former  gained  the 
victory,  in  consequence  of  invoking  the  name  of  Marquette.  This  story 
bears  the  attestation  of  the  priest  of  the  Two  Mountains  that  it  is  a 
literal  translation  of  the  tradition,  as  recounted  by  the  old  woman. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  the  Illinois  country  was  visited  by  two 
priests,  some  time  before  the  visit  of  Marquette.  This  assertion  was  first 
made  by  M.  Noiseux,  late  Grand  Vicar  of  Quebec,  who  gives  no  author- 
ity for  it.  Not  the  sliglitest  indication  of  any  such  visit  appears  in  any 
contemporary  document  or  map,  thus  far  discovered.  The  contemporary 
writers,  down  to  the  time  of  Marquette  and  La  Salle,  all  speak  of  the 
Illinois  as  an  unknown  country.  The  entire  groundlessness  of  Noiseux's 
assertion  is  shown  by  Shea  in  a  paper  in  the  "  Weekly  Herald, '  of  New 
york,  AprH  21,  1865. 


CHAPTER  YI. 

1673-1678. 

LA   SALLE  AND  FRONTENAC. 

Objtjcts  of  La  Salle.  —  Frontenac  favors  him. — Projects  ob 
Frontenac.  —  Cataraqui.  —  Frontexac  ox  Lake  Oxtario  — 
Fort  Froxtexac.  —  La  Salle  axd  Fexelox.  —  Success  of  La 
Salle.  —  His  Enemies. 

We  turn  from  the  humble  Marquette,  thanking 
God  with  his  last  breath  that  he  died  for  his  Order 
and  his  Faith  ;  and  by  our  side  stands  the  masculine 
form  of  Cavelier  de  la  Salle.  Prodigious  was  the 
contrast  between  the  two  discoverers  :  the  one,  with 
clasped  hands  and  upturned  eyes,  seems  a  figure 
evoked  from  some  dim  legend  of  mediseval  saint- 
ship  ;  the  other,  with  feet  firm  plantedon  the  hard 
earth,  breathes  the  self-relying  energies  of  modern 
practical  enterprise.  Nevertheless,  La  Salle's  ene- 
mies called  him  a  visionary.  His  projects  perplexed 
and  startled  them.  At  first,  they  ridiculed  him  ; 
and  then,  as  step  by  step  he  advanced  towards  his 
purpose,  they  denounced  and  maligned  him.  What 
was  this  purpose  ?  It  was  not  of  sudden  growth,  but 
developed  as  years  went  on.  La  Salle  at  La  Chine 
dreamed  of  a  western  passage  to  China,  and  nursed 
vague  schemes  of  western  discovery.  Then,  when 
his  earlier  journeyings  revealed  to  him  the  valley 
of  the  Ohio  and  the  fertile  plains  of  Illinois,  his 


74  LA    SALLE    AND    FRONTENAC.  [1673-78. 

imagination  took  wing  over  the  boundless  prairies 
and  forests  drained  by  the  great  river  of  the  West. 
His  ambition  had  found  its  field.  He  would  leave 
barren  and  frozen  Canada  behind,  and  lead  France 
and  civilization  into  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi. 
Neither  the  English  nor  the  Jesuits  should  conquer 
that  rich  domain  :  the  one  must  rest  content  with 
the  country  east  of  the  Alleghanies,  and  the  other 
with  the  forests,  savages,  and  beaver-skins  of  the 
northern  lakes.  It  was  for  him  to  call  into  li2:lit 
the  latent  riches  of  the  great  West.  But  the  way 
to  his  land  of  promise  was  rough  and  long  :  it  lay 
through  Canada,  filled  with  hostile  traders  and 
hostile  priests,  and  barred  by  ice  for  half  the  year. 
The  difhcul ty  was  soon  solved.  La  Salle  became 
convinced  that  the  Mississippi  flowed,  not  into  the 
Pacific  or  the  Gulf  of  California,  but  into  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico.  By  a  fortified  post  at  its  mouth,  he  could 
guard  it  against  both  English  and  Spaniards,  and 
secure  for  the  trade  of  the  interior  an  access  and 
an  outlet  under  his  own  control,  and  open  at  every 
season.  Of  this  trade,  the  hides  of  the  buffalo 
would  at  first  form  the  staple  ;  and,  along  with 
furs,  would  reward  the  enterprise  till  other  resources 
should  be  developed. 

Such  were  the  vast  projects  that  unfolded  them- 
selves in  the  mind  of  La  Salle.  Canada  must  needs 
be,  at  the  outset,  his  base  of  action,  and  without  tlie 
support  of  its  authorities  he  could  do  nothing.  This 
support  he  found.  From  the  moment  when  Count 
Frontenac  assumed  the  government  of  the  colony, 
be  seems  to  have  looked  with  favor  on  the  yoimg  dis- 


1678. J  PROJECTS   OF  FKONTENAC.  75 

coverer.  There  were  points  of  likeness  between  the 
two  men.  Both  were  ardent,  bold,  and  enterpris- 
ing. The  irascible  and  fiery  pride  of  the  noble  found 
its  match  in  the  reserved  and  seemingly  cold  pride 
of  the  ambitious  burgher.  Each  could  comprehend 
the  other;  and  they  had,  moreover,  strong  preju- 
dices and  dislikes  in  common.  An  understandinsr, 
not  to  say  an  alliance,  soon  grew  up  between  them. 
Frontenac  had  come  to  Canada  a  ruined  man. 
He  was  ostentatious,  lavish,  and  in  no  way  disposed 
to  let  slip  an  opportunity  of  mending  his  fortune. 
He  presently  thought  that  he  had  found  a  plan  by 
which  he  could  serve  both  the  colony  and  himself. 
His  predecessor,  Courcelle,  had  urged  upon  the 
king  the  expedienc}^  of  building  a  fort  on  Lake 
Ontario,  in  order  to  hold  the  Iroquois  in  check  and 
intercept  the  trade  which  the  tribes  of  the  Upper 
Lakes  had  begun  to  carry  on  with  the  Dutch  and 
English  of  New  York.  Thus,  a  stream  of  wealth 
would  be  turned  into  Canada,  which  would  other- 
wise enrich  her  enemies.  Here,  to  all  appearance, 
was  a  great  public  good,  and  from  the  military 
point  of  view  it  was  so  in  fact ;  but  it  was  clear 
that  the  trade  thus  secured  might  be  made  to 
profit,  not  the  colony  at  large,  but  those  alone 
who  had  control  of  the  fort,  which  would  then 
l^ecome  the  instrument  of  a  monopoly.  This  the 
governor  undei^stood  ;  and,  without  doubt,  he  meant 
that  the  projected  establishment  should  pay  him 
tribute.  How  far  he  and  La  Salle  were  acting  in 
concurrence  at  this  time,  it  is  not  easy  to  say ;  but 
Erontenac  often  took  counsel  of  the  explorer,  who. 


76  LA    SALLE    AND    FRONTENAC.  [1673. 

on  his  part,  saw  in  the  design  a  possible  first  step 
towards  the  accomplishment  of  his  own  far-reaching 
schemes. 

Such  of  the  Canadian  merchants  as  were  not  in 
the  governor's  confidence  looked  on  his  plan  with 
extreme  distrust.  Frontenac,  therefore,  thought 
it  expedient  "  to  make  use,"  as  he  expresses  it, 
^'  of  address."  He  gave  out  merely  that  he  intended 
to  make  a  tour  through  the  upper  parts  of  the 
colony  with  an  armed  force,  in  order  to  inspire 
the  Indians  with  respect,  and  secure  a  solid 
peace.  He  had  neither  troops,  money,  munitions, 
nor  means  of  transportation  ;  yet  there  was  no  time 
to  lose,  for,  should  he  delay  the  execution  of  his 
plan,  it  might  be  countermanded  by  the  king.  His 
only  resource,  therefore,  was  in  a  prompt  and  hardy 
exertion  of  the  royal  authority  ;  and  he  issued  an 
order  requiring  the  inhabitants  of  Quebec,  Montreal, 
Three  Kivers,  and  other  settlements,  to  furnish  him, 
at  their  own  cost,  as  soon  as  the  spring  sowing 
should  be  over,  with  a  certain  number  of  armed 
men,  besides  the  requisite  canoes.  At  the  same 
time,  he  invited  the  officers  settled  in  the  country 
to  join  the  expedition  ;  an  invitation  which,  anxious 
as  they  were  to  gain  his  good  graces,  few  of  them 
cared  to  decline.  Regardless  of  murmurs  and  dis- 
content, he  pushed  his  preparation  vigorously,  and 
on  the  third  of  June  left  Quebec  with  his  guard, 
his  staff,  a  part  of  the  garrison  of  the  Castle  of 
St.  Louis,  and  a  number  of  volunteers.  He  liad 
already  sent  to  La  Salle,  who  was  then  at  Mon- 
treal,  directing  him  to  repair  to   Onondaga,  the 


1673.]  EXPEDITION    OF    EKONTENAC.  77 

political  centre  of  the  Iroquois,  and  invite  their 
sachems  to  meet  the  governor  in  council  at  the 
Bay  of  Quinte  on  the  north  of  Lake  Ontario.  La 
Salle  had  set  out  on  his  mission,  but  first  sent  Fron- 
tenac  a  map,  which  convinced  him  that  the  best 
site  for  his  proposed  fort  was  the  mouth  of  the 
Cataraqui,  where  Kingston  now  stands.  Another 
messenger  was  accordingly  despatched,  to  change 
the  rendezvous  to  this  point. 

Meanwhile,  the  governor  proceeded,  at  his  lei- 
sure, towards  Montreal,  stopping  by  the  way  to 
visit  the  officers  settled  along  the  bank,  who,  eager 
to  pay  their  homage  to  the  newly  risen  sun,  received 
him  with  a  hospitality  which,  under  the  roof  of 
a  log  hut,  was  sometimes  graced  by  the  polished 
courtesies  of  the  salon  and  the  boudoir.  Reaching 
Montreal,  which  he  had  never  before  seen,  he 
gazed,  we  may  suppose,  with  some  interest  at 
the  long  row  of  humble  dwellings  which  lined  the 
bank,  the  massive  buildings  of  the  Seminary,  and 
the  spire  of  the  church  predominant  over  all.  It 
was  a  rude  scene,  but  the  greeting  that  awaited 
him  savored  nothing  of  the  rough  simplicity  of  the 
wilderness.  Perrot,  the  local  governor,  was  on 
the  shore  with  his  soldiers  and  the  inhabitants, 
drawn  up  under  arms,  and  firing  a  salute,  to  wel- 
come the  representative  of  the  king.  Frontenac 
was  compelled  to  listen  to  a  long  harangue  from 
the  judge  of  the  place,  followed  by  another  from 
the  syndic.  Then  there  was  a  solemn  procession 
to  the  church,  where  he  was  forced  to  undergo  a 
third  effort  of  oratory  from  one  of  the  priests.     Te 


78  LA    SALLE    AND    FRONTENAC-  [1G73 

Deiim  followed,  in  thanks  for  his  arrival ;  and  then 
he  took  refuge  in  the  fort.  Here  he  remained 
thirteen  days,  busied  with  his  preparations,  organ- 
izing the  militia,  soothing  their  mutual  jealousies, 
and  settling  knotty  questions  of  rank  and  prece- 
dence. During  this  time,  every  means,  as  he  de- 
clares, was  used  to  prevent  him  from  proceeding : 
and  amono;  other  devices  a  rumor  was  set  on  foot 
thai  a  Dutch  fleet,  having  just  captured  Boston, 
•was  on  its  way  to  attack  Quebec.^ 

Having  sent  men,  canoes,  and  baggage,  by  land, 
to  La  Salle's  old  settlement  of  La  Chine,  Frontenac 
himself  followed  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  June. 
Including  Indians  from  the  missions,  he  now  had 
with  him  about  four  hundred  men,  and  a  hundred 
and  twenty  canoes,  besides  two  large  flat-boats, 
which  he  caused  to  be  painted  in  red  and  blue, 
with  strange  devices,  intended  to  dazzle  the  Iro- 
quois by  a  display  of  unwonted  splendor.  Now 
their  hard  task  began.  Shouldering  canoes  through 
the  forest,  dragging  the  flat-boats  along  the  shore, 
working  like  beavers,  sometimes  in  water  to  the 
knees,  sometimes  to  the  armpits,  their  feet  cut  by 
the  sharp  stones,  and  they  themselves  well-nigh 
swept  down  by  the  furious  current,  they  fought 
their  way  upward  against  the  chain  of  mighty  rap- 
ids that  break  the  navigation  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 
The  Indians  were  of  the  greatest  service.     Fronte- 

1  Lcttre  de  Frontenac  a  Colbert,  13  Nov.,  1673.  This  rumor,  it  appears, 
originated  with  the  Jesuit  Dablon.  Journal  du  Voyage  du  Comte  de  Fron- 
tenac an  Lac  Ontario.  The  Jesuits  were  greatly  opposed  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  forts  and  trading-posts  in  the  upper  country,  for  reasons  that 
will  appear  hereafter 


1673.1  FRONTENAC'S    JOURNEY.  79 

nac,  like  La  Salle,  showed  from  the  first  a  special 
faculty  of  managing  them  ;  for  his  keen,  incisive 
spirit  was  exactly  to  their  liking,  and  they  worked 
for  him  as  they  would  have  worked  for  no  man 
else.  As  they  approached  the  Long  Saut,  rain  fell 
in  torrents ;  and  the  governor,  without  his  cloak, 
and  drenched  to  the  skin,  directed  in  person  the 
amphibious  toil  of  his  followers.  Once,  it  is  said^ 
he  lay  awake  all  night,  in  his  anxiety  lest  the  bis- 
cuit should  be  wet,  which  would  have  ruined  the 
expedition.  No  such  mischance  took  place,  and  at 
length  the  last  rapid  was  passed,  and  smooth  water 
awaited  them  to  their  journey's  end.  Soon  they 
reached  the  Thousand  Islands,  and  their  light  flo- 
tilla glided  in  long  file  among  those  watery  laby- 
rinths, by  rocky  islets,  where  some  lonely  pine 
towered  like  a  mast  against  the  sky ;  by  sun- 
scorched  crags,  where  the  brown  lichens  crisped 
in  the  parching  glare ;  by  deep  dells,  shady  and 
cool,  rich  in  rank  ferns,  and  spongy,  dark  green 
mosses :  by  still  coves,  where  the  water-lilies  lay 
like  snow-flakes  on  their  broad,  flat  leaves ;  till  at 
length  they  neared  their  goal,  and  the  glistening 
bosom  of  Lake  Ontario  opened  on  their  sight. 

Frontenac,  to  impose  respect  on  the  Iroquois, 
now  set  his  canoes  in  order  of  battle.  Four 
divisions  formed  the  first  line,  then  came  the  two 
flat-boats ;  he  himself,  with  his  guards,  his  staff, 
and  the  gentlemen  volunteers,  followed,  with  the 
canoes  of  Three  Elvers  on  his  right,  and  those  of 
the  Indians  on  his  left,  while  two  remaining  divi- 
sions formed  a  rear  Ime.     Thus,  with  measured 


80  LA   SALLE    AND    FRONTENAC.  [1673 

paddles,  they  advanced  over  the  still  lake,  till  they 
saw  a  canoe  approaching  to  meet  them.  It  bore 
several  Iroquois  chiefs,  who  told  them  that  the 
dignitaries  of  their  nation  awaited  them  at  Catara- 
qui,  and  offered  to  guide  them  to  the  spot.  They 
entered  the  wide  mouth  of  the  river,  and  passed 
along  the  shore,  now  covered  by  the  quiet  little  city 
of  Kingston,  till  they  reached  the  point  at  present 
occupied  by  the  barracks,  at  the  western  end  of 
Cataraqui  bridge.  Here  they  stranded  their  ca- 
noes and  disembarked.  Baggage  Avas  landed,  fires 
lighted,  tents  pitched,  and  guards  set.  Close  at 
hand,  under  the  lee  of  the  forest,  were  the  camp- 
ing sheds  of  the  Iroquois,  who  had  come  to  the 
rendezvous  in  considerable  numbers. 

At  daybreak  of  the  next  morning,  the  thirteenth 
of  July,  the  drums  beat,  and  the  whole  party  were 
drawn  up  under  arms.  A  double  line  of  men  ex- 
tended from  the  front  of  Frontenac's  tent  to  the 
Indian  camp  ;  and,  through  the  lane  thus  formed, 
the  savage  deputies,  sixty  in  number,  advanced  to 
the  place  of  council.  They  could  not  hide  their 
admiration  at  the  martial  array  of  the  French,  many 
of  whom  were  old  soldiers  of  the  regiment  of 
Carignan ;  and,  when  they  reached  the  tent,  they 
ejaculated  their  astonishment  at  the  uniforms  of 
the  governor's  guard  who  surrounded  it.  Here  the 
ground  had  been  carpeted  with  the  sails  of  the  flat- 
boats,  on  which  the  deputies  squatted  themselves 
in  a  ring  and  smoked  their  pipes  for  a  time  with 
their  usual  air  of  deliberate  gravity,  while  Fronte- 
nac,  who  sat  surrounded  by  his  officers,  had  full 


1673.  {  FRONTENAC    AT    CATARAQUL  81 

leisure  to  contemplate  the  formidable  adversaries 
whose  mettle  was  hereafter  to  put  his  own  to  so 
severe  a  test.  A  chief  named  Garakontie,  a  noted 
friend  of  the  French,  at  length  opened  the  council, 
in  behalf  of  all  the  five  Iroquois  nations,  with  ex- 
pressions of  great  respect  and  deference  towards 
"  Onontio ;  "  that  is  to  say,  the  governor  of  Can- 
ada. Whereupon  Frontenac,  w^hose  native  arro- 
gance where  Indians  were  concerned  always  took 
a  form  w^hich  imposed  respect  without  exciting 
anger,  replied  in  the  follow^ing  strain  :  — 

"  Children  !  Mohawks,  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Ca- 
yugas,  and  Senecas.  I  am  glad  to  see  you  here, 
where  I  have  had  a  fire  lighted  for  you  to  smoke 
by,  and  for  me  to  talk  to  you.  You  have  done  well, 
m}^  children,  to  obey  the  command  of  your  Father. 
Take  courage  :  you  will  hear  his  word,  which  is 
full  of  peace  and  tenderness.  For  do  not  think 
that  I  have  come  for  war.  My  mind  is  full  of 
peace,  and  she  walks  by  my  side.  Courage,  then, 
children,  and  take  rest." 

With  that,  he  gave  them  six  fathoms  of  tobacco, 
reiterated  his  assurances  of  friendship,  promised 
that  he  would  be  a  kind  father  so  long  as  they 
should  be  obedient  children,  regretted  that  he  was 
forced  to  speak  through  an  interpreter,  and  ended 
with  a  gift  of  guns  to  the  men,  and  prunes  and 
raisins  to  their  wives  and  children.  Here  closed 
this  preliminary  meeting,  the  great  council  being 
postponed  to  another  day. 

During  the  meeting,  Raudin,  Frontenac*s  engi- 
neer, was  tracing  out  the  lines  of  a  fort,  after  a 

6 


82  LA    SALLE    AND    FRONTENAC.  [167a 

predetermined  plan ;  and  the  whole  party,  under 
the  direction  of  their  officers,  now  set  themselves 
to  construct  it.  Some  cut  down  trees,  some  dug 
the  trenches,  some  hewed  the  palisades ;  and  with 
such  order  and  alacrity  was  the  work  urged  on, 
that  the  Indians  were  lost  in  astonishment.  Mean- 
while, Frontenac  spared  no  pains  to  make  friends 
of  the  chiefs,  some  of  whom  he  had  constantly  at 
his  table.  He  fondled  the  Iroquois  children,  and 
gave  them  bread  and  sweetmeats,  and  in  the  even- 
ing feasted  the  squaws,  to  make  them  dance.  The 
Indians  were  delighted  with  these  attentions,  and 
conceived  a  high  opinion  of  the  new  Onontio. 

On  the  seventeenth,  when  the  construction  of 
the  fort  was  well  advanced,  Frontenac  called  the 
chiefs  to  a  grand  council,  which  was  held  with  all 
possible  state  and  ceremony.  His  dealing  w^ith 
the  Indians  on  this  and  other  occasions  was  truly 
admirable.  Unacquainted  as  he  was  with  them, 
he  seems  to  have  had  an  instinctive  perception 
of  the  treatment  they  required.  His  predeces- 
sors had  never  ventured  to  address  the  Iroquois 
as  "  Children,"  but  had  always  styled  them 
"  Brothers ; "  and  yet  the  assumption  of  paternal 
authority  on  the  part  of  Frontenac  was  not  only 
taken  in  good  part,  but  was  received  with  ap- 
parent gratitude.  The  martial  nature  of  the  man^ 
his  clear  decisive  speech,  and  his  frank  and  down- 
right manner,  backed  as  they  were  by  a  display 
of  force  which  in  their  eyes  was  formidable,  struck 
them  with  admiration,  and  gave  tenfold  effect  to 
his  words  of   kindness.      They  thanked  him  for 


1673.]  ^RONTENAC    AND    THE    INDIANS  83 

that  which  from  another  they  would  not  have 
endured. 

Frontenac  began  by  again  expressing  his  satis- 
faction that  they  had  obeyed  the  commands  of 
their  Father,  and  come  to  Cataraqui  to  hear  what 
he  had  to  say.  Then  he  exhorted  them  to  em- 
brace Christianity ;  and  on  this  theme  he  dweh 
at  length,  in  words  excellently  adapted  to  produce 
the  desired  effect ;  words  which  it  would  be  most 
superfluous  to  tax  as  insincere,  though  doubtless 
they  lost  nothing  in  emphasis  because  in  this  in- 
stance conscience  and  policy  aimed  alike.  Then, 
changing  his  tone,  he  pointed  to  his  officers,  his 
guard,  the  long  files  of  the  militia,  and  the  two 
flat-boats,  mounted  with  cannon,  which  lay  in  the 
river  near  by.  ''  If,"  he  said,  "  your  Father  can 
come  so  far,  with  so  great  a  force,  through  such 
dangerous  rapids,  merely  to  make  you  a  visit  of 
pleasure  and  friendship,  what  would  he  do,  if  you 
should  awaken  his  anger,  and  make  it  necessary 
for  him  to  punish  his  disobedient  children  ?  He 
is  the  arbiter  of  peace  and  war.  Beware  liow 
you  offend  him."  And  he  warned  them  not  to 
molest  the  Indian  allies  of  the  French,  tellincr 
them,  sharply,  that  he  would  chastise  them  for 
the  least  infraction  of  the  peace. 

From  threats  he  passed  to  blandishments,  and 
urged  them  to  confide  in  his  paternal  kindness, 
saying  that,  in  proof  of  his  affection,  he  was 
building  a  storehouse  at  Cataraqui,  where  they 
could  be  supplied  with  all  the  goods  they  needed, 
without   the    necessity   of  a  long  and   dangerous 


84 


LA    SALLE    AND    FRONTENAC.  [1673 


journey.  He  warned  them  against  listening  to 
bad  men,  who  might  seek  to  delude  them  by 
misrepresentations  and  falsehoods;  and  he  urged 
them  to  give  heed  to  none  but  "  men  of  character, 
like  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle."  He  expressed  a  hope 
that  they  would  suffer  their  children  to  learn 
French  from  the  missionaries,  in  order  that  they 
and  his  nephews  —  meaning  the  French  colonists 
—  might  become  one  people;  and  he  concluded 
by  requesting  them  to  give  him  a  number  of  their 
children  to  be  educated  in  the  French  manner,  at 

Quebec. 

This  speech,  every  clause  of  which  was  rem- 
forced  by  abundant  presents,  was  extremely  well 
received  ;  though  one  speaker  reminded  him  that 
he  had  forgotten  one  important  point,  inasmuch 
as  he  had  not  told  them  at  what  prices  they  could 
obtain   goods  at  Cataraqui.     Frontenac  evaded  a 
precise  answer,  but  promised  them  that  the  goods 
should  be  as  cheap  as  possible,  in   view  of   the 
great  difficulty  of  transportation.     As  to  the  re- 
quest  concerning   their   children,   they  said    that 
they  could  not  accede  to  it  till  they  had  talked 
the   matter   over   in    their   villages;    but  it   is  a 
strikino-  proof  of  the  influence  which  Frontenac 
had    gained    over    them,   that,   in    the    following 
year,  they  actually  sent  several  of  their  children 
to  Quebec  to  be  educated,  the  girls  among  the 
Ursulines,  and  the  boys  in  the  household  of  the 

governor.  . 

Three  days  after  the  council,  the  Iroquois  set 
out  on  their  return ;  and,  as  the  palisades  of  the 


1678.]  TREATY   WITH    THE   INDIANS.  85 

fort  were  now  finished,  and  the  barracks  nearly 
60,  Frontenac  began  to  send  his  party  homeward 
by  detachments.  He  himself  was  detained  for  a 
time  by  the  arrival  of  another  band  of  Iroquois, 
from  the  villages  on  the  north  side  of  Lake  On- 
tario. He  repeated  to  them  the  speech  he  had 
made  to  the  others  ;  and,  this  final  meeting  over, 
embarked  with  his  guard,  leaving  a  sufficient 
number  to  hold  the  fort,  which  was  to  be  pro- 
visioned for  a  year  by  means  of  a  convoy,  then 
on  its  way  up  the  river.  Passing  the  rapids  safely, 
he  reached  Montreal  on  the  first  of  August. 

His  enterprise  had  been  a  complete  success. 
He  had  gained  every  point,  and,  in  spite  of  the 
dangerous  navigation,  had  not  lost  a  single  canoe. 
Thanks  to  the  enforced  and  gratuitous  assistance 
of  the  inhabitants,  the  whole  had  cost  the  kins^ 
only  about  ten  thousand  francs,  which  Frontenac 
had  advanced  on  his  own  credit.  Though,  in  a 
commercial  point  of  view,  the  new  establishment 
was  of  very  questionable  benefit  to  the  colony  at 
large,  the  governor  had,  nevertheless,  conferred 
an  inestimable  blessing  on  all  Canada,  by  the 
assurance  he  bad  gained  of  a  long  respite  from 
the  fearful  scourge  of  Iroquois  hostility.  "  As- 
suredly," he  writes,  "I  may  boast  of  having 
impressed  them  at  once  with  respect,  fear,  and 
good-will."  ^  He  adds  that  the  fort  at  Cataraqui, 
with  the  aid  of  a  vessel  now  building,  will  com- 
mand Lake  Ontario,  keep  the  peace  with  the 
Iroquois,  and  cut  off  the  trade  with  the  English. 

^  liettre  de  Frontenac  au  Ministre,  13  Nov.,  1673 


86  LA    SALLE    AND    FRONTENAC.  fl67S 

And  he  proceeds  to  say  that,  by  another  fort  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Niagara,  and  another  vessel  on 
Lake  Erie,  we,  the  French,  can  command  all  the 
upper  lakes.  This  plan  was  an  essential  link  in 
the  schemes  of  La  Salle  ;  and  we  shall  soon  find 
him  employed  in  executing  it. 

A  curious  incident  occurred  soon  after  the  build- 
ing of  the  fort  on  Lake  Ontario.  Frontenac,  on 
his  way  back,  quarrelled  with  Perrot,  the  governor 
of  Montreal,  whom,  in  view  of  his  speculations  in  the 
fur-trade,  he  seems  to  have  regarded  as  a  rival  in 
business ;  but  who,  by  his  folly  and  arrogance,  would 
have  justified  any  reasonable  measure  of  severity. 
Frontenac,  however,  was  not  reasonable.  He  ar- 
rested Perrot,  threw  him  into  prison,  and  set  up  a  man 
of  his  own  as  governor  in  his  place ;  and,  as  the  judge 
of  Montreal  was  not  in  his  interest,  he  removed  him, 
and  substituted  another,  on  whom  he  could  rely. 
Thus  for  a  time  he  had  Montreal  well  in  hand. 

The  priests  of  the  Seminary,  seigniors  of  the 
island,  regarded  these  arbitrary  proceedings  with 
extreme  uneasiness.  They  claimed  the  right  of 
nominating  their  own  governor  ;  and  Perrot,  though 
he  held  a  commission  from  the  king,  owed  his  place 
to  their  appointment.  True,  he  had  set  them  at 
nought,  and  proved  a  veritable  King  Stork,  yet 
nevertheless  they  regarded  his  removal  as  an  in- 
fringement of  their  rights. 

During  the  quarrel  with  Perrot,  La  Salle  chanced 
to  be  at  Montreal,  lodged  in  the  house  of  Jacques 
Le  Ber,  who,  though  one  of  the  principal  mer- 
chants and  most  influential  inhabitants  of  the  set- 


1674.]  abbI:  f:&nelon.  87 

tlenient,  was  accustomed  to  sell  goods  across  liis 
counter  in  person  to  white  men  and  Indians,  his 
wife  taking  his  place  when  he  was  absent.  Such 
were  the  primitive  manners  of  the  secluded  little 
colony.  Le  Ber,  at  this  time,  was  in  the  interest 
of  Frontenac  and  La  Salle ;  though  he  afterwards 
became  one  of  their  most  determined  opponents. 
Amid  the  excitement  and  discussion  occasioned  by 
Perrot's  arrest,  La  Salle  declared  himself  an  adhe- 
rent of  the  governor,  and  warned  all  persons  against 
speaking  ill  of  him  in  his  hearing. 

The  Abbe  Fenelon,  already  mentioned  as  half- 
brother  to  the  famous  Archbishop,  had  attempted 
to  mediate  between  Frontenac  and  Perrot,  and  to 
this  end  had  made  a  journey  to  Quebec  on  the  ice, 
in  midwinter.  Being  of  an  ardent  temperament, 
and  more  courageous  than  prudent,  he  had  spoken 
somewhat  indiscreetly,  and  had  been  very  roughly 
treated  by  the  stormy  and  imperious  Count.  He 
returned  to  Montreal  greatly  excited,  and  not  with- 
out cause.  It  fell  to  his  lot  to  preach  the  Easter 
sermon.  The  service  was  held  in  the  little  church 
of  the  Hotel-Dieu,  which  was  crowded  to  the  porch, 
all  the  chief  persons  of  the  settlement  being  pres- 
ent. The  cure  of  the  parish,  whose  name  also  was 
Perrot,  said  High  Mass,  assisted  by  La  Salle's 
brother,  Cavelier,  and  two  other  priests.  Then 
Fenelon  mounted  the  pulpit.  Certain  passages 
of  his  sermon  were  obviously  levelled  against 
Frontenac.  Speaking  of  the  duties  of  those 
clothed  with  temporal  authority,  he  said  that  the 
magistrate,  inspired  with  the  spirit  of  Christ,  was 


88  LA  SALLE   AND  rRO:NTENAC.  [1674. 

as  ready  to  pardon  offences  against  himself  as  to 
piniish  those  against  his  prince ;  that  he  was  full 
of  respect  for  the  ministers  of  the  altar,  and  never 
maltreated  them  when  they  attempted  to  reconcile 
enemies  and  restore  peace ;  that  he  never  made 
favorites  of  those  who  flattered  him,  nor  under 
specious  pretexts  oppressed  other  persons  in  au- 
thority who  opposed  his  enterprises ;  that  he  used 
his  power  to  serve  his  king,  and  not  to  his  own 
advantage ;  that  he  remained  content  with  his 
salary,  without  disturbing  the  commerce  of  the 
country,  or  abusing  those  who  refused  him  a  share 
in  their  profits ;  and  that  he  never  troubled  the 
people  by  inordinate  and  unjust  levies  of  men  and 
material,  using  the  name  of  his  prince  as  a  cover 
to  his  own  designs.* 

La  Salle  sat  near  the  door ;  but,  as  the  preacher 
proceeded,  he  suddenly  rose  to  his  feet  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  attract  the  notice  of  the  cono^reijration. 
As  they  turned  their  heads,  he  signed  to  the  princi- 
pal persons  among  them,  and  by  his  angry  looks 
and  gesticulation  called  their  attention  to  the  words 
of  Fenelon.  Then  meeting  the  eye  of  the  cure, 
who  sat  beside  the  altar,  he  made  the  same  signs 
to  him,  to  which  the  cure  replied  by  a  deprecating 
shrug  of  the  shoulders.  Fenelon  changed  color, 
but  continued  his  sermon.^ 

1  Faillon,  Colonie  Frangaise,  III.  497,  and  manuscript  authorities  there 
cited.  I  have  examined  the  principal  of  these.  Faillon  himself  is  a 
priest  of  St.  Sulpice.  Compare  H.  Verreau,  Les  Deux  Abb€s  de  Fenelon, 
chap.  vii. 

2  Information  f aide  par  nous,  Charles  Le  Tardieu,  Sieur  de  Tilhj,et  Nica 
las  Ihipont,  etc.,  etc.,  centre  le  S''-Abb(f  de  Fe'nelon.  Tilly  and  Dupont  were 
sent  by  Frontenac  to  inquire  into  the  affair.  Among  the  deponents  is  Lrt 
Salle  himself. 


I674.J  LA   SALLE  AT   COUKT.  89 

This  indecent  proceeding  of  La  Salle,  and  the 
zeal  with  which  throughout  the  quarrel  he  took 
the  part  of  the  governor,  did  not  go  unrewarded. 
Henceforth,  Frontenac  was  more  than  ever  his 
friend ;  and  this  plainly  appeared  in  the  disposi- 
tion made,  through  liis  influence,  of  the  new  fort 
on  Lake  Ontario.  Attempts  had  been  made  to 
induce  the  king  to  have  it  demolished ;  but  it  was 
resolved  at  last  that,  being  built,  it  should  be 
allowed  to  stand ;  and,  after  long  delay,  a  final 
arrangement  was  made  for  its  maintenance,  in  the 
manner  following :  In  the  autumn  of  1674,  La 
Salle  went  to  France,  with  letters  of  strong  recom- 
mendation from  Frontenac.^  He  was  well  received 
at  Court ;  and  he  made  two  petitions  to  the  king  : 
the  one  for  a  patent  of  nobility,  in  consideration 
of  his  services  as  an  explorer ;  and  the  other  for 
a  grant  in  seigniory  of  Fort  Frontenac,  for  so  he 
called  the  new  post,  in  honor  of  his  patron.  On 
his  part,  he  offered  to  pay  back  the  ten  thousand 
francs  which  the  fort  had  cost  the  king ;  to  main- 
tain it  at  his  own  charge,  with  a  garrison  equal  to 
that  of  Montreal,  besides  fifteen  or  twenty  laborers ; 
to  form  a  French  colony  around  it ;  to  build  a 
church,  whenever  the  number  of  inhabitants  should 
reach  one  hundred  ;  and,  meanwhile,  to  support  one 

1  Li  his  despatch  to  the  mmister  Colbert,  of  the  fourteenth  of  Novem- 
ber, 1674,  Frontenac  speaks  of  La  Salle  as  follows :  "  I  cannot  help,  Mon- 
seigneur,  recommending  to  you  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  who  is  about  to  go 
to  France,  and  who  is  a  man  of  intelligence  and  ability,  more  capable 
than  anybody  else  I  know  here  to  accomplish  every  kind  of  enterprise 
and  discovery  which  may  be  entrusted  to  him,  as  he  has  the  most  per- 
fect knowledge  of  the  state  of  the  country,  as  you  will  see,  if  you  arc 
disposed  to  give  him  a  few  moments  of  audience." 


90  LA   SALLE  AND   FRONTENAC.  [1675. 

or  more  Eecollet  friars ;  and,  finally,  to  form  a  set- 
tlement of  domesticated  Indians  in  the  neighbor- 
hood. His  offers  were  accepted.  He  was  raised 
to  the  rank  of  the  untitled  nobles ;  received  a 
grant  of  the  fort,  and  lands  adjacent,  to  the  extent 
of  four  leagues  in  front  and  half  a  league  in  depth, 
besides  the  neighboring  islands  ;  and  was  invested 
with  the  government  of  the  fort  and  settlement, 
subject  to  the  orders  of  the  governor-general.* 

La  Salle  returned  to  Canada,  proprietor  of  a 
seigniory,  which,  all  things  considered,  was  one  of 
the  most  valuable  in  the  colony.  His  friends  and 
his  family,  rejoicing  in  his  good  fortune,  and  not 
unwilling  to  share  it,  made  him  large  advances  of 
money,  enabling  him  to  pay  the  stipulated  sum  to 
the  king,  to  rebuild  the  fort  in  stone,  maintain  sol- 
diers and  laborers,  and  procure  in  part,  at  least,  the 
necessary  outfit.  Had  La  Salle  been  a  mere  mer- 
chant, he  was  in  a  fair  way  to  make  a  fortune,  for 
he  was  in  a  position  to  control  the  better  part  of 
the  Canadian  fur- trade.  But  he  was  not  a  mere 
merchant ;  and  no  commercial  profit  could  content 
his  ambition. 

Those  may  believe,  who  will,  that  Frontenac  did 
not  expect  a  share  in  the  profits  of  the  new  post. 
That  he  did  expect  it,  there  is  positive  evidence ; 
for  a  deposition  is  extant,  taken  at  the  instance  of 

1  Mifmoire  pour  Ventretien  du  Fort  Frontenac,  par  le  S''-  de  la  Salle,  1674. 
Petition  du  S''-  de  la  Salle  an  Roi.  Lettres  patentes  de  concession,  du  Fort  de 
Frontenac  et  terres  adjacentes  au  profit  du  S  •  de  la  Salle  ;  donn€es  a  Compiegnc 
le  13  Mai,  1676.  Arret  qui  accepte  les  offresfaites  par  Robert  Cavelier  S"-  dc 
la  Salle ;  a  Compiegne  le  13  Mai,  1675.  Lettres  de  noblesse  pour  le  S'-  Cava- 
lier de  la  Salle ;  donn€es  a  Compiegne  le  13  Mai,  1676.  Papiers  de  FavtiUe  ; 
M€moir>i  au  Roi 


1675.]  ENEMIES   OF  LA   SALLE.  91 

his  enemy,  tlie  Intend  ant  Diichesneau,  In  which 
three  mtnesses  attest  that  the  governor,  La  Salle, 
his  lieutenant  La  Forest,  and  one  Boisseau,  had 
formed  a  partnership  to  carry  on  the  trade  of  Fort 
Frontenac. 

No  sooner  was  La  Salle  installed  in  his  new  post 
than  the  merchants  of  Canada  joined  hands  to 
oppose  him.  Le  Ber,  once  his  friend,  became  his 
bitter  enemy ;  for  he  himself  had  hoped  to  share 
the  monopoly  of  Fort  Frontenac,  of  which  he  and 
one  Bazire  had  at  first  been  placed  provisionally 
in  control,  and  from  which  he  now  saw  himself 
ejected.  La  Chesnaye,  Le  Moyne,  and  others  of 
more  or  less  influence,  took  part  in  the  league, 
which,  in  fact,  embraced  all  the  traders  in  the 
colony  except  the  few  joined  with  Frontenac  and 
La  Salle.  Duchesneau,  intendant  of  the  colony, 
aided  the  malcontents.  As  time  went  on,  their 
bitterness  grew  more  bitter ;  and  when  at  last  it 
was  seen  that,  not  satisfied  with  the  monopoly  of 
Fort  Frontenac,  La  Salle  aimed  at  the  control  of 
the  valleys  of  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi,  and  the 
usufruct  of  half  a  continent,  the  ire  of  his  oppo- 
nents redoubled,  and  Canada  became  for  him  a 
nest  of  hornets,  buzzing  in  wrath,  and  watching 
the  moment  to  sting.  But  there  was  another 
element  of  opposition,  less  noisy,  but  not  less 
formidable ;  and  this  arose  from  the  Jesuits. 
Frontenac  hated  them  ;  and  they,  under  befitting 
foiTQs  of  duty  and  courtesy,  paid  him  back  in  the 
same  coin.  Having  no  love  for  the  governor,  they 
would   naturally  have  little  for  his  partisan   and 


92  LA  SALLE  AND  FKONTENAC.  [161  b 

protege;  but  their  opposition  had  another  and  a 
deeper  root,  for  the  plans  of  the  daring  young 
schemer  jarred  with  their  own. 

We  have  seen  the  Canadian  Jesuits  in  the  early 
apostolic  days  of  their  mission,  when  the  flame  of 
their  zeal,  fed  by  an  ardent  hope,  burned  bright 
and  high.  This  hope  was  doomed  to  disappoint- 
ment. Their  avowed  purj)Ose  of  building  another 
Paraguay  on  the  borders  of  the  Great  Lakes  ^  was 
never  accomplished,  and  their  missions  and  their 
converts  were  swept  away  in  an  avalanche  of  ruin. 
Still,  they  would  not  despair.  From  the  lakes, 
they  turned  their  eyes  to  the  Yalley  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, in  the  hope  to  see  it  one  day  the  seat  of  their 
new  empire  of  the  Faith.  But  what  did  this  new 
Paraguay  mean  ?  It  meant  a  little  nation  of  con- 
verted and  domesticated  savages,  docile  as  children, 
under  the  paternal  and  absolute  rule  of  Jesuit 
fathers,  and  trained  by  them  in  industrial  pursuits, 
the  results  of  which  were  to  inure,  not  to  the  profit 
of  the  producers,  but  to  the  building  of  churches, 
the  founding  of  colleges,  the  establishment  of  ware- 
houses and  magazines,  and  the  construction  of 
works  of  defence,  —  all  controlled  by  Jesuits,  and 
forming  a  part  of  the  vast  possessions  of  the  Order. 
Such  was  the  old  Paraguay ;  ^  and  such,  we  may 
suppose,  would  have  been  the  new,  had  the  plans 
of  those  who  designed  it  been  realized. 

I  have  said  that  since  the  middle  of  the  century 

1  This  purpose  is  several  times  indicated  in  the  Relations.  For  an 
instance,  see  The  Jesuits  in  North  America,  p.  153. 

2  Compare  Ciiarlevoix,  Histoire  de  Paraguay,  with  Robertson,  Letters 
on  Paraguay 


1675.J  PUEFOSES  OF  THE  JESUITS.  93 

the  religious  exaltation  of  the  early  missions  had 
sensibly  declined.  In  the  nature  of  things,  that 
grand  enthusiasm  was  too  intense  and  fervent  to 
be  long  sustained.  But  the  vital  force  of  Jesu- 
itism had  suffered  no  diminution.  That  marvel- 
lous  esprit  de  corps,  that  extinction  of  self,  and 
absorption  of  the  individual  in  the  Order,  which 
has  marked  the  Jesuits  from  their  first  existence 
as  a  body,  was  no  whit  changed  or  lessened;  a 
principle,  wliich,  though  different,  was  no  less 
strong  than  the  self-devoted  patriotism  of  Sparta 
or  the  early  Roman  Republic. 

The  Jesuits  were  no  longer  supreme  in  Canada, 
or,  in  other  words,  Canada  was  no  longer  simply 
a  mission.  It  had  become  a  colony.  Temporal 
interests  and  the  civil  power  were  constantly  gain- 
ing ground ;  and  the  disciples  of  Loyola  felt  that 
relatively,  if  not  absolutely,  they  were  losing  it. 
They  struggled  vigorously  to  maintain  the  ascen- 
dency of  their  Order,  or,  as  they  would  have 
expressed  it,  the  ascendency  of  religion ;  but  in 
the  older  and  more  settled  parts  of  the  colony  it 
was  clear  that  the  day  of  their  undivided  rule  was 
past.  Therefore,  they  looked  with  redoubled 
solicitude  to  their  missions  in  the  West.  They 
had  been  among  its  first  explorers ;  and  they 
hoped  that  here  the  Catholic  Faith,  as  represented 
by  Jesuits,  might  reign  with  undisputed  sway. 
In  Paraguay,  it  was  their  constant  aim  to  exclude 
white  men  from  their  missions.  It  was  the  same 
in  North  America.  They  dreaded  fur-traders, 
partly  because  they  interfered  with  their  teach- 


94  LA  SALLE  AND  FRONTENAC.  [1674-78 

ings  and  perverted  their  converts,  and  partly  for 
other  reasons.  But  La  Salle  was  a  fur-trader,  and 
far  worse  than  a  fur-trader :  he  aimed  at  occu- 
pation, fortification,  and  settlement.  The  scope 
and  vigor  of  his  enterprises,  and  the  powerful 
influence  that  aided  them,  made  him  a  stumbling- 
block  in  their  path.  He  was  their  most  dangerous 
rival  for  the  control  of  the  West,  and  from  first  to 
last  they  set  themselves  against  him. 

What  manner  of  man  was  he  who  could  con- 
ceive designs  so  vast  and  defy  enmities  so  many 
and  so  powerful  ?  And  in  what  spirit  did  he  em- 
brace these  designs  ?  We  will  look  hereafter  for 
aai  answer. 


CHAPTER   Vn. 

1678. 

PARTY  STRIFE. 

La  Salle  and  his  Repoeter.  —  Jesuit  Ascendbnct.  —  The  ilissious 
AND  THE  Fur-trade.  —  Female  Inquisitors.  —  Plots  against  La 
Salle.  —  His  Brother  the  Priest.  —  Intrigues  of  the  Jesuits. 
—  La  Salle  poisoned.  —  He  exculpates  the  Jesuits.  —  Renewed 
Intrigues. 

One  of  the  most  curious  monuments  of  La  Salle's 
time  is  a  long  memoir,  written  by  a  person  who 
made  his  acquaintance  at  Paris,  in  the  summer  of 
1678,  when,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  he  had  returned 
to  France,  in  prosecution  of  his  plans.  The  writer 
knew  the  Sulpitian  Galinee,^  who,  as  he  says,  had 
a  very  high  opinion  of  La  Salle ;  and  he  was  also 
in  close  relations  with  the  discoverer's  patron,  the 
Prince  de  Conti.^  He  says  that  he  had  ten  or 
twelve  interviews  with  La  Salle,  and,  becoming  in- 
terested in  him  and  in  that  which  he  communicated, 
he  wrote  down  the  substance  of  his  conversation. 
The  paper  is  divided  into  two  parts :  the  first, 
called  "  Memoire  sur  Mr.  de  la  Salle/'  is  devoted 

1  Ante,  p.  11. 

2  Louis- Armaiid  de  Bourbon,  second  Prince  de  Conti.     The  author  of 
the  memoir  seems  to  have  been  Abbe  Renaudot,  a  learned  churchman. 


96  PARTY    STRIFE.  [1678 

to  the  state  of  affairs  in  Canada,  and  chiefly  to  the 
Jesuits ;  the  second,  entitled  "  Histoire  de  Mr.  de 
la  Salle,"  is  an  account  of  the  discoverer's  life,  or 
as  much  of  it  as  the  writer  had  learned  from  him.^ 
Both  parts  bear  throughout  the  internal  evidence 
of  being  what  they  profess  to  be  ;  but  they  embody 
the  statements  of  a  man  of  intense  partisan  feeling, 
transmitted  through  the  mind  of  another  person 
in  sympathy  with  him,  and  evidently  sharing  his 
prepossessions.  In  one  respect,  however,  the  paper 
is  of  unquestionable  historical  value  ;  for  it  gives 
us  a  vivid  and  not  an  exaggerated  pictm^e  of  the 
bitter  strife  of  parties  which  then  raged  in  Canada, 
and  which  was  destined  to  tax  to  the  utmost  the 
vast  energy  and  fortitude  of  La  Salle.  At  times,  the 
memoir  is  fully  sustained  by  contemporary  evidence ; 
but  often,  again,  it  rests  on  its  own  unsupported 
authority.  I  give  an  abstract  of  its  statements  as 
I  find  them. 

The  following  is  the  writer's  account  of  La  Salle  : 
*^  All  those  among  my  friends  who  have  seen  him 
find  him  a  man  of  great  intelligence  and  sense. 
He  rarely  speaks  of  any  subject  except  when  ques- 
tioned about  it,  and  his  words  are  very  few  and 
very  precise.  He  distinguishes  perfectly  between 
that  which  he  knows  with  certainty  and  that  which 
he  knows  with  some  mingling  of  doubt.  When  he 
does  not  know,  he  does  not  hesitate  to  avow  it ;  and 
though  I  have  heard  him  say  the  same  thing  more 
than  five  or  six  times,  when  persons  were  present 

1  Extracts  from  this  have  already  been  given  in  connection  with  La 
Salle's  supposed  discovery  of  the  Mississippi.     Ante,  p.  20. 


1078.]  JESUIT  ASCENDENCY.  97 

who  had  not  heard  it  before,  he  always  said  it  in 
the  same  manner.  In  short,  I  never  heard  any- 
body speak  whose  words  carried  with  them  more 
marks  of  truth."  ^ 

After  mentioning  that  he  is  thirty-three  or  thirty- 
four  years  old,  and  that  he  has  been  twelve  years 
in  America,  the  memoir  declares  that  he  made  the 
following  statements:  that  the  Jesuits  are  masters 
at  Quebec ;  that  the  bishop  is  their  creature,  and 
does  nothing  but  in  concert  with  them  ;  ^  that  he  is 
not  well  inclined  towards  the  RecoUets,^  who  have 
little  credit,  but  who  are  protected  by  Frontenac ; 
that  in  Canada  the  Jesuits  think  everybody  an 
enemy  to  religion  who  is  an  enemy  to  them ;  that, 
though  they  refused  absolution  to  all  who  sold 
brandy  to  the  Indians,  they  sold  it  themselves,  and 
that  he,  La  Salle,  had  himself  detected  them  in 

1  "  Tous  ceux  de  nies  amis  qui  I'ont  vu  luy  trouve  beaucoup  d'esprit  et 
an  tres  grand  sens  ;  il  ne  parle  gueres  que  des  clioses  sur  lesquelles  on 
I'interroge ;  il  les  dit  en  tres-peu  de  mots  et  tres-bien  circonstanciees  ;  il  dis- 
tingue parfaitement  ce  qu'il  scait  avec  certitude,  de  ce  qu'il  scait  avec 
quelque  melange  de  doute.  II  avoue  sans  aucune  fa9on  ne  pas  savoir  ce 
qu'il  ne  scait  pas,  et  quojque  je  luy  aye  ouy  dire  plus  de  cinq  ou  six  fois 
les  mesme  choses  a  I'occasion  de  quelques  personnes  qui  ne  les  avaient 
point  encore  entendues,  je  les  luy  ay  toujours  ouy  dire  de  la  mesme 
maniere.  En  un  mot  je  n'ay  jamais  ouy  parler  personne  dont  les  paroles 
portassent  plus  de  marques  de  verite." 

^  "  II  y  a  une  autre  chose  qui  me  de'plait,  qui  est  I'enti^re  dependence 
dans  laquelle  les  Pretres  du  Seminaire  de  Quebec  et  le  Grand  Vicaire  de 
I'Eveque  sont  pour  les  P^res  Je'suites,  car  il  ne  fait  pas  la  moindre  chose 
sans  leur  ordre ;  ce  qui  fait  qu'indirectement  ils  sont  les  maitres  de  ce  qui 
regarde  le  spirituel,qui,  comme  vous  savez,  est  une  grande  machine  pour 
remuer  tout  le  reste." —  Lettre  de  Frontenac  a  Colbert,  2  Nov.,  1672. 

2  "Ces  religieux  [les  Recollets]  sont  fort  proteges  partout  par  le 
comte  de  Frontenac,  gouverneur  du  pays,  et  a  cause  de  cela  assez  ma.l- 
traites  par  I'evesque,  parceque  la  doctrine  de  I'evesque  et  des  Jesuites  est 
que  les  affaires  de  la  Religion  chrestienne  n'iront  point  bien  dans  ce 
pays-Ik  que  quand  le  gouverneur  sera  creature  des  Je'suites,  ou  que 
I'evesque  sera  gouverneur."  —  Memoire  sur  HJ^-   de  la  Sa'Ie. 

7 


98  PARTY    STRirE,  [1678 

it;^  that  the  bishop  laughs  at  the  orders  of  the 
king  when  they  do  not  agree  with  the  wishes  of 
the  Jesuits ;  that  the  Jesuits  dismissed  one  of  their 
servants  named  Robert,  because  he  told  of  their 
trade  in  brandy ;  that  Albanel,^  in  particular,  car- 
ried on  a  o^reat  fur-trade,  and  that  the  Jesuits  have 
built  their  college  in  part  from  the  profits  of  this 
kind  of  traffic ;  that  they  admitted  that  they  car- 
ried on  a  trade,  but  denied  that  they  gained  so 
much  by  it  as  was  commonly  supposed.^ 

The  memoir  proceeds  to  affirm  that  they  trade 
largely  with  the  Sioux,  at  Ste.  Marie,  and  with 
other  tribes  at  Michillimackinac,  and  that  they  are 
masters  of  the  trade  of  that  region,  where  the  forts 

*  "  lis  [/es  J€sxdtes\  ref usent  I'absolution  a  ceux  qui  ne  veiilent  pas 
promettre  de  n'en  plus  vendre  \de  V ean-de-vie\,  et  s'ils  meurent  en  cet 
etat,  lis  les  privent  de  la  sepulture  ecclesiastique  ;  an  contraire  ils  se  per- 
mettent  k  eux-memes  sans  aucune  difficulte  ce  mesme  trafic  quoique  toute 
sorte  de  trafic  soit  interdite  a  tons  les  ecclesiastiques  par  les  ordonnances 
du  Eoy,  et  par  une  bulle  expresse  du  Pape.  La  Bulle  et  les  ordon- 
nances sont  notoires,  et  quoyqu'ils  cachent  le  trafic  qu'ils  font  d'eau-de- 
vie,  M.  de  la  Salle  pretend  qu'il  ne  Test  pas  moins  ;  qu'outre  la  notorieto 
il  en  a  des  preuves  certaines,  et  qu'il  les  a  surpris  dans  ce  trafic,  et  qu'ils 
luy  ont  tendu  des  pieges  pour  I'y  surprendre.  ...  lis  ont  chasse  leur 
yalet  Robert  k  cause  qu'il  revela  qu'ils  en  traitaient  jour  et  nuit."  —  Jhid. 
The  writer  says  that  he  makes  this  last  statement,  not  on  the  authority 
of  La  Salle,  but  on  that  of  a  memoir  made  at  the  time  when  the  intend- 
ant,  Talon,  with  whom  he  elsewhere  says  that  he  was  well  acquainted- 
returned  to  France.  A  great  number  of  particulars  are  added  respect 
ing  the  Jesuit  trade  in  furs. 

'^  Albanel  was  prominent  among  the  Jesuit  explorers  at  this  time. 
He  is  best  known  by  his  journey  up  the  Saguenay  to  Hudson's  Bay  in 
1672. 

3  "  Pour  vous  parler  franchement,  ils  [/es  J€mites\  songent  autant  i 
la  conversion  du  Castor  qu'a  celle  des  ames." — Lettre  de  Frontenac  a 
Colbert,  2  Nov.,  1672. 

In  his  despatch  of  the  next  year,  he  says  that  the  Jesuits  ought  to 
content  themselves  with  instructing  the  Indians  in  their  old  missions, 
instead  of  neglecting  them  to  make  new  ones  in  countries  where  there 
^re  "  7uore  beaver-skins  to  gain  than  souls  to  save." 


1678.]  THE   SAINTE  FAMILLE.  99 

are  in  their  possession.*  An  Indian  said,  in  full 
council,  at  Quebec,  that  he  had  prayed  and  been  a 
Christian  as  long  as  the  Jesuits  would  stay  and 
teach  him,  but  since  no  more  beaver  were  left  in 
his  country,  the  missionaries  were  gone  also.  The 
Jesuits,  pursues  the  memoir,  will  have  no  priests 
but  themselves  in  their  missions,  and  call  them  all 
Jansenists,  not  excepting  the  priests  of  St.  Sulpice. 
The  bishop  is  next  accused  of  harshness  and  in- 
tolerance, as  well  as  of  growing  rich  by  tithes,  and 
even  by  trade,  in  which  it  is  affirmed  he  has  a 
covert  interest.^  It  is  added  that  there  exists  in 
Quebec,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Jesuits,  an  asso- 
ciation called  the  Sainte  Famille,  of  which  Madame 
Bourdon '  is  superior.  They  meet  in  the  cathedral 
every  Thursday,  with  closed  doors,  where  they 
relate  to  each  other  —  as  they  are  bound  by  a  vow 
to  do  —  all  they  have  learned,  whether  good  or 
evil,  concerning  other  people,  during  the  week. 
It  is  a  sort  of  female  inquisition,  for  the  benefit  of 
the  Jesuits,  the  secrets  of  whose  friends,  it  is  said, 
are  kept,  while  no  such  discretion  is  observed  with 
regard  to  persons  not  of  their  party."* 

1  These  forts  were  built  by  them,  and  were  necessary  to  the  security 
of  their  missions. 

3  Fran9ois  Xavier  de  Laval-Montmorency,  first  bishop  of  Quebec,  was 
a  prelate  of  austere  character.  His  memory  is  cherished  in  Canada  by 
adherents  of  the  Jesuits  and  all  ultramontane  Catholics. 

8  This  Madame  Bourdon  was  the  widow  of  Bourdon,  the  engineer 
(see  The  Jesuits  in  North  America,  p.  299).  If  we  may  credit  the  letters  of 
Marie  de  ITncarnation,  she  had  married  him  from  a  religious  motive,  in 
order  to  charge  herself  with  the  care  of  his  motherless  children ;  stipulat- 
ing in  advance  that  he  should  live  with  her,  not  as  a  husband,  but  as  a 
brother.  As  may  be  imagined,  she  was  regarded  as  a  most  devout  and 
eaint-like  person. 

*  "  n  y  a  dans  Quebec  une  congregation  de  femmes  et  de  filles  qxi'Ua 


100  PARTY    ISTKIFB.  [i(378 

Here  follow  a  series  of  statements,  which  it  is 
needless  to  repeat,  as  they  do  not  concern  La  Salle. 
They  relate  to  abuse  of  the  confessional,  hostility 
to  other  priests,  hostility  to  civil  authorities,  and 
over-hasty  baptisms,  in  regard  to  which  La  Salle  is 
reported  to  have  made  a  comparison,  unfavorable 
to  the  Jesuits,  between  them  and  the  Eecollets  and 
Sulpitians. 

We  now  come  to  the  second  part  of  the  memoir, 
entitled  '^  History  of  Monsieur  de  la  Salle."  After 
stating  that  he  left  France  at  the  age  of  twenty-one 
or  twenty-two,  with  the  purpose  of  attempting  some 
new  discovery,  it  makes  the  statements  repeated  in 
a  former  chapter,  concerning  his  discovery  of  the 
Ohio,  the  Illinois,  and  possibly  the  Mississippi.     It 

[les  J^sintes]  appellent  la  sainte  famille,  dans  laquelle  on  fait  voeu  siir  les 
Saints  Evangiles  de  dire  tout  ce  qu'on  sait  de  bien  et  de  mal  des  per- 
sonnes  qu'on  connoist.  La  Superieure  de  cette  compagnie  s'appelle  Mad- 
ame Bourdon ;  une  M'^*-  Daillebout  est,  je  crois,  I'assistante  et  une  M''** 
Charron,  la  Tresoriere.  La  compagnie  s'assemble  tous  les  Jeudis  dans  la 
Cathedrale,  a  porte  fermee,  et  la  elles  se  disent  les  unes  aux  autres  tout 
ce  qu'elles  ont  appris.  C'est  une  espece  d'Inquisition  contre  toutcs  lea 
personnes  qui  ne  sont  pas  unies  avec  les  Je'suites.  Ces  personnes  sont 
accusees  de  tenir  secret  ce  qu'elles  apprennent  de  mal  des  personnes  de 
leur  party  et  de  n'avoir  pas  la  mesme  discretion  pour  les  autres."  — 
M^moire  sur  M'"  de  la  Salle. 

Tlie  Madame  Daillebout  mentioned  above  was  a  devotee  like  Madame 
Bourdon,  and,  iri  one  respect,  her  history  was  similar.  See  The  Jesuits  in 
North  America,  p.  265. 

The  association  of  the  Sainte  Famille  was  founded  by  the  Jesuit 
Chaumonot  at  Montreal  in  166.3.  Laval,  Bishop  of  Quebec,  after- 
wards encouraged  its  establishment  at  that  place ;  and,  as  Cliaumonot 
himself  writes,  caused  it  to  be  attached  to  the  cathedral.  Me  dc 
Chaumonot,  83.  For  its  establishment  at  Montreal,  Faillon,  Vie  de  M'^ 
Mance,  I.  233. 

"  lis  [les  J^suites]  ont  tous  une  si  grande  envie  de  savoir  tout  ce  qui 
se  fait  dans  les  families  qu'ils  ont  des  Inspecteurs  k  gages  dans  la  Ville, 
qui  leur  rapportent  tout  ce  qui  se  fait  dans  les  maisons,"  etc.,  etc.  —  Lettre 
de  Frontenac  au  Minisfre,  13  Noi).,  1673. 


16T8.J  INTRIGUES  AGAINST  LA  SALLE.  101 

then  mentions  the  building  of  Fort  Frontenac,  and 
says  that  one  object  of  it  was  to  prevent  the  Jesuits 
from  becoming  undisputed  masters  of  the  fur-trade.* 
Three  years  ago,  it  pursues.  La  Salle  came  to 
France,  and  obtained  a  grant  of  the  fort ;  and  it 
proceeds  to  give  examples  of  the  means  used  by  the 
party  opposed  to  him  to  injure  his  good  name,  and 
bring  him  within  reach  of  the  law.  Once,  when 
he  was  at  Quebec,  the  farmer  of  the  king's  reve- 
nue, one  of  the  richest  men  in  the  place,  was  ex- 
tremely urgent  in  his  proffers  of  hospitality,  and  at 
length,  though  he  knew  La  Salle  but  slightly,  per- 
suaded him  to  lodge  in  his  house.  He  had  been 
here  but  a  few  days  when  his  host's  wife  began  to 
enact  the  part  of  the  wife  of  Potiphar,  and  this  with 
so  much  vivacity,  that  on  one  occasion  La  Salle  was 
forced  to  take  an  abrupt  leave,  in  order  to  avoid 
an  infringement  of  the  laws  of  hospitality.  As  he 
opened  the  door,  he  found  the  husband  on  the 
watch,  and  saw  that  it  was  a  plot  to  entrap  him.^ 

Another  attack,  of  a  different  character,  though 
in  the  same  direction,  was  soon  after  made.  The 
remittances  which  La  Salle  received  from  the  va- 
rious members  and  connections  of  his  family 
were  sent  through  the  hands  of  his  brother,  Abb^ 
Cavelier,  from  whom  his  enemies  were,  therefore, 
very  eager  to  alienate  him.  To  this  end,  a  report 
was  made  to  reach  the  priest's  ears,  that  La  Salle 
had  seduced  a  young  woman,  with  whom  he  was 

^  Mention  has  been  made  (p.  78,  note)  of  the  report  set  on  foot  by  the 
Jesuit  Dablon,  to  prevent  the  building  of  the  fort. 

2  This  story  is  told  at  considerable  length,  and  the  advances  of  the 
lady  particularly  described. 


102  PARTY    STRIFE.  [1678 

Ii\iiig,  in  an  open  and  scandalous  manner,  at  Fort 
Frontenac.  The  effect  of  this  device  exceeded  the 
wishes  of  its  contrivers ;  for  the  priest,  aghast  at 
what  he  had  heard,  set  out  for  the  fort,  to  adminis- 
ter his  fraternal  rebuke ;  but,  on  arriving,  in  place 
of  the  expected  abomination,  found  his  brother, 
assisted  by  tw^o  Eecollet  friars,  ruling  with  edif  jing 
propriety  over  a  most  exemplary  household. 

Thus  far  the  memoir.  From  passages  in  some 
of  La  Salle's  letters,  it  may  be  gathered  that 
Abbe  Cavelier  gave  him  at  times  no  little  annoy- 
ance. In  his  double  character  of  priest  and  elder 
brother,  he  seems  to  have  constituted  himself  the 
counsellor,  monitor,  and  guide  of  a  man,  who, 
though  many  years  his  junior,  was  in  all  respects 
incomparably  superior  to  him,  as  the  sequel  will 
show.  This  must  have  been  almost  insufferable  to 
a  nature  Hke  that  of  La  Salle,  who,  nevertheless, 
was  forced  to  arm  himself  with  patience,  since  his 
brother  held  the  purse-strings.  On  one  occasion, 
his  forbearance  was  put  to  a  severe  proof,  when, 
wishing  to  marry  a  damsel  of  good  connections  in 
the  colony,  Abbe  CaveHer  saw  fit,  for  some  reason, 
to  interfere,  and  prevented  the  alliance.^ 

To  resume  the  memoir.  It  declares  that  the 
Jesuits  procured  an  ordinance  from  the  Supreme 
Council,  prohibiting  traders  from  going  into  the 
Indian  country,  in  order  that  they,  the  Jesuits, 
being  already  established  there  in  their  missions, 
might  carry  on  trade  without  competition.  But 
La  SaUe  induced  a  good  number  of  the  Iroquois  to 

1  Letter  of  La  Salle,  in  possession  of  M.  Margry. 


1678. j  INTRIGUES  AGAINST  LA  SALLE.  103 

settle  around  his  fort ;  thus  bringing  the  trade  to  bis 
own  door,  without  breaking  the  ordinance.  These 
Iroquois,  he  is  farther  reported  to  have  said,  w^ere 
very  fond  of  him,  and  aided  him  in  rebuilding  the 
fort  with  cut  stone.  The  Jesuits  told  the  Iroquois 
on  the  south  side  of  the  lake,  where  they  were  es- 
tablished as  missionaries,  that  La  Salle  was  strength- 
ening: his  defences,  with  the  view  of  makino;  w^ar  on 
them.  They  and  the  intendant,  who  was  their 
creature,  endeavored  to  embroil  the  Iroquois  with 
the  French,  in  order  to  ruin  La  Salle  ;  waiting  to 
him  at  the  same  time  that  he  was  the  bulwark  of 
the  country,  and  that  he  ought  to  be  always  on  his 
guard.  They  also  tried  to  persuade  Frontenac  that 
it  was  necessary  to  raise  men  and  prepare  for  war. 
La  Salle  suspected  them,  and,  seeing  that  the  Iro- 
quois, in  consequence  of  their  intrigues,  were  in 
an  excited  state,  he  induced  the  governor  to  come 
to  Fort  Frontenac,  to  pacify  them.  He  accordingly 
did  so ;  and  a  council  was  held,  which  ended  in  a 
complete  restoration  of  confidence  on  the  part  of 
the  Iroquois.^  At  this  council  they  accused  the 
two  Jesuits,  Bruyas  and  Pierron,^  of  spreading  re- 

^  Louis  XIV.  alludes  to  this  visit,  in  a  letter  to  Frontenac,  dated  28 
April,  1677  "I  cannot  but  approve,"  he  writes,  "  of  what  you  have  done, 
in  your  voyage  to  Fort  Frontenac,  to  reconcile  the  minds  of  the  Five  Iro 
quois  Nations,  and  to  clear  yourself  from  the  suspicions  they  had  enter- 
tained, and  from  the  motives  that  might  induce  them  to  make  war." 
Frontenac's  despatches  of  this  year,  as  well  as  of  the  preceding  and  fol- 
lowing years,  are  missing  from  the  archives. 

In  a  memoir  written  in  November,  1680,  La  Salle  alludes  to  "  le  desir 
qua  Ton  avoit  que  Monseigneur  le  Comte  de  Frontenac  fist  la  guerre  aux 
Iroquois/'     See  Thoraassy,  G€ologie  Pratique  de  la  Louisiane,  203. 

2  Bruyas  was  about  this  time  stationed  among  the  Onondagas.  Fier- 
ron  was  among  the  Senecas.     He  had  lately  removed  to  Uiiem  from  the 


104  PARTY    STRIPE.  [1678 

ports  that  the  French  were  preparing  to  attack 
them.  La  Salle  thought  that  the  object  of  the  in? 
trigue  was  to  make  the  Iroquois  jealous  of  him,  and 
engage  Frontenac  in  expenses  which  would  offend 
the  king.  After  La  Salle  and  the  governor  had 
lost  credit  by  the  rupture,  the  Jesuits  would  come 
forward  as  pacificators,  in  the  full  assurance  that 
they  could  restore  quiet,  and  appear  in  the  attitude 
of  saviors  of  the  colonv. 

La  Salle,  pursues  his  reporter,  went  on  to  say 
that  about  this  time  a  quantity  of  hemlock  and 
verdigris  was  given  him  in  a  salad ;  and  that  the 
guilty  person  was  a  man  in  his  employ,  named 
Nicolas  Perrot,  otherwise  called  Jolycoeur,  who 
confessed  the  crime. ^  The  memoir  adds  that  La 
Salle,  who  recovered  from  the  effects  of  the  poison, 
wholly  exculpates  the  Jesuits. 

This  attempt,  which  was  not,  as  we  shall  see,  the 
only  one  of  the  kind  made  against  La  Salle,  is  al- 
luded to  by  him,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend  at  Paris, 
written  in  Canada,  when  he  was  on  the  point  of 

Mohawk  country.  Relation  des  Jesuites,  1673-79,  p.  140  (Shea).  Bruyas 
was  also  for  a  long  time  among  the  Mohawks. 

1  This  puts  the  character  of  Perrot  in  a  new  light ;  for  it  is  not  likely 
that  any  other  can  be  meant  than  the  famous  voyageur.  I  have  found  no 
mention  elsewhere  of  the  s^'nonj'me  of  Jolycoeur.  Poisoning  was  the 
current  crime  of  the  day  ;  and  persons  of  the  highest  rank  had  rtpeat- 
edly  been  charged  with  it.     The  following  is  the  passage  :  — 

*'  Quoiqu'il  en  soit,  M'-  de  la  Salle  se  sentit  quelque  temps  aprfes  era- 
poissonne  d'une  sahule  dans  laquelle  on  avoit  mesle'  du  eigne,  qui  est  poison 
en  ce  pays  la,  et  du  verd  de  gris.  II  en  fut  malade  k  I'extremite,  vomis- 
Bant  presque  continuellement  40  ou  50  jours  apres,  et  il  ne  rechappa  que 
par  la  force  extreme  de  sa  constitution.  Celuy  qui  luy  donna  le  poison 
fut  un  nomme  Nicolas  Perrot,  autrement  Jolycanir,  I'un  de  ses  domes- 
tiques.  .  .  .  II  pouvait  faire  mourir  cet  homme,  qui  aconfesse  son  crime, 
niais  il  s'est  contcnte  de  renfermcr  Ics  fcrs  aux  picds."  —  IJisioirc  de 
At-  de  la  Salle 


1678.J  RELATIONS   WITH  THE    JESUITS.  105 

departure  on  his  great  expedition  to  descend  the 
Mississippi.  The  following  is  an  extract  from 
it:  — 

''  I  hope  to  give  myself  the  honor  of  sending  you 
a  more  particular  account  of  this  enterprise  when 
it  shall  have  had  the  success  which  I  hope  for  it ; 
but  I  have  need  of  a  strong  protection  for  its  sup- 
port. It  traverses  the  commercial  operations  of 
certain  persons,  who  will  find  it  hard  to  endure  it. 
They  intended  to  make  a  new  Paraguay  in  these 
parts,  and  the  route  which  I  close  against  them 
gave  them  facilities  for  an  advantageous  corre- 
spondence with  Mexico.  This  check  will  infalli- 
bly be  a  mortification  to  them  ;  and  you  know  how 
they  deal  with  whatever  opposes  them.  Neverthe- 
less^ I  am  hound  to  render  them  the  justice  to  say 
that  the  poison  which  teas  given  7ne  was  not  at  all 
of  their  instigation.  The  person  who  was  conscious 
of  the  guilt,  believing  that  I  was  their  enemy,  be- 
cause he  saw  that  our  sentiments  were  opposed, 
thought  to  exculpate  himself  by  accusing  them ;  and 
I  confess  that  at  the  time  I  was  not  sorry  to  have 
this  indication  of  their  ill-will :  but,  having  after- 
wards carefully  examined  the  affair,  I  clearly  dis- 
covered the  falsity  of  the  accusation  which  this 
rascal  had  made  against  them.  I  nevertheless  par- 
doned him,  in  order  not  to  give  notoriety  to  the 
affair;  as  the  mere  suspicion  might  sully  their 
reputation,  to  which  I  should  scrupulously  avoid 
doing  the  slightest  injury,  unless  I  thought  it  nec- 
essary to  the  good  of  the  public,  and  unless  the 
fact  were  fully  proved.     Therefore,  Monsieur,  if 


106  PAKTY    STRIFE.  1^1078. 

anybody  shared  the  suspicion  which  I  felt,  oblige 
rae  by  undeceiving  him."  ^ 

This  letter,  so  honorable  to  La  Salle,  explains  the 
statement  made  in  the  memoir,  that,  notwithstand- 
ing his  grounds  of  complaint  against  the  Jesuits,  he 
continued  to  live  on  terms  of  courtesy  with  them, 
entertained  them  at  his  fort,  and  occasionally  cor- 
responded with  them.  The  writer  asserts,  how- 
ever, that  they  intrigued  with  his  men  to  induce 
them  to  desert ;  employing  for  this  purpose  a  young 
man  named  Deslauriers,  whom  they  sent  to  him  with 
letters  of  recommendation.  La  Salle  took  him  into 
his  service  ;  but  he  soon  after  escaped,  with  several 
other  men,  and  took  refuge  in  the  Jesuit  missions.' 
The  object  of  the  intrigue  is  said  to  have  been 
the  reduction  of  La  Salle's  garrison  to  a  number 
less  than  that  which  he  was  bound  to  maintain, 
thus  exposing  him  to  a  forfeiture  of  his  title  of 
possession. 

He  is  also  stated  to  have  declared  that  Louis 
Joliet  was  an  impostor,^  and  a  donne  of  the  Jesuits, 
—  that  is,  a  man  who  worked  for  them  without 
pay ;  and,  farther,  that  when  he,  La  Salle,  came 

1  The  following  words  are  underlined  in  the  original :  "  Je  suis  pour- 
tant  ohliy^  de  leur  rendre  une  justice,  que  le  poison  qu'on  jn'avoit  donn€  n'€sto:.t 
■point  de  leur  instigation."  —  Lettre  de  La  Salle  au  Prince  de  Conti,  31  Oct., 
1678. 

2  In  a  letter  to  the  king,  Frontenac  mentions  that  several  men  who  had 
"been  induced  to  desert  from  La  Salle  had  gone  to  Albany,  where  the 
English  had  received  them  well.  Lettre  de  Frontenac  au  Boy,  6  Nov.,  1079. 
The  Jesuits  had  a  mission  in  the  neighboring  tribe  of  the  Mohawks  and 
elsewhere  in  New  York. 

8  This  agrees  with  expressions  used  by  La  Salle  in  a  memoir  ad- 
dressed by  him  to  Frontenac  in  November,  1680.  In  this,  he  intimates 
his  belief  that  Joliet  went  but  little  below  the  moulh  of  the  Illinois, 
thus  doing  flagrant  injustice  to  that  brave  explorer. 


1678.]  RELATIONS  WITH   THE    JESUITS.  107 

to  court  to  ask  for  privileges  enabling  him  to  pursue 
his  discoveries,  the  Jesuits  represented  in  advance 
to  the  minister  Colbert  that  his  head  was  turned, 
and  that  he  was  fit  for  nothing  but  a  mad-house. 
It  was  only  by  the  aid  of  influential  friends  that  he 
was  at  length  enabled  to  gain  an  audience. 

Here  ends  this  remarkable  memoir,  which,  criti- 
cise it  as  we  may,  does  not  exaggerate  the  jeal- 
ousies and  enmities  that  beset  the  path  of  the 
discoverer. 


CHAPTER  ym. 

1677,  1678. 

THE    GRAND   ENTERPRISE. 

La  Salle  at  Eort  Frontenac.  —  La  Salle  at  Court. —  IIis  Mb- 
MOEiAL  —Approval  of  the  Kino.  —  Monet  and  Means. —  Henri 
DE  Tonty.  —  Return  to  Canada. 

"  If,"  writes  a  friend  of  La  Salle,  "  he  had  pre- 
ferred gain  to  glory,  he  had  only  to  stay  at  his 
fort,  where  he  was  making  more  than  twenty-five 
thousand  livres  a  year."  ^  He  loved  solitude  and 
he  loved  power;  and  at  Fort  Frontenac  he  had 
both,  so  far  as  each  consisted  with  the  other.  The 
nearest  settlement  was  a  week's  journey  distant, 
and  he  was  master  of  all  around  him.  He  had 
spared  no  pains  to  fulfil  the  conditions  on  which 
his  wilderness  seigniory  had  been  granted,  and 
within  two  years  he  had  demolished  the  original 
wooden  fort,  replacing  it  by  another  much  larger, 
enclosed  on  the  land  side  by  ramparts  and  bastions 
of  stone,  and  on  the  water  side  by  palisades.  Tt 
contained  a  range  of  barracks  of  squared  timber, 
a  guard-house,  a  lodging  for  officers,  a  forge,  a 

1  Md'moire  pour  Monseigneur  le  Marquis  de  Scignelay  cur  hs  Descouvertes 
du  Sieur  de  la  Salle  1682. 


i675-78.J     LA  SALLE  AT  FORT  FRONTENAC.       109 

well,  a  mill,  and  a  bakery.  Nine  small  cannon 
were  mounted  on  the  walls.  Two  officers  and  a 
surgeon,  with  ten  or  twelve  soldiers,  made  up  the 
garrison ;  and  three  or  four  times  that  number  ofi 
masons,  laborers,  and  canoe-men  were  at  one  time 
maintained  at  the  place. 

Along  the  shore  south  of  the  fort  was  a  small 
village  of  French  families,  to  whom  La  Salle  had 
granted  farms,  and,  farther  on,  a  village  of  Iro- 
quois, whom  he  had  persuaded  to  settle  here. 
Near  these  villages  were  the  house  and  chapel  of 
two  Recollet  friars,  Luc  Buisset  and  Louis  Henne- 
pin. More  than  a  hundred  French  acres  of  land 
had  been  cleared  of  wood,  and  planted  in  part  with 
crops;  while  cattle,  fowls,  and  swine  had  been 
brought  up  from  Montreal.  Four  vessels,  of  from 
twenty-five  to  forty  tons,  had  been  built  for  the 
lake  and  the  river ;  but  canoes  served  best  for  or- 
dinary uses,  and  La  Salle's  followers  became  so 
skilled  in  managing  them  that  they  were  reputed 
the  best  canoe-men  in  America.  Feudal  lord  of 
the  forests  around  him,  commander  of  a  garrison 
raised  and  paid  by  himself,  founder  of  the  mission, 
and  patron  of  the  church,  he  reigned  the  autocrat 
of  his  lonely  little  empire.^ 

1  l^tat  de  la  d^pense  faite  par  M^-de  la  Salle,  Gouverneur  du  Fort  Fron- 
tenac.  Recit  de  Nicolas  de  la  Salle.  Reveuefaite  au  Fort  de  Frontenac,  1677 ; 
M^inoire  sur  le  Projet  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle  (Margi/^  I.  329).  Plan  of  Fort 
Frontenac,  published  by  Faillon,  from  the  original  sent  to  France  by 
Denonville  in  1685.  Relation  des  D^couvertes  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle.  When 
Frontenac  was  at  the  fort  in  September,  1677,  he  found  only  four  habitants. 
It  appears,  by  the  Relation  des  De'couvertes  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  that,  three 
or  four  years  later,  there  were  thirteen  or  fourteen  families.  La  Salle 
spent  34,426  francs  on  the  fort.     M^moire  au  Roy,  Papier s  de  Farnille. 


110  THE   GRAND   ENTERPRISE.  [1677. 

It  was  not  solely  or  chiefly  for  commercial  gain 
thai  La  Salle  had  established  Fort  Frontenac.  He 
regarded  it  as  a  first  step  towards  greater  things ; 
and  now,  at  length,  his  plans  were  ripe  and  his  time 
was  come.  In  the,  autumn  of  1677,  he  left  the  fort 
in  charge  of  his  lieutenant,  descended  the  St.  Law- 
rence to  Quebec,  and  sailed  for  France.  He  had 
the  patronage  of  Frontenac  and  the  help  of  strong 
friends  in  Paris.  It  is  said,  as  we  have  seen  already, 
that  his  enemies  denounced  him,  in  advance,  as  a 
madman ;  but  a  memorial  of  his,  which  his  friends 
laid  before  the  minister  Colbert,  found  a  favorable 
hearing.  In  it  he  set  forth  his  plans,  or  a  portion 
of  them.  He  first  recounted  briefly  the  discoveries 
he  had  made,  and  then  described  the  country  he 
had  seen  south  and  west  of  the  Great  Lakes.  "  It 
is  nearly  all  so  beautiful  and  so  fertile ;  so  free  from 
forests,  and  so  full  of  meadows,  brooks,  and  rivers ; 
so  abounding  in  fish,  game,  and  venison,  that  one 
can  find  there  in  plenty,  and  with  little  trouble,  all 
that  is  needful  for  the  support  of  flourishing  colo- 
nies. The  soil  will  produce  every  thing  that  is 
raised  in  France.  Flocks  and  herds  can  be  left  out 
at  pasture  all  winter ;  and  there  are  even  native 
wild  cattle,  w^hich,  instead  of  hair,  have  a  fine  wool 
that  may  answer  for  making  cloth  and  hats.  Their 
hides  are  better  than  those  of  France,  as  appears  b}' 
the  sample  which  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  has  brought 
with  him.  Hemp  and  cotton  grow  here  naturally, 
and  may  be  manufactured  with  good  results ;  so 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  colonies  planted  here 
would  become  very  prosperous.     They  would  be 


1678.J  PLANS  OF  LA  SALLE.  Ill 

increased  by  a  great  nuraber  of  western  IndianSj 
who  are  in  the  main  of  a  tractable  and  social  dispo- 
sition; and  avS  they  have  the  use  neither  of  our 
weapons  nor  of  our  goods,  and  are  not  in  inter- 
course with  other  Europeans,  they  will  readily 
adapt  themselves  to  us,  and  imitate  our  way  of 
life,  as  soon  as  they  taste  the  advantages  of  our 
friendship  and  of  the  commodities  we  bring  them ; 
insomuch  that  these  countries  will  infallibly  fur- 
nish, within  a  few  years,  a  great  many  new  subjects 
to  the  Church  and  the  King. 

"  It  was  the  knowledge  of  these  things,  joined  to 
the  poverty  of  Canada,  its  dense  forests,  its  barren 
soil,  its  harsh  climate,  and  the  snow  that  covers  the 
ground  for  half  the  year,  that  led  the  Sieur  de  la 
Salle  to  undertake  the  planting  of  colonies  in  these 
beautiful  countries  of  the  West." 

Then  he  recounts  the  difficulties  of  the  attempt : 
the  vast  distances,  the  rapids  and  cataracts  that 
obstruct  the  way ;  the  cost  of  men,  provisions,  and 
munitions ;  the  danger  from  the  Iroquois,  and  the 
rivalry  of  the  English,  who  covet  the  western 
country,  and  would  gladly  seize  it  for  themselves. 
"  But  this  last  reason,"  says  the  memorial,  "  only 
animates  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  the  more,  and  impels 
him  to  anticipate  them  by  the  promptness  of  his 
action." 

He  declares  that  it  was  for  this  that  he  had  asked 
for  the  grant  of  Fort  Frontenac ;  and  he  describes 
what  he  had  done  at  that  post,  in  order  to  make  it 
a  secure  basis  for  his  enterprise.  He  says  that  be 
has  now  overcome  the  chief  difficulties  in  his  way. 


112  THE  GRAND    ENTERPRISE.  |1678. 

and  that  he  is  ready  to  plant  a  new  colony  at  the 
outlet  of  Lake  Erie,  of  which  the  English,  if  not 
prevented,  might  easily  take  possession.  Towards 
the  accomplishment  of  his  plans,  he  asks  the  con- 
firmation of  his  title  to  Fort  Frontenac,  and  the 
permission  to  establish  at  his  own  cost  two  other 
posts,  with  seigniorial  rights  over  all  lands  which 
he  may  discover  and  colonize  within  twenty  years, 
and  the  government  of  all  the  country  in  question. 
On  his  part,  he  proposes  to  renounce  all  share  in 
the  trade  carried  on  between  the  tribes  of  the 
Upper  Lakes  and  the  people  of  Canada. 

La  Salle  seems  to  have  had  an  interview  with 
the  minister,  in  which  the  proposals  of  his  memo- 
rial were  somewhat  modified.  He  soon  received 
in  reply  the  following  patent  from  the  king : 

"  Louis,  by  the  grace  of  God  King  of  France  and 
Navarre,  to  our  dear  and  well-beloved  Robert 
Cavelier,  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  greeting.  We  have 
received  wi  th  favor  the  very  humble  petition  made 
us  in  your  name,  to  permit  you  to  labor  at  the  dis- 
covery of  the  western  parts  of  New  France ;  and 
we  have  the  more  willingly  entertained  this  pro- 
posal, since  we  have  nothing  more  at  heart  than 
the  exploration  of  this  country,  through  which,  to 
all  appearance,  a  way  may  be  found  to  Mexico.  .  .  . 
For  this  and  other  causes  thereunto  moving  us, 
we  permit  you  by  these  presents,  signed  with  our 
hand,  to  labor  at  the  discovery  of  the  western  parts 
of  our  aforesaid  country  of  New  France ;  and,  for 
the  execution  of  this  enterprise,  to  build  forts  at 
such  places  as  you  may  think  necessary,  and  enjoy 


1678  1  LA   SALLE'S   PATENT.  118 

possession  thereof  under  the  same  clauses  and  con- 
ditions as  of  Fort  Frontenac,  conformably  to  our 
letters  patent  of  May  thirteenth,  1675,  which,  so 
far  as  needful,  we  confirm  by  these  presents.  And 
it  is  our  will  that  they  be  executed  according  to 
their  form  and  tenor :  on  condition,  nevertheless, 
that  you  finish  this  enterprise  within  ^ve  years, 
failing  which,  these  presents  shall  be  void,  and  of  no 
effect ;  that  you  carry  on  no  trade  with  the  savages 
called  Ottawas,  or  with  other  tribes  who  bring 
their  peltries  to  Montreal ;  and  that  you  do  the 
whole  at  your  own  cost  and  that  of  your  associates, 
to  whom  we  have  granted  the  sole  right  of  trade 
in  buffalo-hides.  And  we  direct  the  Sieur  Count 
Frontenac,  our  governor  and  lieutenant-general, 
and  also  Duchesneau,  intendant  of  justice,  police, 
and  finance,  and  the  officers  of  the  supreme  coun- 
cil of  the  aforesaid  country,  to  see  to  the  execution 
of  these  presents ;  for  such  is  our  pleasure. 

"  Given  at  St.  Germain  en  Laye,  this  12th  day 
of  May,  1678,  and  of  our  reign  the  35th  year." 

This  patent  grants  both  more  and  less  than  the 
memorial  had  asked.  It  authorizes  La  Salle  to 
build  and  own,  not  two  forts  only,  but  as  many  as 
he  may  see  fit,  prowled  that  he  do  so  within  five 
years ;  and  it  gives  him,  besides,  the  monopoly  of 
buffalo-hides,  for  which  at  first  he  had  not  peti- 
tioned. Nothing  is  said  of  colonies.  To  discover 
the  country,  secure  it  by  forts,  and  find,  if  pos- 
sible, a  way  to  Mexico,  are  the  only  objects  set 
forth ;  for  Louis  XIY.  always  discountenanced  set- 
tlement in  the  West,  partly  as  tending  to  deplete 


114  THE   GRAND  ENTERPRISE.  11678 

Canada,  and  partly  as  removing  his  subjects  too  far 
from  his  paternal  control.  It  was  but  the  year 
before  that  he  refused  to  Louis  Joliet  the  permis- 
sion to  plant  a  trading  station  in  the  Yalley  of  the 
Mississippi.^  La  Salle,  however,  still  held  to  his 
plan  of  a  commercial  and  industrial  colony,  and,  in 
connection  with  it,  to  another  purpose,  of  which 
his  memorial  had  made  no  mention.  This  was  the 
buildinsi:  of  a  vessel  on  some  branch  of  the  Missis- 
sippi,  in  order  to  sail  down  that  river  to  its  mouth, 
and  open  a  route  to  commerce  through  the  GuK  of 
Mexico.  It  is  evident  that  this  design  was  already 
formed ;  for  he  had  no  sooner  received  his  patent, 
than  he  engaged  ship-carpenters,  and  procured 
iron,  cordage,  and  anchors,  not  for  one  vessel,  but 
for  two. 

What  he  now  most  needed  was  money ;  and, 
having  none  of  his  own,  he  set  himself  to  raising  it 
from  others.  A  notary  named  Simonnet  lent  him 
four  thousand  livres ;  an  advocate  named  Raoul, 
twenty-four  thousand ;  and  one  Dumont,  six  thou- 
sand. His  cousin  Francois  Plet,  a  merchant  of 
Rue  St.  Martin,  lent  him  about  eleven  thousand, 
at  the  interest  of  forty  per  cent ;  and,  when  he 
returned  to  Canada,  Frontenac  found  means  to 
procure  him  another  loan,  of  about  fourteen  thou- 
sand, secured  by  the  mortgage  of  Fort  Frontenac. 
But  his  chief  helpers  were  his  family,  who  became 
sharers  in  his  undertaking.  "  His  brothers  and 
relations,"  says  a  memorial  afterwards  addressed 
by  them  to  the  king,  "  spared  nothing  to  enable 

1  Cdbert  a  Duchesneau,  28  Avr'd,  1677. 


1678.J  HENRI  DE   TONTY.  115 

him  to  respond  worthily  to  the  royal  goodness ; " 
and  the  document  adds  that,  before  his  allotted  five 
years  were  ended,  his  discoveries  had  cost  them 
more  than  five  hundred  thousand  livres  (francs)J 
La  Salle  himself  believed,  and  made  others  believe, 
that  there  w^as  more  profit  than  risk  in  his  schemes. 
Lodged  rather  obscurely  in  Rue  de  la  Truanderie, 
and  of  a  nature  reserved  and  shy,  he  nevertheless 
found  countenance  and  support  from  personages 
no  less  exalted  than  Colbert,  Seignelay,  and  the 
Prince  de  Conti.  Others,  too,  in  stations  less  con- 
spicuous, warmly  espoused  his  cause,  and  none 
more  so  than  the  learned  Abbe  Renaudot,  who 
helped  him  with  tongue  and  pen,  and  seems  to 
have  been  instrumental  in  introducing  to  him  a 
man  who  afterwards  proved  invaluable.  This  was 
Henri  de  Tonty,  an  Italian  officer,  a  protege  of  the 
Prince  de  Conti,  w^ho  sent  him  to  La  Salle  as  a 
person  suited  to  his  purposes.  Tonty  had  but  one 
hand,  the  other  having  been  blown  off  by  a  grenade 
in  the  Sicilian  wars.^  His  father,  who  had  been 
governor  of  Gaeta,  but  who  had  come  to  France 
in  consequence  of  political  disturbances  in  Naples, 
had  earned  no  small  reputation  as  a  financier,  and 
had  invented  the  form  of  life  insurance  still  called 
the  Tontine.  La  Salle  learned  to  know  his  new 
heutenant  on  the  voyage  across  the  Atlantic;  and, 
soon  after  reaching  Canada,  he  wrote  of  him  to 
his  patron  in  the  following  terms :  "  His  honorable 

1  M€moire  au  Roy,  pr€senM  sous  la  R^gence ;  Obligation  du  Sieur  de  la 
Salle  envers  le  Sieur  Plet;  Autres  Emprunts  de  Cavelier  de  la  Salic  (Mar- 
gry,  I.  423-432). 

^  Tonty,  M(fmoire,  in  Margry,  Relations  et  M^moires  in^dits,  6. 


116  THE  GRAND  ENTERPRISE.  [1678, 

character  and  his  amiable  disposition  were  well 
known  to  you;  but  perhaps  you  would  not  have 
thought  him  capable  of  doing  things  for  which  a 
strong  constitution,  an  acquaintance  with  the  coun- 
try, and  the  use  of  both  hands  seemed  absolutely 
necessary.  Nevertheless,  his  energy  and  address 
make  him  equal  to  any  thing ;  and  now,  at  a 
season  when  everybody  is  in  fear  of  the  ice,  he  is 
setting  out  to  begin  a  new  fort,  two  hundred  leagues 
from  this  place,  and  to  which  I  have  taken  the  lib- 
erty to  give  the  name  of  Fort  Conti.  It  is  situated 
near  that  great  cataract,  more  than  a  hundred  and 
twenty  toises  in  height,  by  which  the  lakes  of 
higher  elevation  precipitate  themselves  into  Lake 
Frontenac  [^Oiitario^.  From  there  one  goes  by 
water,  five  hundred  leagues,  to  the  place  where 
Fort  Dauphin  is  to  be  begun ;  from  which  it  only 
remains  to  descend  the  great  river  of  the  Bay  of 
St.  Esprit,  to  reach  the  Gulf  of  Mexico."^ 

Besides  Tonty,  La  Salle  found  in  France  an- 
other ally,   La  Motte   de    Lussiere,  to  whom  he 

1  Lettre  de  La  Salle,  31  Oct.,  1678.  Fort  Conti  was  to  have  been 
built  on  the  site  of  the  present  Fort  Niagara.  The  name  of  Lac  de 
Conti  was  given  by  La  Salle  to  Lake  Erie.  The  fort  mentioned  as  Fort 
Dauphin  was  built,  as  we  shall  see,  on  the  Illinois,  though  under  another 
name.  La  Salle,  deceived  by  Spanish  maps,  thought  that  the  Missis- 
sippi discharged  itself  into  the  Bay  of  St.  Esprit  (Mobile  Bay). 

Henri  de  Tonty  signed  his  name  in  the  Gallicized,  and  not  in  the  origi- 
nal Italian  form  Tonti.  He  wore  a  hand  of  iron  or  some  other  metal, 
which  was  usually  covered  with  a  glove.  La  Potherie  says  tliat  he  once 
or  twice  used  it  to  good  purpose  when  the  Indians  became  disorderly,  in 
breaking  the  heads  of  the  most  contumacious  or  knocking  out  their  teeth. 
Not  knowing  at  the  time  the  secret  of  the  unusual  eflBcacy  of  his  blows, 
they  regarded  him  as  a  "  medicine "  of  the  first  order.  La  Potherie 
erroneously  ascribes  the  loss  of  his  hand  to  a  sabre-cut  received  in  a 
sortie  at  Messina. 


1678.]  KETURN  TO   CANADA.  117 

offered  a  share  in  the  enterprise,  and  who  joined 
him  at  Rochelle,  the  place  of  embarkation.  Here 
vexatious  delays  occurred.  Bellinzani,  director  of 
trade,  who  had  formerly  taken  lessons  in  rascality 
in  the  service  of  Cardinal  Mazarin,  abused  his 
official  position  to  throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
La  Salle,  in  order  to  extort  money  from  him ;  and 
He  extorted,  in  fact,  a  considerable  sum,  which  his 
victim  afterwards  reclaimed.  It  was  not  till  the 
fourteenth  of  July  that  La  Salle,  with  Tonty,  La 
Motte,  and  thirty  men,  set  sail  for  Canada,  and  two 
months  more  elapsed  before  he  reached  Quebec. 
Here,  to  increase  his  resources  and  strengthen  his 
position,  he  seems  to  have  made  a  league  with 
several  Canadian  merchants,  some  of  whom  had 
before  been  his  enemies,  and  were  to  be  so  again. 
Here,  too,  he  found  Father  Louis  Hennepin,  who 
had  come  down  from  Fort  Frontenac  to  meet  him.^ 

1  La  Motte  de  Lussiere  a  — ,  sans  date ;  M^moire  de  la  Salle  sur  les  Extor- 
sions  commises  par  BelUnzani;  Society forin<fe  par  La  Salle;  Relation  de. 
Henri  de  Tonty,  1684  (Margry,  I.  338,  573;  II.  7,  25). 


CHAPTER  IX. 

1678-1679. 

LA   SALLE  AT  NMGARA. 

Patheh  Louis  Hennepin.  —  His  Past  Life;  his  Charaoteh.  —  Em- 
barkation. —  Niagara  Falls.  —  Indian  Jealousy.  —  La  Mottb 
AND  THE  Senegas.  —  A  Disaster.  —  La  Salle  and  his  Followers. 

Hennepin  was  all  eagerness  to  join  in  the  ad- 
venture ;  and,  to  his  great  satisfaction,  La  Salle 
gave  him  a  letter  from  his  Provincial,  Father  Le 
Fevre,  containing  the  coveted  permission.  Where- 
upon, to  prepare  himself,  he  went  into  retreat  at 
the  Recollet  convent  of  Quebec,  where  he  remained 
for  a  time  in  such  prayer  and  meditation  as  his 
nature,  the  reverse  of  spiritual,  would  permit. 
Frontenac,  always  partial  to  his  Order,  then 
invited  him  to  dine  at  the  chateau  ;  and,  having 
visited  the  bishop  and  asked  his  blessing,  he  went 
down  to  the  Lower  Town  and  embarked.  His  vessel 
was  a  small  birch  canoe,  paddled  by  two  men. 
With  sandalled  feet,  a  coarse  gray  capote,  and 
peaked  hood,  the  cord  of  St.  Francis  about  his 
waist,  and  a  rosary  and  crucifix  hanging  at  his 
side,  the  father  set  forth  on  his  memorable  journey. 
He  carried  with  him  the  furniture  of  a  portable 


16781  HENNEPIN.  119 

altar,  which,  in  time  of  need,  he  could  strap  on  his 
back  like  a  knapsack. 

He  slowly  made  his  way  up  the  St.  Lawrence^ 
stopping  here  and  there,  where  a  clearing  and  a 
few  log  houses  marked  the  feeble  beginning  of  a 
parish  and  a  seigniory.  The  settlers,  though  good 
Catholics,  were  too  few  and  too  poor  to  support 
a  priest,  and  hailed  the  arrival  of  the  friar  with 
dehght.  He  said  Mass,  exhorted  a  little,  as  was 
his  custom,  and  on  one  occasion  baptized  a  child. 
At  length,  he  reached  Montreal,  where  the  enemies 
of  the  enterprise  enticed  away  his  two  canoe-men. 
He  succeeded  in  finding  two  others,  with  whom 
he  continued  his  voyage,  passed  the  rapids  of  the 
upper  St.  Lawrence,  and  reached  Fort  Frontenac 
at  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  of  the  second  of  Novem- 
ber, where  his  brethren  of  the  mission,  Ribourde 
and  Buisset,  received  him  with  open  arms.^  La 
Motte,  with  most  of  the  men,  appeared  on  the 
eighth ;  but  La  Salle  and  Tonty  did  not  arrive  till 
more  than  a  month  later.  Meanwhile,  in  pursuance 
of  his  orders,  fifteen  men  set  out  in  canoes  for  Lake 
Michigan  and  the  Illinois,  to  trade  with  the  Indians 
and  collect  provisions,  while  La  Motte  embarked 
in  a  small  vessel  for  Niagara,  accompanied  by 
Hennepin.^ 

This  bold,  hardy,  and  adventurous  friar,  the  his- 

^  Hennepin,  Description  de  la  Louisiane  (1683),  19;  Ibid.,  Voyage  Cu- 
Tteux  (1704),  6Q.     Ribourde  had  lately  arrived. 

2  Lettre  de  La  Motte  de  la  Lussiere,  sans  date ;  Relation  de  Henri  de  Tonty 
^crite  de  Quebec,  le  14  Novemhre,  1684  (Margry,  1. 573).  This  paper,  appar- 
ently addressed  to  Abbe'  Renaudot,  is  entirely  distinct  from  Tonty's 
memoir  of  1693,  addressed  to  the  minist'er  Ponchartrain. 


120  LA  SALLE  AT  NIAGARA.  [167a 

torian  of  the  expedition,  and  a  conspicuous  actor  in 
it,  has  unwittingly  painted  his  own  portrait  with 
tolerable  distinctness.  ^^ I  always,"  he  says,  "felt 
a  strong  inclination  to  fly  from  the  world  and  live 
according  to  the  rules  of  a  pure  and  severe  virtue ; 
and  it  was  with  this  view  that  I  entered  the  Order 
of  St.  Francis."  ^  He  then  speaks  of  his  zeal  for 
the  saving  of  souls,  but  admits  that  a  passion  for 
travel  and  a  burning  desire  to  visit  strange  lands 
had  no  small  part  in  his  inclination  for  the  mis- 
sions.^ Being  in  a  convent  in  Artois,  his  Superior 
sent  him  to  Calais,  at  the  season  of  the  herring- 
fishery,  to  beg  alms,  after  the  practice  of  the  Fran- 
ciscans. Here  and  at  Dunkirk,  he  made  friends  of 
the  sailors,  and  was  never  tired  of  their  stories.  So 
insatiable,  indeed,  was  his  appetite  for  them,  that 
"  often,"  he  says,  "  I  hid  myself  behind  tavern 
doors  while  the  sailors  were  telling  of  their 
voyages.  The  tobacco  smoke  made  me  very  sick 
at  the  stomach:  but,  notwithstanding,  I  listened 
attentively  to  all  they  said  about  their  adventures 
at  sea  and  their  travels  in  distant  countries.  I 
could  have  passed  whole  days  and  nights  in  this 
way  without  eating."  ^ 

He  presently  set  out  on  a  roving  mission  through 
Holland ;  and  he  recounts  various  mishaps  which 
befell  him,  "  in  consequence  of  my  zeal  in  laboring 
for  the  saving  of  souls."  "  I  was  at  the  bloody 
fight  of  Seneff,"  he  pursues,  "  where  so  many  per- 

1  Hennepin,  Nouvelle  D€couveii.e  (1607),  8. 

2  Ibid.,  Avant  Propos,  6. 

Q  Ibid.,  Voyage  Curieux  (1704),  12. 


1678.1  HENNEPIN.  121 

ished  by  fire  and  sword,  and  where  I  had  abundance 
of  work  in  comforting  and  consoHng  ihe  poor 
wounded  soldiers.  After  undergoing  great  fatigues, 
and  running  extreme  danger  in  the  sieges  of  towns, 
in  the  trenches,  and  in  battles,  where  I  exposed 
myself  freely  for  the  salvation  of  others,  while  the 
soldiers  were  breathing  nothing  but  blood  and  car- 
nage, 1  found  myself  at  last  in  a  way  of  satisfying 
my  old  inclination  for  travel."  ^ 

He  got  leave  from  his  superiors  to  go  to  Canada, 
the  most  adventurous  of  all  the  missions ;  and  ac- 
cordingly sailed  in  1675,  in  the  ship  which  carried 
La  Salle,  who  had  just  obtained  the  grant  of  Fort 
Frontenac.  In  the  course  of  the  voyage,  he  took 
it  upon  him  to  reprove  a  party  of  girls  who  were 
amusing  themselves  and  a  circle  of  officers  and 
other  passengers  by  dancing  on  deck.  La  Salle, 
who  was  among  the  spectators,  was  annoyed  at 
Hennepin's  interference,  and  told  him  that  he  was 
behaving  like  a  pedagogue.  The  friar  retorted, 
by  alluding  —  unconsciously,  as  he  says  —  to  the 
circumstance  that  La  Salle  was  once  a  pedagogue 
himself,  having,  according  to  Hennepin,  been  for 
ten  or  twelve  years  teacher  of  a  class  in  a  Jesuit 
school.  La  Salle,  he  adds,  turned  pale  with  rage, 
and  never  forgave  him  to  his  dying  day,  but  always 
maligned  and  persecuted  him.^ 

On  arriving  in  Canada,  he  was  sent  up  to  Fort 

1  Hennepin,  Voyage  Curieux  (1704),  13. 

2  Ibid.,  Avis  au  Lecteur.  He  elsewhere  represents  himself  as  on  excel- 
lent terms  with  La  Salle  ;  with  whom,  he  says,  he  used  to  read  histories 
of  travels  at  Fort  Frontenac,  after  which  they  discussed  together  their 
plans  of  discovery. 


122  LA  SAI.LE  AT  NIAGARA.  [1677-78 

Frontenac,  as  a  missionary.  That  wild  and  remote 
post  was  greatly  to  his  liking.  He  planted  a  gigan- 
tic cross,  superintended  the  building  of  a  chapel 
for  himseK  and  his  colleague,  Buisset,  and  instructed 
the  Iroquois  colonists  of  the  place.  He  visited, 
too,  the  neighboring  Indian  settlements,  paddling 
his  canoe  in  summer,  when  the  lake  was  open,  and 
journeying  in  winter  on  snow-shoes,  with  a  blanket 
shmg  at  his  back.  His  most  noteworthy  journey 
was  one  which  he  made  in  the  winter,  —  apparently 
of  1677,  —  with  a  soldier  of  the  fort.  They  crossed 
the  eastern  extremity  of  Lake  Ontario  on  snow- 
shoes,  and  pushed  southward  through  the  forests, 
towards  Onondaga ;  stopping  at  evening  to  dig  away 
the  snow,  which  was  several  feet  deep,  and  collect 
wood  for  their  fire,  which  they  were  forced  to  re- 
plenish repeatedly  during  the  night,  to  keep  them- 
selves from  freezing.  At  length,  they  reached  the 
great  Onondaga  town,  where  the  Indians  were 
much  amazed  at  their  hardihood.  Thence  they 
proceeded  eastward  to  the  Oneidas,  and  after- 
wards to  the  Mohawd^s,  who  regaled  them  with 
small  frogs,  pounded  up  with  a  porridge  of  Indian 
corn.  Here  Hennepin  found  the  Jesuit,  Bruyas, 
who  permitted  him  to  copy  a  dictionary  of  the  Mo- 
hawk language  ^  which  he  had  compiled  ;  and  here 
he  presently  met  three  Dutchmen,  who  urged  him 
to  visit  the  neighboring  settlement  of  Orange,  or 

^  This  was  the  JRacines  Agnieres  of  Bruyas.  It  was  published  by  Mr. 
Shea  in  1862.  Hennepin  seems  to  liave  studied  it  carefully ;  for,  on 
several  occasions,  he  makes  use  of  words  evidently  borrowed  from  it, 
putting  them  into  the  mouths  of  Indians  speaking  a  dialect  different 
from  that  of  the  Agniers,  or  Mohawks. 


1678.  J  HENNEPIN.  123 

Albany,  an   invitation   which   he   seems   to   have 
dechned.^ 

They  were  pleased  with  him,  he  says,  because 
he  spoke  Dutch.  Bidding  them  farewell,  he  tied 
on  his  snow-shoes  again,  and  returned  with  his  com- 
panion to  Fort  Frontenac.  Thus  he  inured  him- 
self to  the  hardships  of  the  woods,  and  prepared  for 
the  execution  of  the  grand  plan  of  discovery  which 
he  calls  his  own  ;  "  an  enterprise,"  to  borrow  his 
own  words,  "  capable  of  terrifying  anybody  but 
rae."^  When  the  later  editions  of  his  book  ap- 
peared, doubts  had  been  expressed  of  his  veracity. 
^'  I  here  protest  to  you,  before  God,"  he  writes, 
addressing  the  reader,  "  that  my  narrative  is  faith- 
ful and  sincere,  and  that  you  may  believe  every 
thing  related  in  it."  ^  And  yet,  as  we  shall  see, 
this  reverend  father  was  the  most  impudent  of 
liars ;  and  the  narrative  of  which  he  speaks  is  a 
rare  monument  of  brazen  mendacity.  Hennepin, 
however,  had  seen  and  dared  much :  for  among  his 
many  faihngs  fear  had  no  part;  and,  where  his 
vanity  or  his  spite  was  not  involved,  he  often  told 
the  truth.  His  books  have  their  value,  with  all 
their  enormous  fabrications.'* 

La  Motte  and  Hennepin,  with  sixteen  men,  went 

^  Compare  Brodhead  in  Hist.  Mag.,  X.  268. 

^  "Une  entreprise  capable  d'epouvanter  tout  autre  que  moi." — Hen- 
nepin, Voyage  Curieux,  Avant  Propos  (1704). 

2  "  Je  vous  proteste  ici  devant  Dieu,  que  ma  Relation  est  fiddle  et 
eincere,"  etc.  —  Ibid.,  Avis  au  Lecteur. 

*  The  nature  of  these  fabrications  will  be  shown  hereafter.  They 
occur,  not  in  the  early  editions  of  Hennepin's  narrative,  which  are  com- 
paratively truthful,  but  in  the  edition  of  1697  and  those  which  followed. 
La  Salle  was  dead  at  the  time  of  their  publication. 


124  LA  SALLE  AT  NLS.GARA.  [1678. 

on  board  the  little  vessel  of  ten  tons,  which  lay  at 
Fort  Frontenac.  The  friar's  two  brethren,  Buisset 
and  Ribourde,  threw  their  arms  about  his  neck  as 
they  bade  him  farewell ;  while  his  Indian  prose- 
lytes, learning  whither  he  was  bomid,  stood  with 
their  hands  pressed  upon  their  mouths,  in  amaze- 
ment at  the  perils  which  awaited  their  ghostly  in- 
structor. La  Salle,  with  the  rest  of  the  party,  was 
to  follow  as  soon  as  he  could  finish  his  preparations. 
It  was  a  boisterous  and  gusty  day,  the  eighteenth 
of  November.  The  sails  were  spread ;  the  shore 
receded,  —  the  stone  walls  of  the  fort,  the  huge 
cross  that  the  friar  had  reared,  the  wigwams,  the 
settlers'  cabins,  the  group  of  staring  Indians  on  the 
strand.  The  lake  was  rough  ;  and  the  men,  crowded 
in  so  small  a  craft,  grew  nervous  and  uneasy.  They 
hugged  the  northern  shore,  to  escape  the  fury  of 
the  wind,  which  blew  savagely  from  the  north-east ; 
while  the  long,  gray  sweep  of  naked  forests  on  their 
right  betokened  that  winter  was  fast  closing  in. 
On  the  twenty-sixth,  they  reached  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  Indian  town  of  Taiaiagon,^  not  far  from 
Toronto ;  and  ran  their  vessel,  for  safety,  into  the 
mouth  of  a  river,  —  probably  the  Humber,  — 
where  the  ice  closed  about  her,  and  they  were 
forced  to  cut  her  out  with  axes.  On  the  fifth  of 
December,  they  attempted  to  cross  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Niagara ;  but  darkness  overtook  them,  and  they 
spent  a  comfortless  night,  tossing  on  the  troubled 

1  This  place  is  laid  down  on  a  manuscript  map  sent  to  France  by  tho 
Intendant  Ducliesneau,  and  now  preserved  in  the  Archives  de  la  Marine, 
and  also  on  several  other  contemporary  nui])s. 


1678.]  NIAGARA  FALLS.  125 

lake,  ^Ye  or  six  miles  from  shore.  In  tlie  morning, 
they  entered  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara,  and  landed 
on  the  point  at  its  eastern  side,  where  now  stand 
the  historic  ramparts  of  Fort  Niagara.  Here  they 
found  a  small  village  of  Senecas,  attracted  hither 
hy  the  fisheries,  who  gazed  with  curious  eyes  at 
the  vessel,  and  listened  in  wonder  as  the  voyagers 
sang  Te  Deum,  in  gratitude  for  their  safe  arrival. 

Hennepin,  with  several  others,  now  ascended  the 
river  in  a  canoe  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain  ridge 
of  Lewiston,  which,  stretching  on  the  right  hand 
and  on  the  left,  forms  the  acclivity  of  a  vast  pla- 
teau, rent  with  the  mighty  chasm,  along  which, 
from  this  point  to  the  cataract,  seven  miles  above, 
rush,  with  the  fury  of  an  Alpine  torrent,  the  gath- 
ered waters  of  four  inland  oceans.  To  urge  the 
canoe  farther  was  impossible.  He  landed,  with  his 
companions,  on  the  west  bank,  near  the  foot  of 
that  part  of  the  ridge  now  called  Queenstown 
Heights,  climbed  the  steep  ascent,  and  pushed 
through  the  wintry  forest  on  a  tour  of  explora- 
tion. On  his  left  sank  the  cliffs,  the  furious  river 
raging  below  ;  till  at  length,  in  primeval  solitudes, 
unprofaned  as  yet  by  the  pettiness  of  man,  the 
imperial  cataract  burst  upon  his  sight.^ 

1  Hennepin's  account  of  the  falls  and  river  of  Niagara  —  especially 
liis  second  account,  on  liis  return  from  the  West  —  is  very  minute,  and 
on  the  whole  very  accurate.  He  indulges  in  gross  exaggeration  as  to 
the  height  of  the  cataract,  which,  in  the  edition  of  1683,  he  states  at  five 
hundred  feet,  and  raises  to  six  hundred  in  that  of  1697.  He  also  says 
that  there  was  room  for  four  carriages  to  pass  abreast  under  the  Ameri- 
can Fall  without  being  wet.  This  is,  of  course,  an  exaggeration  at  the 
best ;  but  it  is  extremely  probable  that  a  great  change  has  taken  place 
since  his  time.  He  speaks  of  a  small  lateral  fall  at  the  west  side  of  the 
Horse  Shoe  Fall  which  does  not  now  exist.    Table  Rock,  now  destroyed 


126  LA   SALI^  AT  NIAGARA.  [1678 

The  explorers  passed  three  miles  beyond  it,  and 
encamped  for  the  night  on  the  banks  of  Chippewa 
Creek,  scraping  away  the  snow,  which  was  a  foot 
deep,  in  order  to  kindle  a  fire.  In  the  morning, 
they  retraced  their  steps,  startling  a  number  of 
deer  and  wild  turkeys  on  their  way,  and  rejoined 
their  companions  at  the  mouth  of  the  river. 

La  Motte  now  began  the  building  of  a  fortified 
house,  some  two  leagues  above  the  mouth  of  the 
Niagara.^  Hot  water  was  used  to  soften  the  frozen 
ground  ;  but  frost  was  not  the  only  obstacle.  The 
Senecas  of  the  neighboring  village  betrayed  a  sullen 
jealousy  at  a  design  which,  indeed,  boded  them  no 
good.  Niagara  was  the  key  to  the  four  great  lakes 
above ;  and  whoever  held  possession  of  it  could,  in 
no  small  measure,  control  the  fur-trade  of  the  in- 
terior. Occupied  by  the  French,  it  would,  in  time 
of  peace,  intercept  the  trade  which  the  Iroquois 
carried  on  between  the  western  Indians  and  the 
Dutch  and  English  at  Albany,  and  in  time  of  war 
threaten  them  with  serious  dangler.  La  Motte  saw 
the  necessity  of  conciliating  these  formidable  neigh- 
is  distinctly  figured  in  his  picture.  He  says  that  he  descended  the  cliffs 
on  the  west  side  to  tlie  foot  of  the  cataract,  hut  that  no  human  heing  can 
get  down  on  the  east  side. 

The  name  of  Niagara,  written  Ongniaahra  hy  Lalemani  in  16-41,  and 
Ongiara  by  Sanson,  on  his  map  of  1657,  is  used  by  Hennepin  in  its  pres- 
ent form.  His  description  of  the  falls  is  the  earliest  known  to  exist. 
They  are  clearly  indicated  on  the  map  of  Champlain,  1632.  For  earlj 
references  to  them,  see  The  Jesuits  in  North  America,  143.  A  brief 
but  curious  notice  of  tliem  is  given  by  Gendron,  Quelques  Part iculari fez  du 
Pays  des  Ilurms,  1659,  The  indefatigable  Dr.  O'Callaghan  has  discov- 
ered thirty-nine  distinct  forms  of  the  name  Niagara.  Index  to  Colonial 
Documents  of  New  York,  465.  It  is  of  Iroquois  origin,  and  in  the  Mohawk 
dialect  is  pronounced  Nyagarah. 

1  Tonty,  Relation,  1684  (Margry,  I.  573). 


L678.1  LA  SALLE  AND  THE    SENEGAS.  127 

bors,  and,  if  possible,  cajoling  them  to  give  their 
consent  to  the  plan.  La  Salle,  indeed,  had  in- 
structed him  to  that  effect.  He  resolved  on  a 
jonrney  to  the  great  village  of  the  Senecas,  and 
called  on  Hennepin,  who  was  busied  in  building  a 
bark  chapel  for  himself,  to  accompany  him.  They 
accordingly  set  out  with  several  men  well  armed 
and  equipped,  and  bearing  at  their  backs  presents 
of  very  considerable  value.  The  village  was  be- 
yond the  Genesee,  south-east  of  the  site  of  Roches- 
ter.^ After  a  march  of  five  days,  they  reached  it 
on  the  last  day  of  December.  They  were  conducted 
to  the  lodge  of  the  great  chief,  where  they  were 
beset  by  a  staring  crowd  of  women  and  children. 
Two  Jesuits,  RafEeix  and  Julien  Garnier,  were  in 
the  village ;  and  their  presence  boded  no  good  for 
the  embassy.  La  Motte,  who  seems  to  have  had 
little  love  for  priests  of  any  kind,  was  greatly  an- 
noyed at  seeing  them  ;  and  when  the  chiefs  assem- 
bled to  hear  what  he  had  to  say,  he  insisted  that 
the  two  fathers  should  leave  the  council-house. 
At  this,  Hennepin,  out  of  respect  for  his  cloth, 
thought  it  befitting  that  he  should  retire  also. 
The  chiefs,  forty-two  in  number,  squatted  on  the 
ground,  arrayed  in  ceremonial  robes  of  beaver, 
wolf,  or  black  squirrel  skin.  "  The  senators  of 
Venice,"  writes  Hennepin,  "  do  not  look  more 
grave  or  speak  more  deliberately  than  the  coun- 
sellors of  the  Iroquois."     La  Motte's  interpreter 

^  Near  the  town  of  Victor.  It  is  laid  down  on  the  map  of  Galin^e, 
and  other  unpublished  maps.  Compare  Marshall,  Historical  Sketches  of 
ike  Niagara  Frontier,  14. 


128  LA  SALLE  AT  NIAGARA.  [1679. 

harangued  the  attentive  conclave,  placed  gift  after 
gift  at  their  feet,  —  coats,  scarlet  cloth,  hatchets, 
knives,  and  beads,  —  and  used  all  his  eloquence  to 
persuade  them  that  the  building  of  a  fort  on  the 
banks  of  the  Niagara,  and  a  vessel  on  Lake  Erie, 
were  measures  vital  to  their  interest.  They  gladlj- 
took  the  gifts,  but  answered  the  interpreter's 
speech  with  evasive  generalities ;  and  having  been 
entertained  with  the  burning  of  an  Indian  pris- 
oner, the  discomfited  embassy  returned,  half-fam- 
ished, to  Niagara. 

Meanwhile,  La  Salle  and  Tonty  were  on  their 
way  from  Fort  Frontenac,  with  men  and  supplies, 
to  join  La  Motte  and  his  advance  party.  They 
were  in  a  small  vessel,  with  a  pilot  either  unskilful 
or  treacherous.  On  Christmas  eve,  he  was  near 
wrecking  them  off  the  Bay  of  Quinte.  On  the 
next  day,  they  crossed  to  the  mouth  of  the  Gene- 
see; and  La  Salle,  after  some  delay,  proceeded  to 
the  neighboring  town  of  the  Senecas,  where  he  ap- 
pears to  have  arrived  just  after  the  departure  of 
La  Motte  and  Hennepin.  He,  too,  called  them  to 
a  council,  and  tried  to  soothe  the  extreme  jealousy 
with  which  they  regarded  his  proceedings.  "  I 
told  them  my  plan,"  he  says,  "  and  gave  the  best 
pretexts  I  could,  and  I  succeeded  in  my  attempt." ' 
More  fortunate  than  La  Motte,  he  persuaded  them 
to  consent  to  his  carrying  arms  and  ammunition 
by  the  Niagara  portage,  building  a  vessel  above 
the  cataract,  and  establishing  a  fortified  warehouse 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river. 

1  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  un  de  ses  associ€s  (Margry,  11.  82). 


1679.1  A  DISASTER.  129 

This  success  was  followed  by  a  calamity.  La 
Salle  had  gone  up  the  Niagara,  to  find  a  suitable 
place  for  a  ship-yard,  when  he  learned  that  the 
pilot  in  charge  of  the  vessel  he  had  left  had  diso- 
beyed his  orders,  and  ended  by  wrecking  it  on  the 
coast.  Little  was  saved  except  the  anchors  and 
cables  destined  for  the  new  vessel  to  be  built  above 
the  cataract.  This  loss  threw  him  into  extreme 
perplexity,  and,  as  Hennepin  says,  "  would  have 
made  anybody  but  him  give  up  the  enterprise."  ^ 
The  whole  party  were  now  gathered  at  the  pali- 
saded house  which  La  Motte  had  built,  a  Httle  be- 
low the  mountain  ridge  of  Lewiston.  They  were 
a  motley  crew  of  French,  Flemings,  and  Italians, 
all  mutually  jealous.  La  Salle's  enemies  had  tam- 
pered with  some  of  the  men  3  and  none  of  them 
seemed  to  have  had  much  heart  for  the  enterprise. 
The  fidelity  even  of  La  Motte  was  doubtful.  "  He 
served  me  very  ill,"  says  La  Salle,  "  and  Messieurs 
de  Tonty  and  de  la  Forest  know  that  he  did  his  best 
to  debauch  all  my  men."  ^  His  health  soon  failed 
under  the  hardships  of  these  winter  journeyings,  and 
he  returned  to  Fort  Frontenac,  half-blinded  by  an 
inflammation  of  the  eyes.^  La  Salle,  seldom  happy 
in  the  choice  of  subordinates,  had,  perhaps,  in  all 

1  Description  de  la  Louisiane  (1683),  41.  It  is  characteristic  of  Henne- 
pin that,  in  the  editions  of  his  book  published  after  La  Salle's  death,  he 
substitutes,  for  "  anybody  but  him,"  "  anybody  but  those  who  had 
formed  so  generous  a  design,"  meaning  to  include  himself,  though  he 
lost  nothing  by  the  disaster,  and  had  not  formed  the  design. 

On  these  incidents,  compare  the  two  narratives  of  Tonty,  of  1684  and 
169.3.  The  book  bearing  Tonty's  name  is  a  compilation  full  of  errors. 
He  disowned  its  authorship. 

2  Leare  de  La  Salle,  22  Aout,  1682  (Margry  II.  212). 
2  Lettre  dc  La  Motte,  sans  date. 

9 


130  LA  SALLE  AT  NIAGARA.  [1679 

his  company  but  one  man  whom  be  could  fully 
trust,  and  this  was  Tontj.  He  and  Hennepin  were 
on  indifferent  terms.  Men  thrown  tosretber  in  a 
rugged  enterprise  like  this  quickly  learn  to  know 
each  other;  and  the  vain  and  assuming  friar  was 
not  likely  to  commend  himself  to  La  Salle's  brave 
and  loyal  lieutenant.  Hennepin  says  that  it  was 
La  Salle's  policy  to  govern  through  the  dissensions 
of  his  followers;  and,  from  whatever  cause,  it  is 
certain  that  those  beneath  him  were  rarely  in  per- 
fect harmony. 


CHAPTER  X. 

1679. 

THE  LAUNCH  OF  THE  "GRrFFIN/' 

The  Niagara  Portage.  —  A  Vessel  on  the  Stocks.  —  Supfeeing 
AND  Discontent.  —  La  Salle's  "Winter  Journey.  —  The  Vessel 
LAUNCHED.  —  Fresh  Disasters. 

A  MORE  important  work  than  that  of  the  ware- 
house at  the  mouth  of  the  river  was  now  to  be  be- 
gun. This  was  the  building  of  a  vessel  above  the 
cataract.  The  small  craft  which  had  brought  La 
Motte  and  Hennepin  with  their  advance  party  had 
been  hauled  to  the  foot  of  the  rapids  at  Lewiston, 
and  drawn  ashore  with  a  capstan,  to  save  her  from 
the  drifting  ice.  Her  lading  was  taken  out,  and 
must  now  be  carried  beyond  the  cataract  to  the 
calm  water  above.  The  distance  to  the  destined 
point  was  at  least  twelve  miles,  and  the  steep 
heights  above  Lewiston  must  first  be  climbed.  This 
heavy  task  was  accomplished  on  the  twenty-second 
of  January.  The  level  of  the  plateau  was  reached, 
and  the  file  of  burdened  men,  some  thirty  in  num- 
ber, toiled  slowly  on  its  way  over  the  snowy  plains 
and  through  the  gloomy  forests  of  spruce  and  naked 
oak-trees;   while  Hennepin  plodded  through  the 


132  THE  LAUNCH  OF  THE  "GKtFFIN/*  [1679 

drifts  wi  th  his  portable  altar  lashed  fast  to  his  back. 
Thej  came  at  last  to  the  mouth  of  a  stream  which 
entered  the  Niagara  two  leagues  above  the  cataract, 
and  which  was  undoubtedly  that  now  called  Caynga 
Creek.^ 

1  It  has  been  a  matter  of  debate  on  which  side  of  the  Niagara  the 
first  vessel  on  the  Upper  Lakes  was  built.  A  close  study  of  Hennepin, 
and  a  careful  examination  of  the  localities,  have  convinced  me  that  the 
spot  was  that  indicated  above.  Hennepin  repeatedly  alludes  to  a  large 
detached  rock,  rising  out  of  the  water  at  the  foot  of  the  rapids  above 
Lewiston,  on  the  west  side  of  the  river.  This  rock  may  still  be  seen, 
immediately  under  the  western  end  of  the  Lewiston  suspension-bridge. 
Persons  living  in  the  neighborhood  remember  that  a  ferry-boat  used  to 
pass  between  it  and  the  cliffs  of  the  western  shore  ;  but  it  has  since  been 
undermined  by  the  current  and  has  inclined  in  that  direction,  so  that  a 
considerable  part  of  it  is  submerged,  while  the  gravel  and  earth  thrown 
down  from  the  cliff  during  the  building  of  the  bridge  has  filled  the  inter- 
vening channel.  Opposite  to  this  rock,  and  on  the  east  side  of  the  river, 
says  Hennepin,  are  three  mountains,  about  two  leagues  below  the  cata 
ract.  Nouveau  Voyage  (1704),  462,  466.  To  these  "three  mountains,"  as 
well  as  to  the  rock,  he  frequently  alludes.  They  are  also  spoken  of  by 
La  Hontan,  who  clearly  indicates  their  position.  They  consist  in  the 
three  successive  grades  of  the  acclivity  :  first,  that  which  rises  from  the 
level  of  the  water,  forming  the  steep  and  lofty  river  bank  ;  next,  an  in- 
termediate ascent,  crowned  by  a  sort  of  terrace,  where  the  tired  men  could 
find  a  second  resting-place  and  lay  down  their  burdens,  whence  a  third 
effort  carried  them  with  difiiculty  to  the  level  top  of  the  plateau.  That 
this  was  the  actual  "portage  "  or  carrying  place  of  the  travellers  is  shown 
by  Hennepin  (1704),  114,  who  describes  the  carrying  of  anchors  and  other 
heavy  articles  up  these  heights  in  August,  1679.  La  Hontan  also  passed 
the  Falls  by  way  of  the  "  three  mountains  "  eight  years  later.  La  Hon- 
tan (1703),  106.  It  is  clear,  then,  that  the  portage  was  on  the  east  side, 
whence  it  would  be  safe  to  conclude  that  the  vessel  was  built  on  the  same 
side.  Hennepin  says  that  she  was  built  at  the  mouth  of  a  stream  (riviere) 
entering  the  Niagara  two  leagues  above  the  Falls.  Excepting  one  or  two 
small  brooks,  there  is  no  stream  on  the  west  side  but  Chippewa  Creek, 
which  Hennepin  had  visited  and  correctly  placed  at  about  a  league  frora 
the  cataract.  His  distances  on  the  Niagara  are  usually  correct.  On  the 
east  side,  there  is  a  stream  which  perfectly  answers  tlie  conditions.  This 
is  Cayuga  Creek,  two  leagues  above  tlie  Falls.  Immediately  in  front  of 
it  is  an  island  about  a  mile  long,  separated  from  the  shore  by  a  narrow 
and  deep  arm  of  the  Niagara,  into  which  Cayuga  Creek  discharges  itself. 
The  place  is  so  obviously  suited  to  building  and  launching  a  vessel  that, 
in  the  early  part  of  this  century,  the  government  of  the  United  States 


1679.]  SHIP-BUILDIXG.  133 

Trees  were  felled,  tlie  place  cleared,  and  the 
master-carpenter  set  his  ship-builders  at  work. 
Meanwhile,  two  Mohegan  hunters,  attached  to  the 
party,  made  bark  wigwams  to  lodge  the  men. 
Hennepin  had  his  chapel,  apparently  of  the  same 
material,  where  he  placed  his  altar,  and  on  Sun- 
days and  saints'  days  said  mass,  preached  and  ex- 
horted ;  while  some  of  the  men,  who  knew  the 
Gregorian  chant,  lent  their  aid  at  the  service. 
When  the  carpenters  were  ready  to  lay  the  keel  of 
the  vessel.  La  Salle  asked  the  friar  to  drive  the  first 
bolt ;  "  but  the  modesty  of  my  religious  profession," 
he  says,  "  compelled  me  to  decline  this  honor." 

Fortunately,  it  was  the  hunting-season  of  the 
Iroquois,  and  most  of  the  Seneca  warriors  were  in 
the  forests  south  of  Lake  Erie ;  yet  enough  re- 
mained to  cause  serious  uneasiness.  They  loitered 
sullenly  about  the  place,  expressing  their  displeas- 
ure at  the  proceedings  of  the  French.  One  of 
them,  pretending  to  be  drunk,  attacked  the  black- 
smith and  tried  to  kill  him;  but  the  Frenchman, 
brandishing  a  red-hot  bar  of  iron,  held  him  at  bay 
till  Hennepin  ran  to  the  rescue,  when,  as  he  de- 
clares, the  severity  of  his  rebuke  caused  the  savage 
to  desist.^     The  work  of  the  ship-builders  advanced 

chose  it  for  the  construction  of  a  schooner  to  carry  supplies  to  the  garri- 
sons of  the  Upper  Lakes.  The  neighboring  village  now  bears  the  name 
of  La  Salle. 

In  examining  this  and  other  localities  on  the  Niagara,  I  have  been 
greatly  aided  by  my  friend,  0.  H.  Marshall,  Esq.,  of  Buffalo,  who  is 
unrivalled  in  his  knowledge  of  the  history  and  traditions  of  the  Niagara 
frontier. 

1  Hennepin  (1704),  97.  On  a  paper  drawn  up  at  the  instance  of  the 
Intendant  Duchesneau,  the  names  of  the  greater  number  of  La  Salle's 


134  THE  LAUNCH  OF  THE   '^GRIFriN/*  11679. 

rapidly;  and  when  tlie  Indian  visitois  beheld  the 
vast  ribs  of  the  wooden  monster,  their  jealousy  was 
redoubled.  A  squaw  told  the  French  that  they 
meant  to  burn  the  vessel  on  the  stocks.  All  now 
stood  anxiously  on  the  watch.  Cold,  himger,  and 
discontent  found  imperfect  antidotes  in  Tonty's 
energy  and  Hennepin's  sermons. 

La  Salle  was  absent,  and  his  lieutenant  com- 
manded in  his  place.  Hennepin  says  that  Tonty 
was  jealous  because  he,  the  friar,  kept  a  journal, 
and  that  he  was  forced  to  use  all  manner  of  just 
precautions  to  prevent  the  Italian  from  seizing  it. 
The  men,  being  half-starved,  in  consequence  of  the 
loss  of  their  provisions  on  Lake  Ontario,  were  rest- 
less and  moody,  and  their  discontent  was  fomented 
by  one  of  their  number,  who  had  very  probably 
been  tampered  with  by  La  Salle's  enemies.^  The 
Senecas  refused  to  supply  them  with  corn,  and  the 
frequent  exhortations  of  the  KecoUet  father  proved 
an  insufficient  substitute.  In  this  extremity,  the 
two  Mohegans  did  excellent  service ;  bringing  deer 
and  other  game,  which  relieved  the  most  pressing 
wants  of  the  party,  and  went  far  to  restore  their 
cheerfulness. 

La  Salle,  meanwhile,  had  gone  down  to  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  with  a  sergeant  and  a  num- 
ber  of   men;    and   here,   on   the   high   point   of 

men.  are  preserved.  These  agree  with  those  given  by  Hennepin :  thus, 
the  master-carpenter,  whom  he  calls  Maitre  Moyse,  appears  as  Moise 
Hillaret,  and  the  blacksmith,  whom  he  calls  La  Forge,  is  mentioned  as  — 
(illegible)  dit  la  Forge. 

1  "  This  bad  man,"  says  Hennepin,  "  would  infallibly  have  debauched 
our  workmen,  if  I  had  not  reassured  them  by  the  exhortations  which  I 
made  them  on  fete  days  and  vSundays,  after  divine  service"  (1704),  98. 


167a.]  THE   SHIP  FINISHED.  135 

land  where  Fort  Niagara  now  stands,  he  marked 
out  the  foundations  of  two  blockhouses.^  Then, 
leaving  his  men  to  build  them,  he  set  out  on  foot 
for  Fort  Frontenac,  where  the  condition  of  his  af- 
fairs demanded  his  presence,  and  where  he  hoped 
to  procure  supplies  to  replace  those  lost  in  the 
wreck  of  his  vessel.  It  was  February,  and  the 
distance  was  some  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles, 
through  the  snow-encumbered  forests  of  the  Iro- 
quois, and  over  the  ice  of  Lake  Ontario.  Two  men 
attended  him,  and  a  dog  dragged  his  baggage  on  a 
sledge.  For  food,  they  had  only  a  bag  of  parched 
corn,  which  failed  them  two  days  before  they 
reached  the  fort;  and  they  made  the  rest  of  the 
journey  fasting. 

During  his  absence,  Tonty  finished  the  vessel, 
which  was  of  about  forty-five  tons  burden.^  As 
spring  opened,  she  was  ready  for  launching.  The 
friar  pronounced  his  blessing  on  her ;  the  assem- 
bled company  sang  Te  Deum ;  cannon  were  fired ; 
and  French  and  Indians,  warmed  alike  by  a  gen- 
erous gift  of  brandy,  shouted  and  yelped  in  chorus 
as  she  glided  into  the  Niagara.  Her  builders  towed 
her  out  and  anchored  her  in  the  stream,  safe  at  last 
from  incendiary  hands;  and  then,  swinging  their 
hammocks  under  her  deck,  slept  in  peace,  beyond 
reach  of  the  tomahawk.     The  Indians  gazed  on 

i  Lettrede  La  Salle,  22  Aout,  1682  (Margry,  II.  229) ;  Relation  de  Tonty, 
1.684  (Ibid.,  I.  577).  He  called  this  new  post  Fort  Conti.  It  was  burned 
Bome  months  after,  by  the  carelessness  of  the  sergeant  in  command,  and 
was  the  first  of  a  succession  of  forts  on  this  historic  spot. 

2  Hennepin  (1683),  46.  In  the  edition  of  1697,  he  says  that  it  was 
of  sixty  tons.  I  prefer  to  follow  the  earlier  and  more  trustworthy 
narrative. 


136  THE  LAimCH  OF  THE  "GRIFFIN."  [1679 

her  with  amazement.  Five  small  camion  looked 
out  from  her  portholes ;  and  on  her  prow  was 
carved  a  portentous  monster,  the  Griffin,  whose 
name  she  bore,  in  honor  of  the  armorial  bearings 
of  Frontenac.  La  Salle  had  often  been  heard  to 
say  that  he  would  make  the  griffin  fly  above  the 
crows,  or,  in  other  words,  make  Frontenac  triumph 
over  the  Jesuits. 

They  now  took  her  up  the  river,  and  made  her 
fast  below  the  swift  current  at  Black  Eock.  Here 
they  finished  her  equipment,  and  waited  for  La 
Salle's  return ;  but  the  absent  commander  did  not 
appear.  The  spring  and  more  than  half  of  the 
summer  had  passed  before  they  saw  him  again. 
At  length,  early  in  August,  he  arrived  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Niagara,  bringing  three  more  friars ;  for, 
though  no  friend  of  the  Jesuits,  he  was  zealous  for 
the  Faith,  and  was  rarely  without  a  missionary  in 
his  journeyings.  Like  Hennepin,  the  three  friars 
were  all  Flemings.  One  of  them,  Melithon  Watteau, 
was  to  remain  at  Niagara ;  the  others,  Zenobe 
Membre  and  Gabriel  Ribourde,  were  to  preach  the 
Faith  among  the  tribes  of  the  West.  Ribourde 
was  a  hale  and  cheerful  old  man  of  sixty-four.  He 
went  four  times  up  and  down  the  Lewiston  heights, 
while  the  men  were  climbing  the  steep  pathway 
with  their  loads.  It  required  four  of  them,  w^ell 
stimulated  with  brandy,  to  carry  up  the  principal 
anchor  destined  for  the  "  Griffin.'* 

La  Salle  brought  a  tale  of  disaster.  His  ene- 
mies, bent  on  ruining  the  enterprise,  had  given  out 
that  he  was  embarked  on  a  harebrained  venture, 


1679.]  CREDITOKS  OF  LA   SALLE.  137 

from  which  he  would  never  return.  His  creditors, 
excited  by  rumors  set  afloat  to  that  end,  had  seized 
on  all  his  property  in  the  settled  parts  of  Canada, 
though  his  seigniory  of  Fort  Frontenac  alone 
would  have  more  than  sufficed  to  pay  all  his  debts. 
There  was  no  remedy.  To  defer  the  enterprise 
would  have  been  to  give  his  adversaries  the  triumph 
that  they  sought;  and  he  hardened  himself  against 
the  blow  with  his  usual  stoicism.^ 

1  La  Salle's  embarrassment  at  this  time  was  so  great  that  he  purposed 
to  send  Tonty  up  the  lakes  in  the  "  Griffin,"  while  he  went  back  to  the  col- 
ony to  look  after  his  affairs ;  but  suspecting  that  the  pilot,  who  had  al- 
ready wrecked  one  of  his  vessels,  was  in  the  pay  of  his  enemies,  he  resolved 
at  last  to  take  charge  of  the  expedition  himself,  to  prevent  a  second  dis- 
aster. Lettre  de  La  Salle,  22  Aout,  1682  (Margry,  II.  214).  Among  the 
creditors  who  bore  hard  upon  him  were  Migeon,  Charon,  Giton,  and  Pelo- 
quin,  of  Montreal,  in  whose  name  his  furs  at  Fort  Frontenac  had  been 
seized.  The  intendant  also  placed  under  seal  all  his  furs  at  Quebec, 
among  wliich  is  set  down  the  not  very  precious  item  of  two  hundred  and 
eif^chty-four  skins  of  enfants  du  diable,  or  skunks. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

1679. 

LA   SALLE  ON  THE  UPPER  LAKES. 

The  Voyage  of  the  "  Griffin."  —  Detroit.  —  A  Storm.  —  St. 
Ignace  of  Michillimackinac.  —  Rivals  and  Enemies.  —  Lake 
Michigan. — Hardships.  —  A  Threatened  Fi«ht. — Fort  Miami. 
—  Tontt's  Misfortunes.  — Forebodings. 

The  "  Griffin "  had  lain  moored  by  the  shore, 
so  near  that  Hennepin  could  preach  on  Sundays 
from  the  deck  to  the  men  encamped  along  the 
bank.  She  was  now  forced  up  against  the  current 
with  tow-ropes  and  sails,  till  she  reached  the  calm 
entrance  of  Lake  Erie.  On  the  seventh  of  August, 
La  Salle  and  his  followers  embarked,  sang  Te 
Demn,  and  fired  their  cannon.  A  fresh  breeze 
sprang  up  ;  and  with  swelling  canvas  the  "  Grif- 
fin "  ploughed  the  virgin  waves  of  Lake  Erie, 
where  sail  was  never  seen  before.  For  three  days 
they  held  their  course  over  these  unknown  waters, 
and  on  the  fourth  turned  northward  into  the  Strait 
of  Detroit.  Here,  on  the  right  hand  and  on  the 
left,  lay  verdant  prairies,  dotted  with  groves  and 
bordered  with  lofty  forests.  They  saw  walnut, 
chestnut,  and  wild  plum  trees,  and  oaks  festooned 
with   grape-vines ;    herds   of   deer,  and    flocks  of 


1679.]  STORM  ON  LAKE  HUEON.  139 

swans  and  wild  turkeys.  The  bulwarks  of  the 
'•'  Griffin  "  were  plentifully  hung  with  game  which 
the  men  killed  on  shore,  and  among  the  rest  with 
a  number  of  bears,  much  commended  by  Henne- 
pin for  their  want  of  ferocity  and  the  excellence 
of  their  flesh.  "  Those,"  he  says,  "  who  will  one 
day  have  the  happiness  to  possess  this  fertile  and 
pleasant  strait,  will  be  very  much  obliged  to  those 
who  have  shown  them  the  way."  They  crossed 
Lake  St.  Clair,^  and  still  sailed  northward  against 
the  current,  till  now,  sparkling  in  the  sun.  Lake 
Huron  spread  before  them  like  a  sea. 

For  a  time  they  bore  on  prosperously.  Then 
the  wind  died  to  a  calm,  then  freshened  to  a  gale, 
then  rose  to  a  furious  tempest ;  and  the  vessel 
tossed  wildly  among  the  short,  steep,  perilous 
waves  of  the  raging  lake.  Even  La  Salle  called 
on  his  followers  to  commend  themselves  to 
Heaven.  All  fell  to  their  prayers  but  the  god- 
less pilot,  who  was  loud  in  complaint  against  his 
commander  for  having  brought  him,  after  the 
honor  he  had  won  on  the  ocean,  to  drown  at  last 
ignominiously  in  fresh  water.  The  rest  clamored 
to  the  saints.  St.  Anthony  of  Padua  was  prom- 
ised a  chapel  to  be  built  in  his  honor,  if  he  would 
but  save  them  from  their  jeopardy ;  while  in  the 
same  breath  La  Salle  and  the  friars  declared  him 
patron  of  their  great  enterprise.^  The  saint  heard 
their  prayers.     The  obedient  winds  were  tamed; 

i  They  named  it  Sainte  Claire,  of  which  the  present  name  is  a 
perversion. 

2  Hennepin  (1683)^  68. 


140  LA  SALLE   ON  THE  UPPER  LAKJ:S.  [1679 

and  the  "  Griffin "  plunged  on  her  way  through 
foamino;  sur2:es  that  still  ffrew  calmer  as  she  ad- 
vanced.  Now  the  sun  shone  forth  on  woody 
islands,  Bois  Blanc  and  Mackinaw  and  the  distant 
Manitoulins,  —  on  the  forest  wastes  of  Michigan 
and  the  vast  blue  bosom  of  the  angry  lake ;  and 
now  her  port  was  won,  and  she  found  her  rest 
behind  the  point  of  St.  Ignace  of  Michillimackinac, 
floating  in  that  tranquil  cove  where  crystal  waters 
cover  but  cannot  hide  the  pebbly  depths  beneath. 
Before  her  rose  the  house  and  chapel  of  the 
Jesuits,  enclosed  with  palisades ;  on  the  right, 
the  Huron  village,  with  its  bark  cabins  and  its 
fence  of  tall  pickets ;  on  the  left,  the  square 
compact  houses  of  the  French  traders ;  and,  not 
far  off,  the  clustered  wigwams  of  an  Ottawa 
village.^  Here  was  a  centre  of  the  Jesuit  mis- 
sions, and  a  centre  of  the  Indian  trade ;  and  here, 
under  the  shadow  of  the  cross,  was  much  sharp 
practice  in  the  service  of  Mammon.  Keen  traders, 
with  or  without  a  license ;  and  lawless  coiireurs  de 
hois,  whom  a  few  years  of  forest  life  had  weaned 
from  civilization,  made  St.  Ignace  their  resort ; 
and  here  there  were  many  of  them  when  the 
'^  Griffin "  came.  They  and  their  employers 
hated  and  feared  La  Salle,  who,  sustained  as  he 
was  by  the  governor,  might  set  at  nought  the 
prohibition  of  the  king,  debarring  him  from  traffic 
with  these  tribes.  Yet,  while  plotting  against  him, 
they  took  pains  to  allay  his  distrust  by  a  show  of 
welcome. 

1  Tliore  is  a  rude  plan  of  the  establishment  in  La  Hcntan,  though,  ill 
several  editions,  its  value  is  destroyed  by  the  reversal  of  the  plate 


1679.J  .  INTKIGUES.  141 

The  "  Griffin  "  fired  her  cannon,  and  the  Indians 
yelped  in  wonder  and  amazement.  The  adventur- 
ers landed  in  state,  and  marched,  under  arms,  to 
the  bark  chapel  of  the  Ottawa  village,  where  th^^y 
heard  mass.  La  Salle  knelt  before  the  altar,  in 
a  mantle  of  scarlet,  bordered  with  gold.  Soldiers, 
sailors,  and  artisans  knelt  around  him,  —  black 
Jesuits,  gray  Recollets,  swarthy  voyageurs^  and 
painted  savages ;  a  devout  but  motley  concourse. 

As  they  left  the  chapel,  the  Ottawa  chiefs  came 
to  bid  them  welcome,  and  the  Hurons  saluted  them 
with  a  volley  of  musketry.  They  saw  the  "  Grif- 
fin "  at  her  anchorage,  surrounded  by  more  than 
a  hundred  bark  canoes,  like  a  Triton  among 
minnows.  Yet  it  was  with  more  wonder  than 
good-will  that  the  Indians  of  the  mission  gazed 
on  the  floating  fort,  for  so  they  called  the  vessel. 
A  deep  jealousy  of  La  Salle's  designs  had  been 
infused  into  them.  His  own  followers,  too,  had 
been  tampered  with.  In  the  autumn  before,  it 
may  be  remembered,  he  had  sent  fifteen  men  up 
the  lakes,  to  trade  for  him,  with  orders  to  go 
thence  to  the  Illinois,  and  make  preparation 
against  his  coming.  Early  in  the  summer,  Tonty 
had  been  despatched  in  a  canoe  from  Niagara,  to 
look  after  them.^  It  was  high  time.  Most  of  the 
men  had  been  seduced  from  their  duty,  and  had 
disobeyed  their  orders,  squandered  the  goods  in- 
trusted to  them,  or  used  them  in  trading  on  their 
own  account.      La  Salle  found  four  of  them  at 

1  Rtlaiion  dt  Tonty,  1684 ;  Ibid.,  1693.  He  was  overtaken  at  the  Detroit 
by  the  '  Griffin." 


142  LA   SALLE  ON  THE   UPPER  LAKES.  [1679 

Micliillimackinac.  These  he  arrested,  and  sent 
Tonty  to  the  Falls  of  Ste.  Marie,  where  two  others 
were  captured,  with  their  plunder.  The  rest  were 
in  the  woods,  and  it  was  useless  to  pursue  them. 

Anxious  and  troubled  as  to  the  condition  of  his 
affairs  in  Canada,  La  Salle  had  meant,  after  seeing 
his  party  safe  at  Michillimackinac,  to  leave  Tonty 
to  conduct  it  to  the  IlHnois,  while  he  himself  re- 
turned to  the  colony.  But  Tonty  was  still  at  Ste. 
Marie,  and  he  had  none  to  trust  but  himself. 
Therefore,  he  resolved  at  all  risks  to  remain  with 
his  men;  "for,"  he  says,  "I  judged  my  presence 
absolutely  necessary  to  retain  such  of  them  as  were 
left  me,  and  prevent  them  from  being  enticed 
away  during  the  winter."  Moreover,  he  thought 
that  he  had  detected  an  intrigue  of  his  enemies  to 
hound  on  the  Iroquois  against  the  Illinois,  in  order 
to  defeat  his  plan  by  involving  him  in  the  war. 

Early  in  September,  he  set  sail  again,  and,  pass- 
ing westward  into  Lake  Michigan,^  cast  anchor 
near  one  of  the  islands  at  the  entrance  of  Green 
Bay.  Here,  for  once,  he  found  a  friend  in  the 
person  of  a  Pottawattamie  chief,  who  had  been  so 
wrought  upon  by  the  politic  kindness  of  Frontenac 
that  he  declared  himself  ready  to  die  for  the  chil- 
dren of  Onontio.^  Here,  too,  he  found  several  of 
liis  advance  party,  who  had  remained  faithful,  and 
collected  a  large  store  of  furs.     It  would  have  been 

1  Then  usually  known  as  Lac  des  Illinois,  because  it  gave  access  to 
the  country  of  the  tribes  so  called.  Three  years  before,  AUouez  gave  it 
the  name  of  Lac  St.  Joseph,  by  which  it  is  often  designated  by  the  early 
writers.     Mombre,  Douay,  and  others,  call  it  Lac  Dauphin. 

'-*  "  The  Great  Mountain,"  the  Iroquois  name  for  the  governor  of 
Canada.     It  was  borrowed  by  other  tribes  also. 


1679.]  A  CHANGE  OF  PLAN.  143 

better  had  they  proved  false,  hke  the  rest.  La 
Salle,  who  asked  counsel  of  no  man,  resolved,  in 
spite  of  his  followers,  to  send  back  the  "  Griffin," 
laden  with  these  furs,  and  others  collected  on  the 
way,  to  satisfy  his  creditors.^  It  was  a  rash  reso- 
lution, for  it  involved  trusting  her  to  the  pilot; 
who  had  already  proved  either  incompetent  or 
treacherous.  She  fired  a  parting  shot,  and  on 
the  eighteenth  of  September  set  sail  for  Niagara, 
with  orders  to  return  to  the  head  of  Lake  Michi- 
gan as  soon  as  she  had  discharged  her  cargo.  La 
Salle,  with  the  fourteen  men  who  remained,  in 
four  canoes,  deeply  laden  with  a  forge,  tools,  mer- 
chandise, and  arms,  put  out  from  the  island  and 
resumed  his  voyage. 

The  parting  was  not  auspicious.  The  lake, 
glassy  and  calm  in  the  afternoon,  was  convulsed 
at  night  with  a  sudden  storm,  when  the  canoes 
were  midway  between  the  island  and  the  main 
shore.  It  was  with  difficulty  that  they  could 
keep  together,  the  men  shouting  to  each  other 
through  the  darkness.  Hennepin,  who  was  in  the 
smallest  canoe,  with  a  heavy  load,  and  a  carpenter 
for  a  companion,  who  was  awkward  at  the  paddle, 
found  himself  in  jeopardy  which  demanded  all  his 
nerve.  The  voyagers  thought  themselves  happy 
when  they  gained  at  last  the  shelter  of  a  little 
sandy  cove,  where  they  dragged  up  their  canoes, 

1  In  the  license  of  discovery  granted  to  La  Salle,  he  is  expressly  pro- 
hibited from  traduig  with  the  Ottawas  and  others  who  brought  furs  to 
Montreal,  Thi^  traffic  on  the  lakes  was,  therefore,  illicit.  His  enemy, 
the  Intendant  Duchesneau,  afterwards  used  this  against  him.  Lettre  de 
Duchesneau  au  Ministre,  10  Nov  ,  1680. 


144  LA  SALLE  ON  THE  UPPER  LAKES.  [1679. 

and  made  their  cheerless  bivouac  in  the  drenched 
and  dripping  forest.  Here  they  spent  five  days, 
hving  on  pumpkins  and  Indian  corn,  the  gift  of 
their  Pottawattamie  friends,  and  on  a  Canada 
porcupine,  brought  in  by  La  Salle's  Mohegan 
hunter.  The  gale  raged  meanwhile  with  re- 
lentless fury.  They  trembled  when  they  thought 
of  the  "  Griffin."  When  at  length  the  tempest 
lulled,  they  re-embarked,  and  steered  southward, 
along  the  shore  of  Wisconsin ;  but  again  the  storm 
fell  upon  them,  and  drove  them,  for  safety,  to  a 
bare,  rocky,  islet.  Here  they  made  a  fire  of  drift- 
wood, crouched  around  it,  drew  their  blankets 
over  their  heads,  and  in  this  miserable  j)light, 
pelted  with  sleet  and  rain,  remained  for  two  days. 
At  length  they  were  afloat  again ;  but  their  pros- 
perity was  brief.  On  the  twenty-eighth,  a  fierce 
squall  drove  them  to  a  point  of  rocks,  covered  with 
bushes,  where  they  consumed  the  little  that  re- 
mained of  their  provisions.  On  the  first  of  October, 
they  paddled  about  thirty  miles,  without  food,  when 
they  came  to  a  village  of  Pottawattamies,  who  ran 
down  to  the  shore  to  help  them  to  land ;  but  La 
Salle,  fearing  that  some  of  his  men  would  steal  the 
merchandise  and  desert  to  the  Indians,  insisted  on 
going  three  leagues  farther,  to  the  great  indignation 
of  his  followers.  The  lake,  swept  by  an  easterly 
gale,  was  rolling  its  waves  against  the  beach,  like 
the  ocean  in  a  storm.  In  the  attempt  to  land,  La 
Salle's  canoe  was  nearly  swamped.  He  and  his 
three  canoe-men  leaped  into  the  water,  and,  in  spite 
of  the  surf,  which  nearly  drowned  them,  dragged 


1679.  J  POTTAWATTAMIES.  145 

their  vessel  ashore,  with  all  its  load.  He  then  went 
to  the  rescue  of  Hennepin,  who,  with  his  awkward 
companion,  was  in  woful  need  of  succor.  Father 
Gabriel,  with  his  sixty-four  years,  was  no  match 
for  the  surf  and  the  violent  undertow.  Hennepin, 
finding  himself  safe,  waded  to  his  rehef,  and  carried 
him  ashore  on  his  sturdy  shoulders ;  while  the  old 
friar,  though  drenched  to  the  skin,  laughed  gayly 
under  his  cowl,  as  his  brother  missionary  staggered 
with  him  up  the  beach. -^ 

When  all  were  safe  ashore.  La  Salle,  who  dis- 
trusted the  Indians  they  had  passed,  took  post  on 
a  hill,  and  ordered  his  followers  to  prepare  their 
guns  for  action.  Nevertheless,  as  they  were  starv- 
ing, an  effort  must  be  risked  to  gain  a  supply  of 
food ;  and  he  sent  three  men  back  to  the  village 
to  purchase  it.  Well  armed,  but  faint  with  toil 
and  famine,  they  made  their  way  through  the 
stormy  forest,  bearing  a  pipe  of  peace,  but,  on 
arriving,  saw  that  the  scared  inhabitants  had  fled. 
They  found,  however,  a  stock  of  corn,  of  which 
they  took  a  portion,  leaving  goods  in  exchange, 
and  then  set  out  on  their  return. 

Meanwhile,  about  twenty  of  the  warriors,  armed 
with  bows  and  arrows,  approached  the  camp  of  the 
French,  to  reconnoitre.  La  Salle  went  to  meet 
them,  with  some  of  his  men,  opened  a  parley  with 
them,  and  kept  them  seated  at  the  foot  of  the  hill 
till  his  three  messengers  returned,  when,  on  seeing 
the  peace-pipe,  the  warriors  set  up  a  cry  of  joy. 
In  the  morning,  they  brought  more  corn  to  the 

1  Hennepin  (1683),  79. 
10 


146  LA   SALLE  ON  THE  UPPEli  LAKES.  11679 

camp,  with  a  supply  of  fresh  venison,  not  a  little 
cheering  to  the  exhausted  Frenchmen,  who,  in 
dread  of  treachery,  had  stood  under  arms  all  night. 

This  was  no  journey  of  pleasure.  The  lake  was 
ruffled  with  almost  ceaseless  storms;  clouds  big 
with  rain  above  -,  a  turmoil  of  gray  and  gloomy 
waves  beneath.  Every  night  the  canoes  must  be 
shouldered  through  the  breakers  and  dragged  up 
the  steep  banks,  which,  as  they  neared  the  site  of 
Milwaukee,  became  almost  insurmountable.  The 
men  paddled  all  day,  with  no  other  food  than  a 
handful  of  Indian  corn.  They  were  spent  with 
toil,  sick  with  the  haws  and  wild  berries  which 
they  ravenously  devoured,  and  dejected  at  the  pros- 
pect before  them.  Father  Gabriel's  good  spirits 
began  to  fail.  He  fainted  several  times,  from 
famine  and  fatigue,  but  was  revived  by  a  certain 
"  confection  of  Hyacinth,"  administered  by  Henne- 
pin, who  had  a  small  box  of  this  precious  specific. 

At  length,  they  descried,  at  a  distance,  on  the 
stormy  shore,  two  or  three  eagles  among  a  busy 
congregation  of  crows  or  turkey  buzzards.  They 
paddled  in  all  haste  to  the  spot.  The  feasters  took 
flight ;  and  the  starved  travellers  found  the  mangled 
body  of  a  deer,  lately  killed  by  the  wolves.  This 
good  luck  proved  the  inauguration  of  plenty.  As 
they  approached  the  head  of  the  lake,  game  grew 
abundant ;  and,  with  the  aid  of  the  Mohegan,  there 
was  no  lack  of  bear's  meat  and  venison.  They 
found  wild  grapes,  too,  in  the  woods,  and  gathered 
them  by  cutting  down  the  trees  to  which  the  vines 
clung. 


1679.]  ENCOUNTER  WITH    INDIANS.  147 

While  tlius  employed,  they  were  startled  by  a 
sight  often  so  fearful  in  the  waste  and  the  wilder- 
ness, the  print  of  a  human  foot.  It  was  clear  that 
Indians  were  not  far  off.  A  strict  watch  was  kept, 
not,  as  it  proved,  without  cause ;  for  that  night, 
while  the  sentry  thought  of  little  but  screening 
himself  and  his  gun  from  the  floods  of  rain,  a  party 
of  Outagamies  crept  under  the  bank,  where  they 
lurked  for  some  time  before  he  discovered  them. 
Being  challenged,  they  came  forward,  professing 
great  friendship,  and  pretending  to  have  mistaken 
the  French  for  Iroquois.  In  the  morning,  how- 
ever, there  was  an  outcry  from  La  Salle's  servant, 
who  declared  that  the  visitors  had  stolen  his  coat 
from  under  the  inverted  canoe  where  he  had  placed 
it ;  while  some  of  the  carpenters  also  complained  of 
being  robbed.  La  Salle  well  knew  that,  if  the  theft 
were  left  unpunished,  worse  would  come  of  it. 
First,  he  posted  his  men  at  the  woody  point  of  a 
peninsula,  whose  sandy  neck  was  interposed  be- 
tween them  and  the  main  forest.  Then  he  went 
forth,  pistol  in  hand,  met  a  young  Outagami, 
seized  him,  and  led  him  prisoner  to  his  camp. 
This  done,  he  again  set  out,  and  soon  found  an 
Outagami  chief,  —  for  the  wigwams  Avere  not  far 
distant,  —  to  whom  he  told  what  he  had  done,  add- 
ing that,  unless  the  stolen  goods  were  restored,  the 
prisoner  should  be  killed.  The  Indians  were  in 
perplexity,  for  they  had  cut  the  coat  to  pieces  and 
divided  it.  In  this  dilemma,  they  resolved,  being 
strong  in  numbers,  to  rescue  their  comrade  by 
force.     Accordingly,  they  came  down  to  the  edge 


148  LA  SALLE  ON   THE   UPPER   LAKES.  [1679. 

of  the  forest,  or  posted  themselves  behind  fallen 
trees  on  the  banks,  while  La  Salle's  men  in  their 
stronghold  braced  their  nerves  for  the  fight.  Here 
three  Flemish  friars,  with  their  rosaries,  and  eleven 
Frenchmen,  with  their  guns,  confronted  a  hundred 
and  twenty  screeching  Outagamies.  Hennepin, 
who  had  seen  service,  and  who  had  always  an 
exhortation  at  his  tongue's  end,  busied  himself  to 
inspire  the  rest  with  a  courage  equal  to  his  own. 
Neither  party,  however,  had  an  appetite  for  the 
fray.  A  parley  ensued :  full  compensation  was 
made  for  the  stolen  goods,  and  the  aggrieved 
Frenchmen  were  farther  propitiated  with  a  gift  of 
beaver-skins. 

Their  late  enemies,  now  become  friends,  spent 
the  next  day  in  dances,  feasts,  and  speeches.  They 
entreated  La  Salle  not  to  advance  further,  since  the 
Illinois,  through  whose  country  he  must  pass,  would 
be  sure  to  kill  him ;  for,  added  these  friendly  coun- 
sellors, they  hated  the  French  because  they  had 
been  instigating  the  Iroquois  to  invade  their  coun- 
try. Here  was  another  subject  of  anxiety.  La 
Salle  was  confirmed  in  his  behef  that  his  busy  and 
unscrupulous  enemies  were  intriguing  for  his  de- 
struction. 

He  pushed  on,  however,  circling  around  the 
southern  shore  of  Lake  Michigan,  till  he  reached 
the  mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph,  called  by  him  the 
Miamis.  Here  Tonty  was  to  have  lejoined  him, 
with  twenty  men,  making  his  way  from  Michilli- 
mackinac,  along  the  eastern  shore  of  the  lake ; 
but   the   rendezvous  was   a   solitude,    Tonty  was 


1679. J  ADVENTUKES  OF   TONTY.  149 

nowhere  to  be  seen.  It  was  the  first  of  November. 
Winter  was  at  hand,  and  the  streams  w^ould  soon 
be  frozen.  The  men  clamored  to  go  forward,  urg- 
ing that  they  should  starve  if  they  could  not  reach 
tlie  villao;es  of  the  Illinois  before  the  tr.be  scattered 
for  the  winter  hunt.  La  Salle  was  inexorable.  If 
they  should  all  desert,  he  said,  he,  with  his  Mohe- 
gan  hunter  and  the  three  friars,  would  still  remain 
and  w^ait  for  Tonty.  The  men  grumbled,  but 
obeyed  ;  and,  to  divert  their  thoughts,  he  set  them 
at  building  a  fort  of  timber  on  a  rising  ground  at 
the  mouth  of  the  river. 

They  had  spent  twenty  days  at  this  task,  and 
their  work  was  well  advanced,  when  at  length 
Tonty  appeared.  He  brought  with  him  only  half 
of  his  men.  Provisions  had  failed ;  and  the  rest  of 
his  party  had  been  left  thirty  leagues  beliind,  to 
sustain  themselves  by  hunting.  La  Salle  told  him 
to  return  and  hasten  them  forward.  He  set  out 
with  two  men.  A  violent  north  wind  arose.  He 
tried  to  run  his  canoe  ashore  through  the  breakers. 
The  two  men  could  not  manage  their  vessel, 
and  he  w^ith  his  one  hand  could  not  help  them. 
She  swamped,  rolling  over  in  the  surf.  Guns, 
baggage,  and  provisions  w^ere  lost ;  and  the  three 
voyagers  returned  to  the  Miamis,  subsisting  on 
acorns  by  the  way.  Happily,  the  men  left  behind, 
excepting  two  deserters,  succeeded,  a  few  days 
after,  in  rejoining  the  party. ^ 

Thus  was  one  heavy  load  lifted  from  the  heart 
of  La  Salle.    But  where  was  the  "  Griffin  '*  ?    Time 

1  Hennepin  (1683),  112;  Relation  de  Tonty,  1693. 


150  I^A   SALLE   ON  THE  TIPPER  LAKES.  [1679 

enough,  and  more  than  enough,  had  passed  for  her 
voyage  to  Niagara  and  back  again.  He  scanned 
the  dreary  horizon  with  an  anxirus  eye.  No  re- 
turning sail  gladdened  the  watery  solitude,  and  a 
dark  foreboding  gathered  on  his  heart.  Yet  far- 
ther delay  was  impossible.  He  sent  back  two  men 
to  Michillimackinac  to  meet  her,  if  she  still  existed, 
and  pilot  her  to  his  new  fort  of  the  Miamis,  and 
then  prepared  to  ascend  the  river,  whose  weedy 
edges  were  already  glassed  with  thin  flakes  of 
ice.^ 

1  The  oflScial  account  of  this  journey  is  given  at  length  in  the  Rela- 
tion  des  D^couvertes  et  des  Voyages  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  1679-80-81.  This 
valuable  document,  compiled  from  letters  and  diaries  of  La  Salle,  early 
in  the  year  1682,  was  known  to  Hennepin,  who  evidently  had  a  copy  of 
it  before  him,  when  he  wrote  his  book,  in  which  he  incorporated  many 
paasages  from  it. 


CHAPTER   Xn. 

1679,  1680. 
LA    SALLE    ON    THE    ILLINOIS. 

The  St.  Joseph.  —  Adventure  of  La  Salle.  — The  Pkaieibs.  — 
Famine.  —  The  Great  Town  of  the  Illinois.  —  Indians.  — 
Intrigues. —  Difficulties.  —  Policy  of  La  Salle.  —  Desertion. 
—  Another  Attem:pt   to  poison   him. 

On  the  third  of  December,  the  party  re-em- 
barked, thirty-three  in  all,  m  eight  canoes,'  and  as- 
cended the  chill  current  of  the  St.  Joseph,  bordered 
with  dreary  meadows  and  bare  gray  forests.  When 
they  approached  the  site  of  the  present  village  of 
South  Bend,  they  looked  anxiously  along  the  shore 
on  their  right,  to  find  the  portage  or  path  leading 
to  the  head-quarters  of  the  Illinois.  The  Mohegan 
was  absent,  hunting ;  and,  unaided  by  his  practised 
eye,  they  passed  the  path  without  seeing  it.  La 
Salle  landed  to  search  the  woods.  Hours  passed, 
and  he  did  not  return.  Hennepin  and  Tonty  grew 
uneasy,  disembarked,  bivouacked,  ordered  guns  to 
be  fired,  and  sent  out  men  to  scour  the  country. 
Night  came,  but  not  their  lost  leader.  Muffled  in 
their  blankets  and  powdered  by  the  thick -falfing 

1  Letire  de  Duchesneau  a ,  10  Nov.,  1680. 


152  LA  SALLE  ON  THE  ILLINOIS.  |1679. 

snow  flakes,  they  sat  ruefully  speculating  as  to  what 
had  befallen  him;  nor  was  it  till  four  o'clock  of 
the  next  afternoon  that  they  saw  him  approaching 
along  the  margin  of  the  river.  His  face  and  hands 
were  besmirched  with  charcoal ;  and  he  was  farther 
decorated  wdth  two  opossums  w^hich  hung  from  his 
belt,  and  which  he  had  killed  with  a  stick  as  they 
were  swinging  head  downwards  from  the  bough  of 
a  tree,  after  the  fashion  of  that  singular  beast.  He 
had  missed  his  way  in  the  forest,  and  had  been 
forced  to  make  a  wide  circuit  around  the  edge  of  a 
sw^amp ;  while  the  snow,  of  which  the  air  was  full, 
added  to  his  perplexities.  Thus  he  pushed  on 
through  the  rest  of  the  day  and  the  greater 
part  of  the  night,  till,  about  two  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  he  reached  the  river  again,  and  fired  his 
gun  as  a  signal  to  his  party.  Hearing  no  an- 
swering shot,  he  pursued  his  w^ay  along  the  bank, 
when  he  presently  saw  the  gleam  of  a  fire  among 
the  dense  thickets  close  at  hand.  Not  doubting 
that  he  had  found  the  bivouac  of  his  party,  he 
hastened  to  the  sjDot.  To  his  surprise,  no  human 
being  was  to  be  seen.  Under  a  tree  beside  the  fire 
was  a  heap  of  dry  grass  impressed  with  the  form 
of  a  man  who  must  have  fled  but  a  moment  before, 
for  his  couch  was  still  warm.  It  was  no  doubt  an 
Indian,  ambushed  on  the  bank,  watching  to  kill 
some  passing  enemy.  La  Salle  called  out  in  seve- 
ral Indian  languages;  but  there  was  dead  silence 
all  around.  He  then,  with  admirable  coolness,  took 
possession  of  the  quarters  he  had  found,  shouting 
to    their  invisible   proprietor  that  he  w^as    about 


1679.J  THE  KANKAKEE.  153 

to  sleep  in  his  bed ;  piled  a  barricade  of  bushes 
arouud  the  spot,  rekindled  the  dying  fire,  warmed 
his  benumbed  hands,  stretched  himself  on  the  dried 
grass,  and  slept  undisturbed  till  morning. 

The  Mohegan  had  rejoined  the  party  before  La 
Salle's  return,  and  with  his  aid  the  portage  was  soon 
found.  Here  the  party  encamped.  La  Salle,  who 
was  excessively  fatigued,  occupied,  together  with 
Hennepin,  a  wigwam  covered  in  the  Indian  man- 
ner with  mats  of  reeds.  The  cold  forced  them  to 
kindle  a  fire,  which,  before  daybreak,  set  the  mats 
in  a  blaze ;  and  the  two  sleepers  narrowly  escaped 
being  burned  along  with  their  hut. 

In  the  morning,  the  party  shouldered  their  canoes 
and  baggage,  and  began  their  march  for  the  sources 
of  the  river  Illinois,  some  ^ye  miles  distant. 
Around  them  stretched  a  desolate  plain,  haK- 
covered  with  snow,  and  strewn  with  the  skulls  and 
bones  of  buffalo ;  while,  on  its  farthest  verge,  they 
could  see  the  lodges  of  the  Miami  Indians,  who  had 
made  this  place  their  abode.  As  they  filed  on  their 
way,  a  man  named  Duplessis,  bearing  a  grudge 
against  La  Salle,  who  walked  just  before  him, 
raised  his  gun  to  shoot  him  through  the  back,  but 
was  prevented  by  one  of  his  comrades.  They  soon 
reached  a  spot  where  the  oozy,  saturated  soil  quaked 
beneath  their  tread.  All  around  were  clumps  of 
alder-bushes,  tufts  of  rank  grass,  and  pools  of  glis- 
tening water.  In  the  midst,  a  dark  and  lazy  current, 
which  a  tall  man  might  bestride,  crept  twisting  hke 
a  snake  among  the  weeds  and  rushes.  Here  were 
the  sources  of  the  Kankakee,  one  of  the  heads  of 


154  LA   SALLE  ON  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1679 

the  Elinois.*  They  set  their  canoes  on  this  thread 
of  water,  embarked  their  baggage  and  themselves, 
and  pushed  down  the  sluggish  streamlet,  looking, 
at  a  little  distance,  like  men  who  sailed  on  land. 
Fed  by  an  unceasing  tribute  of  the  spongy  soil,  it 
quickly  widened  to  a  river ;  and  they  floated  on  their 
way  through  a  voiceless,  lifeless  solitude-  of  dreary 
oak  barrens,  or  boundless  marshes  overgrown  with 
reeds.  At  night,  they  built  their  fire  on  ground 
made  firm  by  frost,  and  bivouacked  among  the 
rushes.  A  few  days  brought  them  to  a  more 
favored  region.  On  the  right  hand  and  on  the  left 
stretched  the  boundless  prairie,  dotted  with  leaf- 
less groves  and  bordered  by  gray  wintry  forests, 
scorched  by  the  fires  kindled  in  the  dried  grass  by 
Indian  hunters,  and  strewn  with  the  carcasses  and 
the  bleached  skulls  of  innumerable  buffalo.  The 
plains  were  scored  with  their  pathways,  and  the 

i  The  Kankakee  was  called  at  this  time  the  Theakiki,  or  Haukiki 
(Marest);  a  name  which,  as  Charlevoix  says,  was  afterwards  corrupted 
bj  the  French  to  Kiakiki,  whence,  probably,  its  present  form.  In  La 
Salle's  time,  the  name  Theakiki  wa«  given  to  the  river  Illinois,  through 
all  its  course.  It  was  also  called  the  Riviere  Seignelay,  the  Riviere  des 
Macopins,  and  the  Riviere  Divine,  or  Riviere  de  la  Divine.  The  latter  name, 
when  Charlevoix  visited  the  country  in  1721,  was  confined  to  the  north- 
ern branch.  He  gives  an  interesting  and  somewhat  graphic  account  oi 
the  portage  and  the  sources  of  the  Kankakee,  in  his  letter,  dated  De  la 
Source  du  Theakiki,  ce  dix-sept  Septembre,  1721. 

Why  the  Illinois  should  ever  have  been  called  the  Divine,  it  is  not 
easy  to  see.  The  Memoirs  of  St.  Simon  suggest  an  explanation.  Ma- 
dame de  Frontenac  and  her  friend.  Mademoiselle  d'Outrelaise,  he  tells  us, 
lived  together  in  apartments  at  the  Arsenal,  where  they  held  their  salon 
and  exercised  a  great  power  in  society.  They  were  called  at  <'ourt  les 
Divines.  St.  Simon,  V.  335  (Cheruel).  In  compliment  to  Frontenac, 
the  river  may  have  been  named  after  his  wife  or  her  friend.  The  sug- 
gestion is  due  to  M.  Margry.  I  have  seen  a  map  by  Raudin,  Fron- 
tenac's  engineer  on  which  the  river  is  called  "  Riviere  de  la  Divine  ou 
I'Outrela.ise. " 


1679.]  BUFFALO  BULL.  15L 

muddy  edges  of  the  river  were  full  of  their  hoof- 
prints.  Yet  not  one  was  to  be  seen.  At  night,  the 
horizon  glowed  with  distant  fires ;  and  by  day  the 
savage  hunters  could  be  descried  at  times  roaming 
on  the  verge  of  the  prairie.  The  men,  discontented 
and  half-starved,  would  have  deserted  to  them  had 
they  dared.  La  Salle's  Mohegan  could  kill  no  game 
except  two  lean  deer,  with  a  few  wild  geese  and 
swans.  At  length,  in  their  straits,  they  made  a 
happy  discovery.  It  was  a  buffalo  bull,  fast  mired 
in  a  slough.  They  killed  him,  lashed  a  cable 
about  him,  and  then  twelve  men  dragged  out  the 
shaggy  monster,  whose  ponderous  carcass  de- 
manded their  utmost  efforts. 

The  scene  changed  again  as  they  descended.  On 
either  hand  ran  ranges  of  woody  hills,  following 
the  course  of  the  river ;  and  when  they  mounted  to 
their  tops,  they  saw  beyond  them  a  rolling  sea  of 
dull  green  prairie,  a  boundless  pasture  of  the  buf- 
falo and  the  deer,  in  our  own  day  strangely  trans- 
formed, —  yellow  in  harvest  time  with  ripened 
wheat,  and  dotted  with  the  roofs  of  a  hardy  and 
valiant  yeomanry.^ 

They  passed  the  site  of  the  future  town  of  Ot- 
tawa, and  saw  on  their  right  the  high  plateau  of 

^  The  change  is  very  recent.  Within  the  memory  of  men  not  yet  old, 
wolves  and  deer,  besides  wild  swans,  wild  turkeys,  cranes,  and  pelicans, 
abounded  in  this  region.  In  1840,  a  friend  of  mine  shot  a  deer  from  the 
window  of  a  farm-house,  near  the  present  town  of  La  Salle.  Running 
wolves  on  horseback  was  his  favorite  amusement  in  this  pa»'l  of  the  coun- 
try. The  buffalo  long  ago  disappeared;  but  the  early  settlers  found 
frequent  remains  of  them.  Mr.  James  Clark,  of  Utica,  III.,  told  me  that 
he  oni;e  fourd  a  large  quantity  of  their  bones  and  skulls  in  one  place,  as 
if  a  herd  had  perished  in  the  snow  drifts. 


156  LA   SALLE   ON  TUE  ILLINOIS.  [1679- 

Buffalo  Rock,  long  a  favorite  dwelling-place  of  In- 
dians. A  league  below,  the  river  glided  among 
Islands  bordered  with  stately  woods.  Close  on 
their  left  towered  a  lofty  cliff/  crested  with  trees 
that  overhung  the  rippling  current;  while  before 
them  spread  the  valley  of  the  Illinois,  in  broad  low 
raeadow^s,  bordered  on  the  right  by  the  graceful 
hills  at  whose  foot  now  hes  the  village  of  Utica. 
A  population  far  more  numerous  then  tenanted  the 
valley.  Along  the  right  bank  of  the  river  were 
clustered  the  lodges  of  a  great  Indian  town.  Hen- 
nepin counted  four  hundred  and  sixty  of  them.^ 

A  "  Starved  Rock."  It  will  hold,  hereafter,  a  conspicuous  place  in  the 
narrative. 

2  La  Louisiane,  137.  Allouez  [Relation,  1673-79)  found  three  hundred 
and  fifty-one  lodges.  This  was  in  1677.  The  population  of  this  town^ 
which  embraced  five  or  six  distinct  tribes  of  the  Illinois,  was  continu- 
ally changing.  In  1675,  Marquette  addressed  here  an  auditory  composed 
of  five  hundred  chiefs  and  old  men,  and  fifteen  hundred  young  men, 
besides  women  and  children.  He  estimates  the  number  of  fires  at  five 
or  six  hundred.  Voyages  du  Pere  Marquette,  98  (Lenox).  Llembre,  who 
was  here  in  1680,  says  that  it  then  contained  seven  or  eight  thousand 
souls.  Membre  in  Le  Clerc,  Premier  EtaUissement  de  la  Fay,  II.  173. 
On  the  remarkable  manuscript  map  of  Franquelin,  1684,  it  is  set  down  at 
twelve  hundred  warriors,  or  about  six  thousand  souls.  Tliis  was  after 
the  destructive  inroad  of  the  Iroquois.  Some  years  later,  Rasle  reported 
upwards  of  twenty-four  hundred  families.  Lettre  a  son  Frere,  in  Lettres 
Edijiantes. 

At  times,  nearly  the  whole  Illinois  population  was  gathered  here.  At 
other  times,  the  several  tribes  that  composed  it  separated,  some  dwelling 
apart  from  the  rest ;  so  that  at  one  period  the  Illinois  formed  eleven  vil- 
lages, while  at  otlicrs  they  were  gathered  into  two,  of  which  this  was 
mucli  the  larger.  The  meadows  around  it  were  extensively  cultivated, 
yielding  large  crops,  chiefly  of  Indian  corn.  The  lodges  were  built  along 
the  river  bank,  for  a  distance  of  a  mile,  and  sometimes  far  more.  In 
their  shape,  though  not  in  their  material,  they  resembled  those  of  the 
Hurons.     There  were  no  palisades  or  embankments. 

This  neighborhood  abounds  in  Indian  relics.  The  village  graveyard 
a^ipears  to  have  been  on  a  rising  ground,  near  the  river  immediately  in 
front  of  tlie  town  of  Utica.  This  is  the  only  part  of  tlie  river  bottom, 
from  this  point  to  the  Mi.ssissii)i)i,  not  liable  to  inundation  in  the  spring 


1679.1  HUNGER  RELIEVED.  157 

In  shape,  they  were  somewhat  like  the  arched  top 
of  a  baggage  wagon.  They  were  built  of  a  frame- 
work of  poles,  covered  with  mats  of  rushes,  closely 
interwoven ;  and  each  contained  three  or  four 
fires,  oi  which  the  greatei*  part  served  for  two 
families. 

Here,  then,  was  the  town ;  but  where  were  the 
inhabitants  ?  All  was  silent  as  the  desert.  The 
lodges  were  empty,  the  fires  dead,  and  the  ashes 
cold.  La  Salle  had  expected  this;  foi  he  knew 
that  in  the  autumn  the  Illinois  always  left  their 
towns  for  their  winter  hunting,  and  thai  the  time 
of  their  return  had  not  yet  come.  Yet  he  was 
not  the  less  embarrassed,  for  he  would  fain  have 
bought  a  supply  of  food  to  relieve  his  famished 
followers.  Some  of  them,  searching  the  deserted 
town,  presently  found  the  caches^  or  covered  pits, 
in  which  the  Indians  hid  their  stock  of  corn. 
This  was  precious  beyond  measure  in  their  eyes, 
and  to  touch  it  would  be  a  deep  offence.  La 
Salle  shrank  from  provoking  their  anger,  which 
might  prove  the  ruin  of  his  plans ;  but  his  neces- 
sity overcame  his  prudence,  and  he  took  thirty 
minots  of  corn,  hoping  to  appease  the  owners  by 
presents.  Thus  provided,  the  party  embarked 
again,  and  resumed  their  downward  voyage. 

On  New  Year's  Day,  1680,  they  landed  and 
heard   Mass.      Then  Hennepin   wished    a   happy 

floods.  It  now  forms  part  of  a  farm  occupied  by  a  tenant  of  Mr.  James 
Clark.  Both  Mr.  Clark  and  his  tenant  informed  me  that  every  year  grear 
quantities  of  human  bones  and  teeth  were  turned  up  here  by  the  plough. 
Many  implements  of  stone  are  also  found,  together  with  beads  and  other 
ornaments  of  Indian  and  European  fabric. 


158  LA   SALLE  ON   THE  ILLINOIS.  [IfiSO 

new  year  to  La  Salle  first,  and  afterwards  to  all 
the  men,  making  tliem  a  speecli,  which,  as  he 
tells  us,  was  ^'  most  touching."  *  He  and  his  two 
hrethren  next  embraced  the  whole  company  in 
turn,  "in  a  manner,"  writes  the  father,  "most 
tender  and  affectionate,"  exhorting  them,  at  the 
same  time,  to  patience,  faith,  and  constancy. 
Four  days  after  these  solemnities,  they  reached 
the  long  expansion  of  the  river,  then  called 
Pimitoui,  and  now  known  as  Peoria  Lake,  and 
leisurely  made  their  way  downward  to  the  site 
of  the  city  of  Peoria.^  Here,  as  evening  drew 
near,  they  saw  a  faint  spire  of  smoke  curling 
above  the  gray  forest,  betokening  that  Indians 
were  at  hand.  La  Salle ^  as  we  have  seen,  had 
been  warned  that  these  tribes  had  been  taught  to 
regard  him  as  their  enemy ;  and  when,  in  the 
morning,  he  resumed  his  course,  he  was  prepared 
alike  for  peace  or  war. 

The  shores  now  approached  each  other ;  and  the 
Illinois  was  once  more  a  river,  bordered  on  either 
hand  with  overhanging  woods.^ 

At  nine  o'clock,  doubling  a  point,  he  saw  about 
eighty  Illinois  wigwams,  on  both  sides  of  the  river. 
lie  instantly  ordered  the  eight  canoes  to  be  ranged 

1  "  Les  paroles  les  plus  touchantes."  —  Hennepin  (1683),  139.  The  later 
editions  add  tlie  modest  qualification,  "que  je  pus." 

2  Peoria  was  the  name  of  one  of  the  tribes  of  the  Illinois.  Henne- 
pin's dates  here  do  not  exactly  agree  with  those  of  La  Salle  (Lettre  du  29 
Sept.,  1G80),  who  says  that  they  were  at  the  Illinois  village  on  the  first  ol 
January,  and  at  Peoria  Lake  on  the  fifth. 

8  At  least,  it  is  so  now  at  this  place.  Perhaps,  in  La  Salle's  time,  i( 
was  not  wholly  so ;  for  tliere  is  evidence,  in  various  parts  of  the  West, 
that  the  forest  has  made  considerable  encroachments  on  the  open  country. 


1680.1  nXINOIS  HOSPITALITY.  159 

in  line,  abreast,  across  the  stream ;  Tonty  on  the 
right,  and  he  himself  on  the  left.  The  men  laid 
down  their  paddles  and  seized  their  weapons ; 
while,  in  this  warlike  guise,  the  current  bore 
them  swiftly  into  the  midst  of  the  surprised  and 
astounded  savages.  The  camps  were  in  a  panic 
Warriors  whooped  and  howled ;  squaws  and  chil- 
dren screeched  in  chorus.  Some  snatched  their 
bows  and  war-clubs ;  some  ran  in  terroi  ;  and, 
in  the  midst  of  the  hubbub.  La  Salle  leaped 
ashore,  followed  by  his  men.  None  knew  better 
how  to  deal  with  Indians ;  and  he  made  no  sign  of 
friendship,  knowing  that  it  might  be  construed  as 
a  token  of  fear.  His  little  knot  of  Frenchmen 
stood,  gun  in  hand,  passive,  yet  prepared  for 
battle.  The  Indians,  on  their  part,  rallying  a 
little  from  their  fright,  made  all  haste  to  proffer 
peace.  Two  of  their  chiefs  came  forward,  holding 
out  the  calumet ;  while  another  began  a  loud 
harangue,  to  check  the  young  warriors  who  were 
aiming  their  arrows  from  the  farther  bank.  La 
Salle,  responding  to  these  friendly  overtures,  dis- 
played another  calumet;  while  Hennepin  caught 
several  scared  children  and  soothed  them  with 
winning  blandishments.^  The  uproar  was  quelled  ; 
and  the  strangers  were  presently  seated  in  the 
midst  of  the  camp,  beset  by  a  throng  of  wild  and 
swarthy  figures. 

Food  was  placed  before  them;  and,  as  the 
Illinois  code  of  courtesy  enjoined,  their  enter- 
tainers   conveyed    the   morsels   with    their    own 

1  Hennepin  (1683),  142. 


160  LA   SALLE   ON   THE  ILLINOIS.  [1680. 

hands  to  the  hps  of  these  unenviable  victims  of 
their  hospitahty,  while  others  rubbed  their  feet 
with  bear's  grease.  La  Salle,  on  his  part,  made 
them  a  gift  of  tobacco  and  hatchets ;  and,  when 
he  had  escaped  from  their  caresses,  rose  and  ha- 
rangued them.  He  told  them  that  he  had  been 
forced  to  take  corn  from  their  granaries,  lest  his 
men  should  die  of  hunger ;  but  he  prayed  them 
not  to  be  offended,  promising  full  restitution  or 
ample  payment.  He  had  come,  he  said,  to  pro- 
tect them  against  their  enemies,  and  teach  them 
to  pray  to  the  true  God.  As  for  the  Iroquois, 
they  were  subjects  of  the  Great  King,  and  there- 
fore brethren  of  the  French ;  yet,  nevertheless, 
should  they  begin  a  war  and  invade  the  country  of 
the  Illinois,  he  would  stand  by  them,  give  them  guns, 
and  fight  in  their  defence,  l^  they  would  permit 
him  to  build  a  fort  among  them  for  the  security 
of  his  men.  It  was,  also,  he  added,  his  purpose 
to  build  a  great  wooden  canoe,  in  which  to  de- 
scend the  Mississippi  to  the  sea,  and  then  return, 
bringing  them  the  goods  of  which  they  stood  in 
need  ;  but  if  they  would  not  consent  to  his  plans, 
and  sell  provisions  to  his  men,  he  would  pass  on  to 
the  Osages,  who  would  then  reap  all  the  benefits 
of  intercourse  with  the  French,  while  they  were 
left  destitute,  at  the  mercy  of  the  Iroquois.^ 

This  threat  had  its  effect,  for  it  touched  their 
deep-rooted  jealousy  of  the  Osages.  They  were 
lavish  of  promises,  and  feasts  and  dances  consumed 
the  day.     Yet  La  Salle  soon  learned  that  the  in- 

1  Hennepin  (1683),  144-149.  The  later  editions  omit  a  part  of  the  above. 


1080.1  FRESH  INTRIGUES.  161 

trigues  of  his  enemies  were  still  pursuing  hira. 
That  evening,  unknown  to  him,  a  stranger  ap- 
peared in  the  Illinois  camp.  He  was  a  Mascoutin 
chief,  named  Monso,  attended  by  five  or  six 
Miamis,  and  bringing  a  gift  of  knives,  hatchets, 
and  kettles  to  the  Illinois.^  The  chiefs  assembled 
in  a  secret  nocturnal  session,  where,  smoking  their 
pipes,  they  listened  with  open  ears  to  the  harangue 
of  the  envoys.  Monso  told  them  that  he  had 
come  in  behalf  of  certain  Frenchmen,  whom  he 
named,  to  warn  his  hearers  against  the  designs  of 
La  Salle,  whom  he  denounced  as  a  partisan  and 
spy  of  the  Iroquois,  affirming  that  he  was  now  on 
his  way  to  stir  up  the  tribes  beyond  the  Mississippi 
to  join  in  a  war  against  the  Illinois,  who,  thus 
assailed  from  the  east  and  from  the  west,  would 
be  utterly  destroyed.  There  was  no  hope  for 
them,  he  added,  but  in  checking  the  farther  pro- 
gress of  La  Salle,  or,  at  least,  retarding  it,  thus 
causing  his  men  to  desert  him.  Having  thrown 
his  firebrand,  Monso  and  his  party  left  the  camp 
in  haste,  dreading  to  be  confronted  with  the  object 
of  their  aspersions.^ 

In  the  morning,  La  Salle  saw  a  change  in  the 

i  "  Un  sauvage,  nomme  Monso,  qui  veut  dire  Chevreuil."  —  La  Salle. 
Probably  Monso  is  a  misprint  for  Mouso,  as  mousoa  is  Illinois  for  chev- 
rciiil,  or  deer. 

2  Bennepin  (1683),  151,  (1704),  205;  Le  Clerc,  H.  157;  M^moire 
du  Voyage  de  M.  de  la  Salle.  This  is  a  paper  appended  to  Frontenac's 
Letter  to  the  Minister,  9  Nov.,  1680.  Hennepin  prints  a  translation  of  it 
in  the  English  edition  of  his  later  work.  It  charges  the  Jesuit  Allouez 
with  being  at  the  bottom  of  the  intrigue.  Compare  Lettre  de  La  Salle, 
29  Sept.,  1680  (Margry,  II.  41),  and  M€moire  de  La  Salle,  in  Thomassy, 
G(9ologie  Pratique  de  laLouisiane,  203. 

The  account  of  the  affair  of  Monso,  in  the  spurious  work  bearing 
Tonty's  name,  is  mere  romance. 

11 


162  LA   SALLE  ON  IHE  ILLINOIS.  [1680. 

behavior  of  his  hosts.  The j  looked  on  him  askance, 
cold;  sullen,  and  suspicious.  There  was  one  Oma- 
wha,  a  chief,  whose  favor  he  had  won  the  day  be- 
fore by  the  politic  gift  of  two  hatchets  and  three 
knives,  and  who  now  came  to  him  in  secret  to  tell 
him  what  had  taken  place  at  the  nocturnal  council. 
La  Salle  at  once  saw  in  it  a  device  of  his  enemies ; 
and  this  belief  was  confirmed,  when,  in  the  after- 
noon, Nicanope,  brother  of  the  head  chief,  sent  to 
invite  the  Frenchmen  to  a  feast.  Tliey  repaired 
to  his  lodge  ;  but  before  dinner  was  served,  — 
that  is  to  say,  while  the  guests,  white  and  red, 
were  seated  on  mats,  each  wdth  his  hunting-knife 
in  his  hand,  and  the  wooden  bowl  before  him, 
which  was  to  receive  his  share  of  the  bear's  or 
buffalo's  meat,  or  the  corn  boiled  in  fat,  with 
which  he  was  to  be  regaled  ;  while  such  was  the 
posture  of  the  company,  their  host  arose  and 
began  a  long  speech.  He  told  the  Frenchmen 
that  he  had  invited  them  to  his  lodge  less  to  re- 
fresh their  bodies  with  good  cheer  than  to  cure 
their  minds  of  the  dangerous  purpose  which  pos- 
sessed them,  of  descending  the  Mississippi.  Its 
shores,  he  said,  were  beset  by  savage  tribes, 
against  whose  numbers  and  ferocity  their  valor 
would  avail  nothing :  its  waters  were  infested  by 
serpents,  alligators,  and  unnatural  monsters ;  while 
the  river  itself,  after  raging  among  rocks  and 
whirlpools,  plunged  headlong  at  last  into  a  fathom- 
less gulf,  which  would  swallow  them  and  thei- 
vessel  for  ever. 

La  Salle's  men  were;,  for  the  most  part,  ra\T 


1 680. J  LA   SALLE  AND   THE  INDL^NS.  163 

hands,  knowing  nothing  of  the  wilderness,  and 
easily  alarmed  at  its  dangers ;  but  there  were  two 
among  them,  old  coureurs  de  hois,  who  unfortu- 
nately knew  too  much ;  for  they  understood  the 
Indian  orator,  and  explained  his  speech  to  the 
Test.  As  La  Salle  looked  around  on  the  circle  of 
his  followers,  he  read  an  augury  of  fresh  trouble 
in  their  disturbed  and  rueful  visages.  He  waited 
patiently,  however,  till  the  speaker  had  ended, 
and  then  answered  him,  through  his  interpreter, 
with  great  composure.  First,  he  thanked  him 
for  the  friendly  warning  which  his  affection  had 
impelled  him  to  utter;  but,  he  continued,  the 
greater  the  danger,  the  greater  the  honor;  and, 
even  if  the  danger  were  real.  Frenchmen  would 
never  flinch  from  it.  But  w^ere  not  the  Illinois 
jealous  ?  Had  they  not  been  deluded  by  lies  ? 
"  We  were  not  asleep,  my  brother,  when  Monso 
came  to  tell  you,  under  cover  of  night,  that  we 
were  spies  of  the  Iroquois.  The  presents  he  gave 
you,  that  you  might  believe  his  falsehoods,  are  at 
this  moment  buried  in  the  earth  under  this  lodge. 
If  he  told  the  truth,  why  did  he  skulk  away  in 
the  dark  ?  Why  did  he  not  show  himself  by  day  ? 
Do  you  not  see  that  when  we  first  came  among 
you,  and  your  camp  was  all  in  confusion,  we  could 
have  killed  you  without  needing  help  from  the 
Iroquois?  And  now,  while  I  am  speaking,  could 
we  not  put  your  old  men  to  death,  while  youi 
young  warriors  are  all  gone  away  to  hunt  ?  II 
we  meant  to  make  war  on  you,  we  should  need 
no  help  from  the  Iroquois,  who  have  so  often  felt 


164  LA  SALLE   ON  THE    ILLINOIS.  [1680. 

the  force  of  our  arms.  Look  at  what  we  have 
brought  you.  It  is  not  weapons  to  destroy  you, 
but  merchandise  and  tools,  for  your  good.  If  you 
still  harbor  evil  thoughts  of  us,  be  frank  as  we 
are,  and  speak  them  boldly.  Go  after  this  impos- 
tor, Monso,  and  bring  him  back,  that  we  may 
answer  him,  face  to  face ;  for  he  never  saw  either 
us  or  the  Iroquois,  and  w^hat  can  he  know  of  the 
plots  that  he  pretends  to  reveal  ?  "  ^  Nicanope 
had  nothing  to  reply,  and,  grunting  assent  in  the 
depths  of  his  throat,  made  a  sign  that  the  feast 
should  proceed. 

The  French  were  lodged  in  huts,  near  the  Indian 
camp  ;  and,  fearing  treachery,  La  Salle  placed  a 
guard  at  night.  On  the  morning  after  the  feast, 
he  came  out  into  the  frosty  air,  and  looked  about 
him  for  the  sentinels.  Not  one  of  them  was  to  be 
seen.  Vexed  and  alarmed,  he  entered  hut  after 
hut,  and  roused  his  drowsy  followers.  Six  of  the 
number,  including  two  of  the  best  carpenters,  were 
nowhere  to  be  found.  Discontented  and  mutinous 
from  the  first,  and  now  terrified  by  the  fictions  of 
Nicanope,  they  had  deserted,  preferring  the  hard- 
ships of  the  midwinter  forest  to  the  mysterious  ter- 
rors of  the  Mississippi.  La  Salle  mustered  the  rest 
before  him,  and  inveighed  sternly  against  the  cow- 
ardice and  baseness  of  those  who  had  thus  aban- 
doned him,  regardless  of  his  many  favors.  If  any 
here,  he  added,  are  afraid,  let  them  but  wait  till  the 

^  The  above  is  a  paraphrase,  with  some  condensation,  from  Henne- 
pin, whose  account  is  substantially  identical  with  that  of  La  Salle. 


1680. J  LA   SALLE   AGAD^  POISONED.  165 

Spring,  and  they  shall  have  free  leave  to  return  to 
Canada,  safely  and  without  dishonor.^ 

This  desertion  cut  him  to  the  heart.  It  sliowed 
him  that  he  was  leaning  on  a  broken  reed ;  and  he 
felt  that,  on  an  enterprise  full  of  doubt  and  peril, 
there  were  scarcely  four  men  in  his  party  whom  he 
could  trust.  Nor  was  desertion  the  worst  he  had 
to  fear ;  for  here,  as  at  Fort  Frontenac,  an  attempt 
was  made  to  kill  him.  Tonty  tells  us  that  poison 
was  placed  in  the  pot  in  which  their  food  was 
cooked,  and  that  La  Salle  was  saved  by  an  antidote 
which  some  of  his  friends  had  given  him  before  he 
left  France.  This,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  an 
epoch  of  poisoners.  It  was  in  the  following  month 
that  the  notorious  La  Yoisin  was  burned  alive,  at 
Paris,  for  practices  to  which  many  of  the  highest 
nobility  were  charged  with  being  privy,  not  except- 
ing some  in  whose  veins  ran  the  blood  of  the 
gorgeous  spendthrift  who  ruled  the  destinies  of 
France.^ 

In  these  early  French  enterprises  in  the  West,  it 
was  to  the  last  degree  difficult  to  hold  men  to  their 
duty.  Once  fairly  in  the  wilderness,  completely 
freed  from  the  sharp  restraints  of  authority  in  which 
they  had  passed  their  lives,  a  spirit  of  lawlessness 
broke  out  among  them  with  a  violence  proportioned 
to  the  pressure  which  had  hitherto  controlled  it. 

^  Hennepin  (1683),  162.  Declaration  fade  par  Moyse  HiUaret,  charpen- 
tier  de  barque,  cy  devant  au  service  du  -S''-  de  la  Salle. 

2  The  equally  noted  Brinvilliers  was  burned  four  years  before.  An 
account  of  both  will  be  found  in  the  Letters  of  Madame  de  Sevigne, 
The  memoirs  of  the  time  abound  in  evidence  of  the  frightful  preva- 
lence of  these  practices,  and  the  commotion  which  they  excited  in  all 
ranks  of  society. 


166  LA  SALLE  ON  TRE    ILLINOIS.  [1680. 

Discipline  had  no  resources  and  no  guarantee: 
while  those  outlaws  of  the  forest,  the  coureurs  de 
hois,  were  always  before  their  eyes,  a  standing 
example  of  unbridled  license.  La  Salle,  eminently 
skilful  in  his  dealings  with  Indians,  was  rarely  so 
happy  with  his  own  countrymen ;  and  yet  the  de- 
sertions from  which  he  was  continually  suffering 
were  due  far  more  to  the  inevitable  difficulty  of  his 
position  than  to  any  want  of  conduct  on  his  part. 


CHAPTER    Xm. 

1680. 
FORT  CRiiVECCEUR. 

BOILDINO  OF  THB  FORT. — LoSS  OF  THE  "  GrIFFIN." — A  BOLD  RESO- 
LUTION.—  Another  Vessel.  —  Hennepin  sent  to  the  Missis- 
sippi.—  Departure  of  La  Salle. 

La  Salle  now  resolved  to  leave  the  Indian  camp, 
and  fortify  himself  for  the  winter  in  a  strong  posi- 
tion, where  his  men  would  be  less  exposed  to  dan- 
gerous influence,  and  where  he  could  hold  his 
ground  against  an  outbreak  of  the  Illinois  or  an 
Iroquois  invasion.  At  the  middle  of  January,  a 
thaw  broke  up  the  ice  which  had  closed  the  river ; 
and  he  set  out  in  a  canoe,  with  Hennepin,  to 
visit  the  site  he  had  chosen  for  his  projected  fort. 
It  was  half  a  league  below  the  camp,  on  a  low 
hill  or  knoll,  two  hundred  yards  from  the  southern 
bank.  On  either  side  was  a  deep  ravine,  and  in 
front  a  marshy  tract,  overflowed  at  high  water. 
Thitlier,  then,  the  party  was  removed.  They  dug 
a  ditch  behind  the  hill,  connecting  the  two  ravines, 
and  thus  completely  isolating  it.  The  hill  was  nearly 
square  in  form.  An  embankment  of  earth  was 
thrown  up  on  every  side :  its  declivities  were  sloped 
steeply  down  to  the  bottom  of  the  ravines  and  tlie 


168  I'ORT  CIli:V£CCEUR.  [1680 

ditch,  and  further  guarded  by  clievaiix-de-frise ; 
while  a  pahsade,  twenty-five  feet  high,  was  planted 
around  the  whole.  The  lodgings  of  the  men,  built 
of  musket-proof  timber,  were  at  two  of  the  angles : 
the  house  of  the  friars  at  the  third ;  the  forge  and 
magazine  at  the  fourth ;  and  the  tents  of  La  Salle 
and  Tonty  in  the  area  within. 

Hennepin  laments  the  failure  of  wine,  which 
prevented  him  from  saying  Mass;  but  every  morn- 
ing and  evening  he  summoned  the  men  to  his  cabin, 
to  listen  to  prayers  and  preaching,  and  on  Sundays 
and  fete  days  they  chanted  vespers.  Father  Ze- 
nobe  usually  spent  the  day  in  the  Indian  camp, 
striving,  with  very  indifferent  success,  to  win  them 
to  the  Faith,  and  to  overcome  the  disgust  with 
which  their  manners  and  habits  inspired  him. 

Such  was  the  first  civilized  occupation  of  the 
region  which  now  forms  the  State  of  Illinois.  La 
Salle  christened  his  new  fort  Fort  Crevecoeur.  The 
name  tells  of  disaster  and  suffering,  but  does  no 
justice  to  the  iron-hearted  constancy  of  the  sufferer. 
Up  to  this  time,  he  had  clung  to  the  hope  that  his 
vessel,  the  "  Griffin,"  might  still  be  safe.  Her 
safety  was  vital  to  his  enterprise.  She  had  on  board 
articles  of  the  last  necessity  to  him,  including  the 
rigging  and  anchors  of  another  vessel,  which  he  was 
to  build  at  Fort  Crevecoeur,  in  order  to  descend  the 
Mississippi,  and  sail  thence  to  the  West  Indies. 
But  now  his  last  hope  had  well-nigh  vanished. 
Past  all  reasonable  doubt,  the  "  Griffin  "  was  lost ; 
and  in  her  loss  he  and  all  his  plans  seemed  ruined 
alike 


1680.]  LOSS  OF  THE   "GRnTIN."  169 

Nothing,  indeed,  was  ever  heard  of  her.  Indians, 
fur- traders,  and  even  Jesuits,  have  been  charged 
with  contriving  her  destruction.  Some  say  that  the 
Ottawas  boarded  and  burned  her,  after  murdering 
those  on  board ;  others  accuse  the  Pottawattamies ; 
others  affirm  that  her  own  crew  scuttled  and  sunk 
her ;  others,  again,  that  she  foundered  in  a  storm.^ 
As  for  La  Salle,  the  belief  grew  in  him  to  a  settled 
conviction  that  she  had  been  treacherously  sunk  by 
the  pilot  and  the  sailors  to  whom  he  had  intrusted 
her;  and  he  thought  he  had  found  evidence  that 
the  authors  of  the  crime,  laden  with  the  merchan- 
dise they  had  taken  from  her,  had  reached  the  Mis- 
sissippi and  ascended  it,  hoping  to  join  Du  Lhut,  a 
famous  chief  of  coureurs  de  hois,  and  enrich  them- 
selves by  traffic  with  the  northern  tribes.^ 

But  whether  her  lading  was  swallowed  in  the 
depths  of  the  lake,  or  lost  in  the  clutches  of  traitors, 
the  evil  was  alike  past  remedy.  She  was  gone,  it 
mattered  little  how.  The  main-stay  of  the  enter- 
prise was  broken ;  yet  its  inflexible  chief  lost  neither 

1  Charlevoix,  I.  459 ;  La  Potherie,  II.  140 ;  La  Hontan,  Mernoir  on  the 
Fur-Trade  of  Canada.  I  am  indebted  for  a  copy  of  this  paper  to 
Winthrop  Sargent,  Esq.,  who  purchased  the  original  at  the  sale  of  the 
library  of  the  poet  Southey.  Like  Hennepin,  La  Hontan  went  over  to 
the  English  ;  and  this  memoir  is  written  in  their  interest. 

2  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  La  Barre,  Chicagou,  4  Juin,  1683.  This  is  a 
long  letter,  addressed  to  the  successor  of  Frontenac,  in  the  government 
of  Canada.  La  Salle  says  that  a  young  Indian  belonging  to  him  told  him 
that  three  years  before  he  saw  a  white  man,  answering  the  description 
of  the  pilot,  a  prisoner  among  a  tribe  beyond  the  Mississippi.  He  had 
been  captured  with  four  others  on  that  river,  while  making  his  way  with 
canoes,  laden  with  goods,  towards  the  Sioux.  His  companions  had  been 
killed.  Other  circumstances,  which  La  Salle  details  at  great  length,  con- 
vinced him  that  the  white  prisoner  was  no  other  than  the  pilot  of  th6 
"  Griffin."    The  evidence,  however,  is  not  conclusive. 


170  FORT  CRfiVECCEDR.  [1680 

heart  nor  hope.  One  path,  beset  with  hardships 
and  terrors,  still  lay  open  to  him.  He  might  return 
on  foot  to  Fort  Frontenac,  and  bring  thence  the 
needful  succors. 

La  Salle  felt  deeply  the  dangers  of  such  a  step. 
His  men  were  uneasy,  discontented,  and  terrified 
by  the  stories  with  which  the  jealous  Illinois  still 
constantly  filled  their  ears,  of  the  whirlpools  and 
the  monsters  of  the  Mississippi.  He  dreaded  lest, 
in  his  absence,  they  should  follow  the  example  of 
their  comrades,  and  desert.  In  the  midst  of  his 
anxieties,  a  lucky  accident  gave  him  the  means  of 
disabusing  them.  He  was  hunting,  one  day,  near 
the  fort,  when  he  met  a  young  Illinois,  on  his  way 
home,  half-starved,  from  a  distant  war  excursion. 
He  had  been  absent  so  long  that  he  knew  nothing 
of  what  had  passed  between  his  countrymen  and 
the  French.  La  Salle  gave  him  a  turkey  he  had 
shot,  invited  him  to  the  fort,  fed  him,  and  made  him 
presents.  Having  thus  warmed  his  heart,  he  ques- 
tioned him,  with  apparent  carelessness,  as  to  the 
countries  he  had  visited,  and  especially  as  to  the 
Mississippi,  on  which  the  young  warrior,  seeing  no 
reason  to  disguise  the  truth,  gave  him  all  the  infor- 
mation he  required.  La  Salle  now  made  him  the 
present  of  a  hatchet,  to  engage  him  to  say  nothing 
of  what  had  passed,  and,  leaving  him  in  excellent 
humor,  repaired,  with  some  of  his  followers,  to  the 
Illinois  camp.  Here  he  found  the  chiefs  seated  at 
a  feast  of  bear's  meat,  and  he  took  his  place  among 
them  on  a  mat  of  rushes.  After  a  pause,  he 
charged  them  with  having  deceived  him  in  regard 


1680.]  ANOTHER  VESSEL.  171 

to  the  Mississippi;  adding  that  he  knew  the  river 
perfectly,  having  been  instructed  concerning  it  by 
the  Master  of  Life.  He  then  described  it  to  them 
with  so  much  accuracy  that  his  astonished  hearers, 
conceiving  that  he  owed  his  knowledge  to  "  medi- 
cine," or  sorcery,  clapped  their  hands  to  their 
mouths,  in  sign  of  wonder,  and  confessed  that  all 
they  had  said  was  but  an  artifice,  inspired  by  their 
earnest  desire  that  he  should  remain  among  them.^ 
On  this.  La  Salle's  men  took  heart  again ;  and  their 
courage  rose  still  more  when,  soon  after,  a  band  of 
Chickasa,  Arkansas,  and  Osage  warriors,  from  the 
Mississippi,  came  to  the  camp  on  a  friendly  visit, 
and  assured  the  French,  not  only  that  the  river 
was  navigable  to  the  sea,  but  that  the  tribes  along 
its  banks  would  give  them  a  warm  welcome. 

La  Salle  had  now  good  reason  to  hope  that  his 
followers  would  neither  mutiny  nor  desert  in  his 
absence.  One  chief  purpose  of  his  intended  jour- 
ney was  to  procure  the  anchors,  cables,  and  rigging 
of  the  vessel  which  he  meant  to  build  at  Fort  Creve- 
coeur,  and  he  resolved  to  see  her  on  the  stocks 
before  he  set  out.  This  was  no  easy  matter,  for  the 
pit-sawyers  had  deserted.  "  Seeing,"  he  writes, 
"  that  I  should  lose  a  year  if  I  waited  to  get  others 
from  Montreal,  I  said  one  day,  before  my  people, 
that  I  was  so  vexed  to  find  that  the  absence  of  two 
sawyers  would  defeat  my  plans,  and  make  all  my 

1  Relation  des  D€couvertes  et  des  Voyages  du  S^-  de  la  Salle,  Seigneur  et 
Gouvemeur  du  Fort  de  Frontenac,  au  dela  des  grands  Lacs  de  la  Nouvelle 
France,  faits  par  ordre  de  Monseigneur  Colbert,  1679,  80  et  81.  Henne- 
pin gives  a  story  which  is  not  essentially  different,  except  that  he  makes 
himself  a  conspicuous  actor  in  it. 


172  FORT  CRilVECCEUR.  11680. 

trouble  useless,  that  I  was  resolved  to  try  to  saw 
the  planks  myself,  if  I  could  find  a  single  man 
who  would  help  me  with  a  will."  Hereupon, 
two  men  stepped  forward  and  promised  to  do 
their  best.  They  were  tolerably  successful,  and, 
the  rest  being  roused  to  emulation,  the  work  went 
on  with  such  vigor  that  within  six  weeks  the  hull 
of  the  vessel  was  half  finished.  She  was  of  forty 
tons  burden,  and  was  built  with  high  bulwarks,  to 
protect  those  on  board  from  Indian  arrows. 

La  Salle  now  bethought  him  that,  in  his  absence, 
he  might  get  from  Hennepin  service  of  more  value 
than  his  sermons ;  and  he  requested  him  to  descend 
the  Illinois,  and  explore  it  to  its  mouth.  The  friar, 
though  hardy  and  daring,  would  fain  hvave  excused 
himself,  alleging  a  troublesome  bodily  infirmity; 
but  his  venerable  colleague,  Ribourde,  himself 
too  old  for  the  journey,  urged  him  to  go,  telling 
him  that,  if  he  died  by  the  way,  his  apostolic  labors 
would  redound  to  the  glory  of  God.  Membre  had 
been  living  for  some  time  in  the  Indian  camp,  and 
was  thoroughly  out  of  humor  with  the  objects  of 
his  missionary  efforts,  of  whose  obduracy  and  filth 
he  bitterly  complained.  Hennepin  proposed  to  take 
his  place,  while  he  should  assume  the  Mississippi 
adventure ;  but  this  Membre  declined,  preferring  to 
remain  where  he  was.  Hennepin  now  reluctantly 
accepted  the  proposed  task.  "  Anybody  but  me," 
he  says,  with  his  usual  modesty,  "  would  have  been 
very  much  frightened  at  the  dangers  of  such  a 
journey ;  and,  in  fact,  if  I  had  not  placed  all  my 
trust  in  God,  I  should  not  have  been  the  dupe 


1580.J  DEPARTURE  OF  HENNEPIN.  173 

of  the  Sleur  de  la  Salle,  who  exposed  raj  life 
rashly."  ^ 

On  the  last  day  of  February,  Hennepin's  canoe 
lay  at  the  water's  edge ;  and  the  party  gathered  on 
the  bank  to  bid  him  farewell.  He  had  two  com- 
panions, Michel  Accau,  and  a  man  known  as  the 
Picard  du  Gay,^  though  his  real  name  was  Antoine 
Auguel.  The  canoe  was  well  laden  with  gifts  for 
the  Indians,  —  tobacco,  knives,  beads,  awls,  and 
other  goods,  to  a  very  considerable  value,  supplied 
at  La  Salle's  cost;  "  and,  in  fact,"  observes  Henne- 
pin, "he  is  liberal  enough  towards  his  friends."^ 

The  friar  bade  farewell  to  La  Salle,  and  embraced 
all  the  rest  in  turn.  Father  Eibourde  gave  him  his 
benediction.  "  Be  of  good  courage  and  let  your 
heart  be  comforted,"  said  the  excellent  old  mission- 
ary, as  he  spread  his  hands  in  benediction  over  the 
shaven  crown  of  the  reverend  traveller.  Du  Gay 
and  Accau  plied  their  paddles ;  the  canoe  receded, 
and  vanished  at  length  behind  the  forest.  We 
will  follow  Hennepin  hereafter  on  his  adventures, 
imaginary  and  real.  Meanwhile,  we  will  trace  the 
footsteps  of  his  chief,  urging  his  way,  in  the  storms 
of  winter,  through  those  vast  and  gloomy  wilds,  — 
those  reahns  of  famine,  treachery,  and  death,  that 

^  All  of  the  above  is  from  Hennepin ;  and  it  seems  to  be  marked  by 
his  characteristic  egotism.  It  appears,  from  La  Salle's  letters,  that  Accau 
was  the  real  chief  of  the  party  ;  that  their  orders  were  to  explore,  not 
only  the  Illinois,  but  also  a  part  of  the  Mississippi ;  and  that  Hennepin 
volunteered  to  go  with  the  others.  Accau  was  chosen  because  he  spoke 
several  Indian  languages. 

'■^  An  eminent  writer  has  mistaken  "Picard"  for  a  personal  name. 
Du  Gay  was  called  "  Le  Picard,"  because  he  came  from  the  province  of 
Picardy. 

^  (1683),  188.     This  commendation  is  suppressed  in  the  later  editione 


174  EORT  CRfeVECCEUR.  [1680 

lay  betwixt  him  and  his  far-distant  goal  of  Fort 
Frontenac. 

On  the  first  of  March,'  before  the  frost  was  yet 
out  of  the  ground,  when  the  forest  was  still 
leafless,  and  the  oozy  prairies  still  patched  with 
snow,  a  band  of  discontented  men  were  again 
gathered  on  the  shore  for  another  leave-taking. 
Hard  by,  the  unfinished  ship  lay  on  the  stocks, 
white  and  fresh  from  the  saw  and  axe,  ceaselessly 
reminding  them  of  the  hardship  and  peril  that  was 
in  store.  Here  you  would  have  seen  the  calm, 
impenetrable  face  of  La  Salle,  and  with  him  the 
Mohegan  hunter,  who  seems  to  have  felt  towards 
him  that  admiring  attachment  which  he  could  al- 
ways inspire  in  his  Indian  retainers.  Besides  the 
Mohegan,  four  Frenchmen  were  to  accompany 
him :  Hunaut,  La  Violette,  Collin,  and  Dautray.^ 
His  parting  with  Tonty  was  an  anxious  one,  for 
each  well  knew  the  risks  that  environed  both. 
Embarking  with  his  followers  in  two  canoes,  he 
made  his  way  upward  amid  the  drifting  ice ;  while 
the  faithful  Italian,  with  two  or  three  honest  men 
and  twelve  or  thirteen  knaves,  remained  to  hold 
Fort  Crevecoeur  in  his  absence. 

1  Tonty  erroneously  places  their  departure  on  the  twenty-second. 

2  Dffclaration /aite  par  Moyse  HUlaret,  charpentier  de  barque. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

1680. 

HARDIHOOD  OF  LA   SALLE. 

The  Winter  Journey.  —  The  Deserted  Town.  —  Starved  Rock.  — 
Lake  Michigan.  —  The  Wilderness.  —  War  Parties.  —  La 
Salle's  Men  give  out.  —  III  Tidings.  —  Mutiny.  —  Chastise- 
ment OE  THE  Mutineers. 

La  Salle  well  knew  what  was  before  him,  and 
nothing  but  necessity  spurred  him  to  this  desperate 
journey.  He  says  that  he  could  trust  nobody  else 
to  go  in  his  stead,  and  that,  unless  the  articles  lost 
in  the  "  Griffin  "  were  replaced  without  delay,  the 
expedition  would  be  retarded  a  full  year,  and 
he  and  his  associates  consumed  by  its  expenses. 
"  Therefore,"  he  writes  to  one  of  them,  "  though 
the  thaws  of  approaching  spring  greatly  increased 
the  difficulty  of  the  way,  interrupted  as  it  was 
everywhere  by  marshes  and  rivers,  to  say  nothing 
oE  the  length  of  the  journey,  which  is  about  five 
hundred  leagues  in  a  direct  line,  and  the  danger 
of  meeting  Indians  of  four  or  ^ye  different  nations, 
tlirough  whose  country  we  were  to  pass,  as  well  as 
an  Iroquois  army,  which  we  knew  was  coming  that 
way ;  though  we  must  suffer  all  the  time  from 
hunger ;   sleep  on   the   open   ground,    and    often 


176  HARDIHOOD  OF  LA   SALLE.  [1680. 

without  food  ;  watcli  by  night  and  march  by  day^ 
loaded  with  baggage,  such  as  blanket,  clothing, 
kettle,  hatchet,  gun,  powder,  lead,  and  skins  to 
make  moccasins ;  sometimes  pushing  through 
thickets,  sometimes  climbing  rocks  covered  with 
ice  and  snow,  sometimes  wading  whole  days  through 
marshes  where  the  water  was  waist-deep  or  even 
more,  at  a  season  when  the  snow  was  not  entirely 
melted, —  though  I  knew  all  this,  it  did  not  prevent 
me  from  resolving  to  go  on  foot  to  Fort  Frontenac, 
to  learn  for  myself  what  had  become  of  my  vessel, 
and  bring  back  the  things  we  needed."  ^ 

The  winter  had  been  a  severe  one ;  and  when, 
an  hour  after  leaving  the  fort,  he  and  his  compan- 
ions reached  the  still  water  of  Peoria  Lake,  they 
found  it  sheeted  with  ice  from  shore  to  shore. 
They  carried  their  canoes  up  the  bank,  made  two 
rude  sledges,  placed  the  light  vessels  upon  them, 
and  dragged  them  to  the  upper  end  of  the  lake, 
where  they  encamped.  In  the  morning,  they 
found  the  river  still  covered  with  ice,  too  weak 
to  bear  them  and  too  strong  to  permit  them  to 
break  a  way  for  the  canoes.  They  spent  the  whole 
day  in  carrying  them  through  the  woods,  toiling 
knee-deep  in  saturated  snow.  Rain  fell  in  floods, 
and  they  took  shelter  at  night  in  a  deserted  Indian 
hut. 

In  the  morning,  the  third  of  March,  they  dragged 
their  canoes  half  a  league  farther ;  then  launched 
them,  and,  breaking  the  ice  with  clubs  and  hatchets, 

1  Lettrede  La  Salle  a  un  de  ses  associ(fs  (Thouret? ),  29  Sept.,  1680  (Mar- 
gry,  IT.  50). 


1680-1  THE  DESERTED  TOWN.  177 

forced  their  way  slowly  up  the  stream.  Again  their 
progress  was  barred,  and  again  they  took  to  the 
woods,  toiling  onward  till  a  tempest  of  moist,  half- 
liquid  snow  forced  them  to  bivouac  for  the  night. 
A  sharp  frost  followed,  and  in  the  morning  the 
white  waste  around  them  was  glazed  with  a  daz- 
zling crust.  Now,  for  the  first  time,  they  could 
use  their  snow-shoes.  Bending  to  their  work, 
dragging  their  canoes,  which  glided  smoothly  over 
the  polished  surface,  they  journeyed  on  hour  after 
hour  and  league  after  league,  till  they  reached  at 
length  the  great  town  of  the  Ilhnois,  still  void  of 
its  inhabitants.^ 

It  was  a  desolate  and  lonely  scene :  the  river 
gliding  dark  and  cold  between  its  banks  of  rushes ; 
the  empty  lodges,  covered  with  crusted  snow ;  the 
vast  white  meadows ;  the  distant  cliffs,  bearded 
with  shining  icicles ;  and  the  hills  wrapped  in 
forests,  which  glittered  from  afar  with  the  icy 
incrustations  that  cased  each  frozen  twig.  Yet 
there  was  life  in  the  savage  landscape.  The  men 
saw  buffalo  wading  in  the  snow,  and  they  killed 
one  of  them.  More  than  this :  they  discovered  the 
tracks  of  moccasins.  They  cut  rushes  by  the  edge 
of  the  river,  piled  them  on  the  bank,  and  set  them 
on  fire,  that  the  smoke  might  attract  the  eyes  of 
Bavages  roaming  near. 

On  the  following  day,  while  the  hunters  were 
smoking  the  meat  of  the  buffalo.  La  Salle  went  out 

^  Membre  says  that  he  was  in  the  town  at  the  time ;  but  this  could 
hardly  have  been  the  case.  He  was,  in  all  probability,  among  the  Illinois, 
in  their  camp  near  Fort  Crevecceur. 

12 


178  HARDIHOOD  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1680 

to  reconnoitre,  and  presently  met  three  Indians,  one 
of  whom  proved  to  be  Chassagoac,  the  principal 
chief  of  the  Illinois.^  La  Salle  brous^ht  them  to 
his  bivouac,  feasted  them,  gave  them  a  red  blanket, 
a  kettle,  and  some  knives  and  hatchets,  made  friends 
with  them,  promised  to  restrain  the  Iroquois  frora 
attacking  them,  told  them  that  he  was  on  his  waj 
to  the  settlements  to  brino;  arms  and  ammunition 
to  defend  them  against  their  enemies,  and,  as  the 
result  of  these  advances,  gained  from  the  chief  a 
promise  that  he  would  send  provisions  to  Tonty's 
party  at  Fort  Crevecoeur. 

After  several  days  spent  at  the  deserted  town, 
La  Salle  prepared  to  resume  his  journey.  Before 
his  departure,  his  attention  was  attracted  to  the 
remarkable  cliff  of  yellow  sandstone,  now  called 
Starved  Eock,  a  mile  or  more  above  the  village, — 
a  natural  fortress,  which  a  score  of  resolute  white 
men  might  make  good  against  a  host  of  savages ; 
and  he  soon  afterwards  sent  Tonty  an  order  to 
examine  it,  and  make  it  his  stronghold  in  case  of 
need.^ 

On  the  fifteenth,  the  party  set  out  again,  carried 
their  canoes  along  the  bank  of  the  river  as  far  as 
the  rapids  above  Ottawa  ;  then  launched  them  and 
pushed  their  way  upward,  battling  with  the  floating 

1  The  same  whom  Hennepin  calls  Chassagouasse.  He  was  brother  of 
the  cl)ief,  Nicanope,  who,  in  his  absence,  had  feasted  the  French  on  the 
day  after  the  nocturnal  council  with  Monso.  Chassagoac  was  afterwards 
baptized  by  Membre  or  Ribourde,  but  soon  relapsed  into  the  superstitions 
of  his  people,  and  died,  as  the  former  tells  us,  "  doubly  a  child  of  perdi- 
tion."    Set'  Le  Clerc,  II.  181. 

2  Tont  y,  M^moire.  The  order  was  sent  by  two  Frenchmen,  whom  La 
Salle  met  on  Lake  Michigan. 


1680.J  LA   SALLE'S    JOURNEY.  179 

ice,  whichj  loosened  by  a  warm  rain,  drove  down 
the  swollen  current  in  sheets.  On  the  eighteenth, 
they  reached  a  point  some  miles  below  the  site  of 
Joliet,  and  here  found  the  river  once  more  com- 
pletely closed.  Despairing  of  farther  progress  by 
water,  they  hid  their  canoes  on  an  island,  and 
struck  across  the  country  for  Lake  Michigan. 

It  was  the  worst  of  all  seasons  for  such  a  journey. 
The  nights  were  cold,  but  the  sun  was  warm  at 
noon,  and  the  half-thawed  prairie  was  one  vast 
tract  of  mud,  water,  and  discolored,  half-liquid 
snow.  On  the  twenty-second,  they  crossed  marshes 
and  inundated  meadows,  wading  to  the  knee,  till 
at  noon  they  were  stopped  by  a  river,  perhaps  the 
Calumet.  They  made  a  raft  of  hard-wood  timber, 
for  there  was  no  other,  and  shoved  themselves 
across.  On  the  next  day,  they  could  see  Lake 
Michigan  dimly  glimmering  beyond  the  waste  oE 
woods ;  and,  after  crossing  three  swollen  streams, 
they  reached  it  at  evening.  On  the  twenty-fourth, 
they  followed  its  shore,  till,  at  nightfall,  they  arrived 
at  the  fort,  which  they  had  built  in  the  autumn  at 
the  mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph.  Here  La  Salle  foimd 
Chapelle  and  Leblanc,  the  two  men  whom  he  had 
sent  from  hence  to  Michillimackinac,  in  search  of 
the  "  Grifhn."  ^  They  reported  that  they  had  made 
the  circuit  of  the  lake,  and  had  neither  seen  her 
nor  heard  tidings  of  her.  Assured  of  her  fate,  he 
ordered  them  to  rejoin  Tonty  at  Fort  Crevecoeur ; 
while  he  jDushed  onward  with  his  party  through 
the  unknown  wild  of  Southern  Michigan. 

1  Declaration  de  Moyse  Hillaret ;  Relation  des  D^couvertes. 


180  HARDIHOOD  OF  LA   SALLE.  [1680 

"  The  rain,"  says  La  Salle,  "  whicli  lasted  all 
day,  and  the  raft  we  were  obliged  to  make  to  cross 
the  river,  stopped  us  till  noon  of  the  twenty-fifth, 
when  we  continued  our  march  through  the  woods, 
which  was  so  interlaced  with  thorns  and  brambles 
that  in  two  days  and  a  half  our  clothes  were  all 
torn  and  our  faces  so  covered  with  blood  that  we 
hardly  knew  each  other.  On  the  twenty-eighth, 
we  found  the  woods  more  open,  and  began  to  fare 
better,  meeting  a  good  deal  of  game,  which  after 
this  rarely  failed  us ;  so  that  we  no  longer  carried 
provisions  with  us,  but  made  a  meal  of  roast  meat 
wherever  we  happened  to  kill  a  deer,  bear,  or  tur- 
key. These  are  the  choicest  feasts  on  a  journey 
like  this ;  and  till  now  we  had  generally  gone 
without  them,  so  that  we  had  often  walked  all 
day  without  breakfast. 

"  The  Indians  do  not  hunt  in  this  region,  which 
is  debatable  ground  between  five  or  six  nations 
who  are  at  war,  and,  being  afraid  of  each  other, 
do  not  venture  into  these  parts,  except  to  surprise 
each  other,  and  always  with  the  greatest  precau- 
tion and  all  possible  secrecy.  The  reports  of  our 
guns  and  the  carcasses  of  the  animals  we  killed 
soon  led  some  of  them  to  find  our  trail.  In 
fact,  on  the  evening  of  the  twenty-eighth,  having 
made  our  fire  by  the  edge  of  a  prairie,  we  were 
surrounded  by  them ;  but  as  the  man  on  guard 
waked  us,  and  we  posted  ourselves  behind  trees 
with  our  guns,  these  savages,  who  are  called  Wa- 
poos,  took  us  for  Iroquois,  and  thinking  that  there 
must  be  a  great  many  of  us,  because  we  did  not 


1680.)  ESDIAN   ALARMS.  181 

travel  secretly,  as  they  do  when  in  small  bands, 
they  ran  off  without  shooting  their  arrows,  and 
gave  the  alarm  to  their  comrades,  so  that  we  were 
two  days  without  meeting  anybody." 

La  Salle  guessed  the  cause  of  their  fright ;  and, 
in  order  to  confirm  their  delusion,  he  drew  with 
charcoal,  on  the  trunks  of  trees  from  which  he 
had  stripped  the  bark,  the  usual  marks  of  an  Iro- 
quois war-party,  with  signs  for  prisoners  and  for 
scalps,  after  the  custom  of  those  dreaded  warriors. 
This  ingenious  artifice,  as  will  soon  appear,  was 
near  proving  the  destruction  of  the  whole  party. 
He  also  set  fire  to  the  dry  grass  of  the  prairies 
over  which  he  and  his  men  had  just  passed,  thus 
destroying  the  traces  of  their  joassage.  "  We  |)rac- 
tised  this  device  every  night,  and  it  answered  very 
well  so  long  as  we  were  passing  over  an  open 
country ;  but,  on  the  thirtieth,  we  got  into  great 
marshes,  flooded  by  the  thaws,  and  were  obliged 
to  cross  them  in  mud  or  water  up  to  the  waist ;  so 
that  our  tracks  betrayed  us  to  a  band  of  Mascou- 
tins,  who  were  out  after  Iroquois.  They  followed 
us  through  these  marshes  during  the  three  days  we 
were  crossino*  them  ;  but  we  made  no  fire  at  nio'ht, 
contenting  ourselves  with  taking  off  our  wet  clothes 
and  wrapping  ourselves  in  our  blankets  on  some 
dry  knoll,  where  wx  slept  till  morning.  At  last, 
on  the  night  of  the  second  of  April,  there  came  a 
hard  frost,  and  our  clothes,  which  were  drenched 
when  we  took  them  off,  froze  stiff  as  sticks,  so  that 
we  could  not  put  them  on  in  the  morning  without 
making  a  fire  to  thaw  them.     The  fire  betrayed  us 


182  HARDIHOOD  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1680 

to  the  Indians,  who  were  encamped  across  the 
marsh;  and  they  ran  towards  us  with  loud  cries, 
till  they  were  stopped  half  way  by  a  stream  so 
deep  that  they  could  not  get  over,  the  ice  which 
had  formed  in  the  night  not  being  strong  enough 
to  bear  them.  We  went  to  meet  them,  within  gun- 
shot ;  and  whether  our  fire-arms  frightened  tliera, 
or  whether  they  thought  us  more  numerous  than 
we  were,  or  whether  they  really  meant  us  no  harm, 
they  called  out,  in  the  Illinois  language,  that  they 
had  taken  us  for  Iroquois,  but  now  saw  that  we 
were  friends  and  brothers ;  whereupon,  they  went 
off  as  they  came,  and  we  kept  on  our  way  till  the 
fourth,  when  two  of  my  men  fell  ill  and  could  not 
walk." 

In  this  emergency.  La  Salle  went  in  search  of 
some  watercourse  by  which  they  might  reach  Lake 
Erie,  and  soon  came  upon  a  small  river,  which  was 
probably  the  Huron.  Here,  while  the  sick  men 
rested,  their  companions  made  a  canoe.  There 
were  no  birch-trees ;  and  they  were  forced  to  use 
elm  bark,  which  at  that  early  season  would  not 
slip  freely  from  the  wood  until  they  loosened  it 
with  hot  water.  Their  canoe  being  made,  they 
embarked  in  it,  and  for  a  time  floated  prosperously 
down  the  stream,  when  at  length  the  way  was 
barred  by  a  matted  barricade  of  trees  fallen  across 
the  water.  The  sick  men  could  now  walk  agahi, 
and,  pushing  eastward  through  the  forest,  the  party 
soon  reached  the  banks  of  the  Detroit. 

La  Salle  directed  two  of  the  men  to  make  a 
canoe,   and    go    to    Michillimackinac,   the    nearest 


1680. 1  THE  JOURNEY'S  END.  183 

harborage.  With  the  remaining  two,  he  crossed 
the  Detroit  on  a  raft,  and,  striking  a  direct  line 
across  the  country,  reached  Lake  Erie,  not  far 
from  Point  Pelee.  Snow,  sleet,  and  rain  pelted 
them  with  little  intermission ;  and  when,  after  a 
walk  of  about  thirty  miles,  they  gained  the  lake, 
the  Mohetran  and  one  of  the  Frenchmen  were  at- 

o 

tacked  with  fever  and  spitting  of  blood.  Only  one 
man  now  remained  in  health.  With  his  aid,  La 
Salle  made  another  canoe,  and,  embarking  the 
invalids,  pushed  for  Niagara.  It  was  Easter  Mon- 
day when  they  landed  at  a  cabin  of  logs  above 
the  cataract,  probably  on  the  spot  where  the 
'^  Griffin  "  was  built.  Here  several  of  La  Salle's 
men  had  been  left  the  year  before,  and  here  they 
still  remained.  They  told  him  woful  news.  Not 
only  had  he  lost  the  "  Griffin,"  and  her  lading  of  ten 
thousand  crowns  in  value,  but  a  ship  from  France, 
freio:hted  with  his  oroods,  valued  at  more  than 
twenty-two  thousand  livres,  had  been  totally 
wrecked  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence ;  and, 
of  twenty  hired  men  on  their  way  from  Europe 
to  join  him,  some  had  been  detained  by  his  enemy, 
the  Litendant  Duchesneau,  while  all  but  four  of 
the  remainder,  being  told  that  he  was  dead,  had 
found  means  to  return  home. 

His  three  followers  were  all  unfit  for  travel : 
he  alone  retained  his  strength  and  spirit.  Taking 
with  him  three  fresh  men  at  Niagara,  he  resumed 
his  journey,  and  on  the  sixth  of  May  descried, 
looming  through  floods  of  rain,  the  familiar  shores 
of  his  seigniory  and  the  bastioned  walls  of  Fort 


184  HARDIHOOD   OF  LA   SALLE.  \168(X 

Fronteiiac.  During  sixty-five  days,  he  liad  toiled 
almost  incessantly,  travelling,  by  the  course  lie 
took,  about  a  thousand  miles  through  a  country 
beset  with  every  form  of  peril  and  obstruction ; 
"  the  most  arduous  journey,"  says  the  chronicler, 
^'  ever  made  by  Frenchmen  in  America."  Such 
was  Cavelier  de  la  Salle.  In  him,  an  unconquer- 
able mind  held  at  its  service  a  frame  of  iron,  and 
tasked  it  to  the  utmost  of  its  endurance.  The 
pioneer  of  western  pioneers  w^as  no  rude  son  of 
toil,  but  a  man  of  thought^  trained  amid  arts  and 
letters.^ 

He  had  reached  his  goal ;  but  for  him  there  was 
neither  rest  nor  peace.  Man  and  Nature  seemed 
in  arms  against  him.  His  agents  had  plundered 
him ;  his  creditors  had  seized  his  property ;  and 
several  of  his  canoes,  richly  laden,  had  been  lost  in 
the  rapids  of  the  St.  Lawrence.^  He  hastened  to 
Montreal,  where  his  sudden  advent  caused  great 
astonishment;  and  w^here,  despite  his  crijDpled  re- 
sources and  damaged  credit,  he  succeeded,  within 
a  week,  in  gaining  the  supplies  which  he  required, 
and  the  needful  succors  for  the  forlorn  band  on  the 
Illinois.  He  had  returned  to  Fort  Frontenac,  and 
was  on  the  point  of  embarking  for  their  relief,- 
when  a  blow  fell  upon  him   more   disheartening 

^  A  Rock}'  Mountain  trapper,  being  complimented  on  the  hardihood  oi 
himself  and  his  companions,  once  said  to  the  writer,  "  That's  so ;  but  a 
gentleman  of  the  right  sort  will  stand  hardship  better  than  anybody 
else."  The  history  of  Arctic  and  African  travel,  and  the  military  records 
of  all  time,  are  a  standing  evidence  that  a  trained  and  developed  mind  is 
not  the  enemy,  but  the  active  and  powerful  ally,  of  constitutional  hardi 
hood.  The  culture  that  enervates  instead  of  strengthening  is  always  a 
false  or  a  partial  one. 

2  Zenobe  Membre'  in  Le  Clerc,  If.  202. 


1680  J  THE  MUTINEERS.  185 

than  any  that  had  preceded.  On  the  twenty-second 
of  July,  two  voyageurs,  Messier  and  Laurent,  came 
to  him  with  a  letter  from  Tonty,  who  wrote  that 
soon  after  La  Salle's  departure  nearly  all  the  men 
liad  deserted,  after  destroying  Fort  Crevecoeur,  plun- 
dering the  magazine,  and  throwing  into  the  river  alJ 
the  arms,  goods,  and  stores  which  they  could  not 
carry  off.  The  messengers  who  brought  this  letter 
were  sjDcedily  followed  by  two  of  the  habitants 
of  Fort  Frontenac,  who  had  been  trading  on  the 
lakes,  and  who,  with  a  fidelity  which  the  unhappy 
La  Salle  rarely  knew  how  to  inspire,  had  travelled 
day  and  night  to  bring  him  their  tidings.  They 
reported  that  they  had  met  the  deserters,  and  that, 
having  been  reinforced  by  recruits  gained  at  Michil- 
limackinac  and  Niagara,  they  now  numbered  twenty 
men.^  They  had  destroyed  the  fort  on  the  St.  Joseph, 
seized  a  quantity  of  furs  belonging  to  La  Salle  at 
Michillimackinac,  and  plundered  the  magazine  at 
Niagara.  Here  they  had  separated,  eight  of  them 
coasting  the  south  side  of  Lake  Ontario  to  find 
harborage  at  Albany,  a  common  refuge  at  that 
time  of  this  class  of  scoundrels;  while  the  re- 
maining twelve,  in  three  canoes,  made  for  Fort 

1  Wlien  La  Salle  was  at  Niagara,  in  April,  he  had  ordered  Dautray,  the 
best  of  the  men  who  had  accompanied  him  from  the  Illinois,  to  return 
thither  as  soon  as  he  was  able.  Four  men  from  Niagara  were  to  go  with 
him,  and  he  was  to  rejoin  Tonty  with  such  supplies  as  that  post  could  f  ar- 
uish.  Dautray  set  out  accordingly,  but  was  met  on  the  lakes  by  the  desert- 
ers, who  told  him  that  Tonty  was  dead,  and  seduced  his  men.  Relation 
des  Decouvertes.  Dautray  himself  seems  to  havp  remained  true ;  at  least, 
he  was  in  La  Salle's  service  immediately  after,  and  was  one  of  his  moat 
trusted  followers.  He  was  of  good  birth,  being  the  son  of  Jean  Bourdon, 
a  conspicuous  personage  in  the  early  period  of  the  colony;  and  his  name 
appears  on  official  records  as  Jean  Bourdon,  Sieur  d'Autray. 


186  HARDIHOOD   OF  LA   SALLE.  [1680 

Frontenac,  along  the  north  shore,  intending  to 
kill  La  Salle,  as  the  surest  means  of  escaping  pun- 
ishment. 

He  lost  no  time  in  lamentation.  Of  the  few 
men  at  his  command,  he  chose  nine  of  the  trustiest, 
embarlced  with  them  in  canoes,  and  went  to  meet 
the  marauders.  After  passing  the  Bay  of  Quinte, 
he  took  his  station,  with  five  of  his  party,  at  a  point 
of  land  suited  to  his  purpose,  and  detached  the 
remaining  four  to  keep  watch.  In  the  morning, 
two  canoes  were  discovered,  approaching  without 
suspicion,  one  of  them  far  in  advance  of  the  other. 
As  the  foremost  drew  near.  La  Salle's  canoe  darted 
out  from  under  the  leafy  shore ;  two  of  the  men 
handling  the  paddles,  while  he,  with  the  remaining 
two,  levelled  their  guns  at  the  deserters,  and  called 
on  them  to  surrender.  Astonished  and  dismayed, 
they  yielded  at  once ;  while  two  more,  who  were  in 
the  second  canoe,  hastened  to  follow  their  example. 
La  Salle  now  returned  to  the  fort  with  his  pris- 
oners, placed  them  in  custody,  and  again  set  forth. 
He  met  the  third  canoe  upon  the  lake  at  about  six 
o'clock  in  the  evening.  His  men  vainly  plied  their 
paddles  in  pursuit.  The  mutineers  reached  the 
shore,  took  post  among  rocks  and  trees,  levelled 
their  guns,  and  showed  fight.  Four  of  La  Salle's 
men  made  a  circuit  to  gain  their  rear  and  dislodge 
them,  on  which  they  stole  back  to  their  canoe,  and 
tried  to  escape  in  the  darkness.  They  were  pur- 
sued, and  summoned  to  yield ;  but  they  replied  by 
aiming  their  guns  at  their  pursuers,  who  instantly 
gave  them  a  volley,  killed  two  of  them,  and  cap- 


1680.1  CHASTISEMENT.  187 

tured  the  remaining  three.  Like  their  companions, 
they  were  placed  in  custody  at  the  fort,  to  await 
the  arrival  of  Count  Frontenac.^ 

1  La  Sallo  s  long  letter,  written  apparently  to  his  associate,  Thouret, 
and  dated  29  Sept.,  1680,  is  the  chief  authority  for  the  above.  The  greater 
part  of  this  letter  is  incorporated,  almost  verbatim,  in  the  official  narra- 
tive called  Relation  des  D^couvertes  Hennepin,  Membre,  and  Tonty  also 
speak  of  the  jom-ney  from  Fort  Crevecoeiir,  The  death  of  the  two  mu- 
tineers was  used  by  La  Salle's  enemies  as  tlio  basis  of  a  charge  of 
murder. 


CHAPTER   XV. 

1680. 
INDIAN   CONQUERORS. 

TnK  Enterprise  renewed.  —  Attempt  to  rescue  Tontt. — Bci'- 
¥Ato.  —  A  Frightful  Discovery.  —  Iroquois  Fury.  —  The 
Ruined  Town.  —  A  Night  of  Horror. —  Traces  of  the  In- 
vaders.—  No   News   of   Tonty. 

And  now  La  Salle's  work  must  be  begun  afresh. 
He  had  staked  all,  and  all  had  seemingly  been 
lost.  In  stern,  relentless  effort,  he  had  touched  the 
limits  of  human  endurance ;  and  the  harvest  of  his 
toil  was  disappointment,  disaster,  and  impending 
ruin.  The  shattered  fabric  of  his  enterprise  was 
prostrate  in  the  dust.  His  friends  desponded ;  his 
foes  were  blatant  and  exultant.  Did  he  bend 
before  the  storm  ?  No  human  eye  could  pierce 
the  depths  of  his  reserved  and  haughty  nature  5 
but  the  surface  was  calm,  and  no  sign  betrayed 
a  shaken  resolve  or  an  altered  purpose.  Where 
weaker  men  would  have  abandoned  all  in  de- 
spairing apathy,  he  turned  anew  to  his  work  with 
the  same  vigor  and  the  same  apparent  confidence 
as  if  borne  on  the  full  tide  of  success. 

His  best  hope  was  in  Tonty.  Could  that  brave 
and  true-hearted  officer,  and  the  three  or  four  faith- 


1680.]  ANOTHER  EFFORT.  189 

ful  men  wlio  had  remained  with  him,  make  good 
their  foothold  on  the  Ilhnois,  and  save  from  de- 
struction the  vessel  on  the  stocks,  and  the  forge 
and  tools  so  laboriously  carried  thither,  then  a 
basis  was  left  on  which  the  ruined  enterprise 
might  be  built  up  once  more.  There  was  no 
time  to  lose.  Tonty  must  be  succored  soon,  or 
succor  would  come  too  late.  La  Salle  had  already 
provided  the  necessary  material,  and  a  few  days 
sufficed  to  complete  his  preparations.  On  the  tenth 
of  August,  he  embarked  again  for  the  Dlinois. 
With  him  went  his  lieutenant,  La  Forest,  who 
held  of  him  in  fief  an  island,  then  called  Belle 
Isle,  opposite  Fort  Frontenac.^  A  surgeon,  ship- 
carpenters,  joiners,  masons,  soldiers,  voyageiirs,  and 
laborers  completed  his  company,  twenty-five  men 
in  all,  with  every  thing  needful  for  the  outfit  of  the 
vessel. 

His  route,  though  difficult,  was  not  so  long  as 
that  which  he  had  followed  the  year  before.  He 
ascended  the  river  Humber ;  crossed  to  Lake 
Simcoe,  and  thence  descended  the  Severn  to  the 
Georgian  Bay  of  Lake  Huron ;  followed  its  eastern 
shore,  coasted  the  Manitoulin  Islands,  and  at 
length  reached  Michillimackinac.  Here,  as  usual, 
all  was  hostile ;  and  he  had  great  difficulty  in  in- 
ducing the  Indians,  who  had  been  excited  against 
him,  to  sell  him  provisions.  Anxious  to  reach  his 
destination,  he  pushed  forward  with  twelve  men, 
leaving  La  Forest  to  bring  on  the  rest.     On  the 

i  Robert  Cavelier,  S^-  de  la  Salle-  a  Francois  Daupin,  S''-  de  la  Forest,  10 
Jvin,  1679. 


190  INDIAN  CONQUERORS.  1168Q 

fourth  of  November/  he  reached  the  ruined  fort 
at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph,  and  left  tive  of  his 
party,  with  the  heavy  stores,  to  wait  till  La  Forest 
should  come  up,  while  he  himself  hastened  for- 
ward with  six  Frenchmen  and  an  Indian.  A  deep 
anxiety  possessed  him.  The  rumor,  current  for 
months  past,  that  the  Iroquois,  bent  on  destroying 
the  Illinois,  were  on  the  point  of  invading  their 
covmtry,  had  constantly  gained  strength.  Here 
was  a  new  disaster,  which,  if  realized,  might 
involve  him  and  his  enterprise  in  irretrievable 
wreck. 

He  ascended  the  St.  Joseph,  crossed  the  portage 
to  the  Kankakee,  and  followed  its  course  downward 
till  it  joined  the  northern  branch  of  the  Illinois. 
He  had  heard  nothing  of  Tonty  on  the  way,  and 
neither  here  nor  elsewhere  could  he  discover  the 
smallest  sign  of  the  passage  of  white  men.  His 
friend,  therefore,  if  alive,  was  probably  still  at 
his  post;  and  he  pursued  his  course  with  a  mind 
lightened,  in  some  small  measure,  of  its  load  of 
anxiety. 

When  last  he  had  passed  here,  all  was  solitude ; 
but  now  the  scene  was  changed.  The  boundless 
waste  was  thronged  with  life.  He  beheld  that 
wondrous  spectacle,  still  to  be  seen  at  times  on  the 
plains  of  the  remotest  West,  and  the  memory  of 
which  can  quicken  the  pulse  and  stir  the  blood 
after  the  lapse  of  years.     Far  and  near,  the  prairie 

1  Tins  date  is  from  the  Relation.  Membrd  says  the  twenty-eighth ;  but 
he  is  wrong,  by  his  own  showing,  as  he  says  that  the  party  readied  the 
Illinois  village  on  the  first  of  December,  which  would  be  an  impossibility 


I 


I6b0.]  BUrFALO.  191 

was  alive  with  buffalo ;  now  like  black  specks 
dotting  the  distant  swells ;  now^  trampling  by  in 
ponderous  columns,  oi  filing  in  long  lines,  morn- 
ing, noon,  and  night,  to  drink  at  the  river,  — 
wading,  plunging,  and  snorting  in  the  water ; 
climbing  the  muddy  shores,  and  staring  with  wnld 
eyes  at  the  passing  canoes.  It  was  an  opportunity 
not  to  be  lost.  The  party  landed,  and  encamped 
for  a  hunt.  Sometimes  they  hid  under  the  shelving 
bank,  and  shot  them  as  they  came  to  drink ;  some- 
times, flat  on  their  faces,  they  dragged  themselves 
through  the  long  dead  grass,  till  the  savage  bulls, 
guardians  of  the  herd,  ceased  their  grazing,  raised 
their  huge  heads,  and  glared  through  tangled  hair 
at  the  dangerous  intruders.  The  hunt  was  success- 
ful. In  three  days,  the  hunters  killed  twelve  buf- 
falo, besides  deer,  geese,  and  swans.  They  cut  the 
meat  into  thin  flakes,  and  dried  it  in  the  sun,  or  in 
the  smoke  of  their  fires.  The  men  were  in  hl^h 
spirits ;  delighting  in  the  sjoort,  and  rejoicing  in 
the  prospect  of  relieving  Tonty  and  his  hungry 
followers  with  a  plentiful  supply. 

They  embarked  again,  and  soon  approached  the 
great  town  of  the  Illinois.  The  buffalo  were  far 
behind ;  and  once  more  the  canoes  glided  on  their 
way  through  a  voiceless  solitude.  No  hunters  were 
seen  ;  no  saluting  whoop  greeted  their  ears.  They 
passed  the  cliff  afterwards  called  the  Rock  of  St. 
Louis,  where  La  Salle  had  ordered  Tonty  to  build 
his  stronghold ;  but,  as  he  scanned  its  lofty  top,  he 
saw  no  palisavies,  no  cabins,  no  sign  of  human 
hand,  and  still  its  primeval  crest  of  forests  over- 


192  INDIAN   CONQUERORS.  [1680. 

hung  the  gliding  river.  Now  the  meadow  opened 
before  them  where  the  great  town  had  stood.  They 
gazed,  astonished  and  confounded :  all  was  desola- 
tion. The  town  had  vanished,  and  the  meadow 
was  black  with  fire.  They  plied  their  paddles, 
hastened  to  the  spot,  landed ;  and,  as  they  looked 
around,  their  cheeks  grew  white,  and  the  blood  was 
frozen  in  their  veins. 

Before  them  lay  a  plain  once  swarming  with  wild 
human  life,  and  covered  with  Indian  dwellings ;  now 
a  waste  of  devastation  and  death,  strewn  with  heaps 
of  ashes,  and  bristling  with  the  charred  poles  and 
stakes  which  had  formed  the  framework  of  the 
lodges.  At  the  points  of  most  of  them  were  stuck 
human  skulls,  half  picked  by  birds  of  prey.^  Near 
at  hand  was  the  burial-ground  of  the  village.  The 
travellers  sickened  with  horror  as  they  entered  its 
revolting  precincts.  Wolves  in  multitudes  fled  at 
their  approach ;  while  clouds  of  crows  or  buzzards, 
rising  from  the  hideous  repast,  wheeled  above  their 
heads,  or  settled  on  the  naked  branches  of  the 
neighboring  forest.  Every  grave  had  been  rifled, 
and  the  bodies  flung  down  from  the  scaffolds  where, 
after  the  Illinois  custom,  many  of  them  had  been 
placed.  The  field  was  strewn  with  broken  bones 
and  torn  and  mangled  corpses.  A  hyena  warfare 
had  been  waged  against  the  dead.  La  Salle  knew 
the  handiwork  of  the  Iroquois.  The  threatened 
blow  had  fallen,  and  the  wolfish  hordes  of  the  ^ve 

1  "  II  ne  restoit  que  quelques  bouts  de  perches  brulees  qui  moiitroient 
quelle  avoit  4te  I'etendue  du  village,  et  sur  la  paiDart  dcsquelles  il  y  avoit 
des  tetes  de  morts  plante'es  et  mangees  des  corbeaux."  —  Relation  des  De- 
couvertes  du  S^'  de  la  Salle. 


1680.1  A  NIGHT  OF  HORROR.  19 


o 


cantons  had  fleshed   their  rabid  fangs  in   a  new 
victim.^ 

Not  far  distant,  the  conquerors  had  made  a  rude 
fort  of  trunks,  boughs,  and  roots  of  trees  laid  to- 
gether to  form  a  circular  enclosure ;  and  this,  too. 
was  garnished  with  skulls,  stuck  on  the  broken 
branches,  and  protruding  sticks.  The  caches,  or 
subterranean  storehouses  of  the  villagers,  had  been 
broken  open,  and  the  contents  scattered.  The 
cornfields  were  laid  waste,  and  much  of  the  corn 
thrown  into  heaps  and  half  burned.  As  La  Salle 
surveyed  this  scene  of  havoc,  one  thought  engrossed 
him :  where  were  Tonty  and  his  men  ?  He  searched 
the  Iroquois  fort :  there  were  abundant  traces  of 
its  savage  occupants,  and,  among  them,  a  few  frag- 
ments of  French  clothing.  He  examined  the  skulls ; 
but  the  hair,  portions  of  which  clung  to  nearly 
all  of  them,  was  in  every  case  that  of  an  Indian. 
Evening  came  on  before  he  had  finished  the 
search.  The  sun  set,  and  the  wilderness  sank  to 
its  savage  rest.  Night  and  silence  brooded  over 
the  waste,  where,  far   as  the   raven   could    wing 

1  "Beaucoup  de  carcasses  a  demi  rongees  par  les  loups,  les  sepulchres 
demolis,  les  os  tires  de  leurs  fosses  et  epars  par  la  campagne ;  .  .  .  enfin 
les  loups  et  les  corbeaux  augmentoient  encore  par  leurs  hurlemens  et  par 
leurs  oris  Thorreur  de  ce  spectacle." —  Relation  des  Dicouvertes  du  S'^-  de  la 
Salle. 

The  above  may  seem  exaggerated  ;  but  it  accords  perfectly  with  what 
IS  well  established  concerning  the  ferocious  character  of  the  Iroquois,  and 
the  nature  of  their  warfare.  Many  other  tribes  have  frequently  made 
war  upon  the  dead.  I  have  myself  known  an  instance  in  which  five 
corpses  of  Sioux  Indians,  placed  in  trees,  after  the  practice  of  the  West- 
ern bands  of  that  people,  were  thrown  down  and  kicked  into  fragments 
by  a  war  party  of  the  Crows,  who  then  held  the  muzzles  of  their  guns 
against  the  skulls,  and  blew  them  to  pieces.  This  happened  near  the 
head  of  the  Platte,  in  the  summer  of  1846.  Yet  the  Crows  are  much  less 
ferociouH  than  were  the  Iroqaoi?  in  La  Salle's  time. 

18 


194  INDIAN  CONQUERORS.  [1680. 

his  flight,  stretched  the  dark  domain  of  sohtude 
and  horror. 

Yet  there  was  no  silence  at  the  spot  where  La 
Salle  and  his  companions  made  their  bivouac.  The 
howling  of  the  wolves  filled  the  air  with  fierce  and 
dreary  dissonance.  More  dangerous  foes  were  not 
far  off,  for  before  nightfall  they  had  seen  fresh  In- 
dian tracks;  "but,  as  it  was  very  cold,"  says  La 
Salle,  "  this  did  not  prevent  us  from  making  a  fire 
and  lying  down  by  it,  each  of  us  keeping  watch  in 
turn.  I  spent  the  night  in  a  distress  which  you  can 
imagine  better  than  I  can  write  it ;  and  I  did  not 
sleep  a  moment  with  trying  to  make  up  my  mind 
as  to  what  I  ought  to  do.  My  ignorance  as  to  the 
position  of  those  I  was  looking  after,  and  my  un- 
certainty as  to  what  would  become  of  the  men  who 
were  to  follow  me  with  La  Forest,  if  they  arrived 
at  the  ruined  village  and  did  not  find  me  there, 
made  me  apprehend  every  sort  of  trouble  and  dis- 
aster. At  last,  I  decided  to  keep  on  my  way  down 
the  river,  leaving  some  of  my  men  behind  in 
charge  of  the  goods,  which  it  was  not  only  useless, 
but  dangerous,  to  carry  with  me,  because  we  should 
be  forced  to  abandon  them  when  the  winter  fairly 
set  in,  which  would  be  very  soon." 

This  resolution  was  due  to  a  discovery  he  had 
made  the  evening  before,  which  offered,  as  he 
thought,  a  possible  clew  to  the  fate  of  Tonty  and 
the  men  with  him.  He  thus  describes  it :  '^  Near 
the  garden  of  the  Indians,  which  was  on  the  mead- 
ows, a  league  from  the  village,  and  not  far  from 
the  river,  I  found  six  pointed  stakes,  set  in   tho 


1680.]  FEARS  FOR  TONTY  195 

ground  and  painted  red.  On  eacli  of  them  was 
the  figure  of  a  man  with  bandaged  eyes,  drawn  in 
black.  As  the  savages  often  set  stakes  of  tliis 
sort  whei'e  they  have  killed  people,  I  thought,  by 
their  number  and  position,  that,  when  the  Iroquois 
came,  the  Illinois,  finding  our  men  alone  in  the  hut 
near  their  garden,  had  either  killed  them  or  made 
them  prisoners.  And  I  was  confirmed  in  this,  be- 
cause, seeing  no  signs  of  a  battle,  I  supposed  that, 
on  hearing  of  the  approach  of  the  Iroquois,  the  old 
men  and  other  non-combatants  had  fled,  and  that 
the  young  warriors  had  remained  behind  to  cover 
their  flight,  and  afterwards  followed,  taking  the 
French  with  them;  while  the  Iroquois,  finding  no- 
body to  kill,  had  vented  their  fury  on  the  corpses 
in  the  graveyard." 

Uncertain  as  was  the  basis  of  this  conjecture, 
and  feeble  as  was  the  hope  it  afforded,  it  deter- 
mined him  to  push  forward,  in  order  to  learn 
more.  When  daylight  returned,  he  told  his  pur- 
pose to  his  followers,  and  directed  three  of  them 
to  await  his  return  near  the  ruined  village.  They 
were  to  hide  themselves  on  an  island,  conceal  their 
fire  at  night,  make  no  smoke  by  day,  fire  no  guns, 
and  keep  a  close  watch.  Should  the  rest  of  the 
party  arrive,  they,  too,  were  to  wait  with  similar 
precautions.  The  baggage  was  placed  in  a  hollow 
of  the  rocks,  at  a  place  difiicult  of  access ;  and, 
these  arrangements  made.  La  Salle  set  out  on  his 
perilous  journey  with  the  four  remaining  men, 
Dautray,  Hunaut,  You,  and  the  Indian.  Each  was 
armed  with  two  guns,  a  pistol,  and  a  sword ;  and 


196  INDIAN  CONQUERORS.  [1680 

a  number  of  hatchets  and  other  goods  were  placed 
in  the  canoe,  as  presents  for  Indians  whom  tliey 
nnght  meet. 

Several  leagues  below  the  village,  they  found,  on 
their  right  hand,  close  to  the  river,  a  sort  of  island, 
made  inaccessible  by  the  marshes  and  water  whieh 
surrounded  it.  Here  the  flying  Illinois  had  sought 
refuge  with  their  women  and  children,  and  the 
place  was  full  of  theii  deserted  huts.  On  the  left 
bank,  exactly  opposite,  was  an  abandoned  camp  of 
the  Iroquois.  On  the  level  meadow  stood  a  hun- 
dred and  thirteen  huts,  and  on  the  forest  trees 
which  covered  the  hills  behind  were  carved  the 
totems,  or  insignia,  of  the  chiefs,  together  with 
marks  to  show  the  number  of  followers  which  each 
had  led  to  the  war.  La  Salle  counted  five  hundred 
and  eighty-two  warriors.  He  found  marks,  too,  for 
the  Illinois  killed  or  captured,  but  none  to  indicate 
that  any  of  the  Frenchmen  had  shared  their  fate. 

As  they  descended  the  river,  they  passed,  on  the 
same  day,  six  abandoned  camps  of  the  Illinois,  and 
opposite  to  each  w^as  a  camp  of  the  invaders.  The 
former,  it  was  clear,  had  retreated  in  a  body ;  while 
the  Iroquois  had  followed  their  march,  day  by  day, 
along  the  other  bank.  La  Salle  and  his  men  pushed 
rapidly  onward,  passed  Peoria  Lake,  and  soon 
reached  Fort  Crevecoeur,  which  they  found,  as  they 
expected,  demolished  by  the  deserters.  The  vessel 
on  the  stocks  was  still  left  entire,  though  the  Iro- 
quois had  found  means  to  draw  out  the  iron  nails 
and  spikes.  On  one  of  the  planks  were  written 
the  words :  "  Nous  sommes  tons  sauvages :  ce  15 


1680.]  SEARCH  FOR  TONTY.  197 

— 1680;"  the  work,  no  doubt,  of  the  knaves  who 
had  pillaged  and  destroyed  the  fort. 

La  Salle  and  his  companions  hastened  on,  and 
during  the  following  day  passed  four  opposing 
camps  of  the  savage  armies.  The  silence  of  death 
now  reigned  along  the  deserted  river,  whose  lonely 
borders,  wrapped  deep  in  forests,  seemed  lifeless  as 
the  grave.  As  they  drew  near  the  mouth  of  the 
stream,  they  saw  a  meadow  on  their  right,  and,  on 
its  farthest  verge,  several  human  figures,  erect,  3'et 
motionless.  They  landed,  and  cautiously  examined 
the  place.  The  long  grass  was  trampled  down, 
and  all  around  were  strewn  the  relics  of  the  hideous 
orgies  which  formed  the  ordinary  sequel  of  an  Iro- 
quois victory.  The  figures  they  had  seen  were 
the  half-consumed  bodies  of  women,  still  bound  to 
the  stakes  where  they  had  been  tortured.  Other 
sights  there  were,  too  revolting  for  record.^  All 
the  remains  were  those  of  women  and  children. 
The  men,  it  seemed,  had  fled,  and  left  them  to  their 
fate. 

Here,  again.  La  Salle  sought  long  and  anxiously, 
without  finding  the  smallest  sign  that  could  in- 
dicate the  presence  of  Frenchmen.  Once  more 
descending  the  river,  they  soon  reached  its  mouth. 
Before  them,  a  broad  eddying  current  rolled  swiftly 
on  its  way;  and  La  Salle  beheld  the  Mississippi, 
the  object  of  his  day-dreams,  the  destined  avenue 

^  "  On  ne  scauroit  exprimer  la  rage  de  ces  f urieux  ni  les  tourmeng 
qu'ils  avoient  fait  souffrir  aux  miserables  Tamaroa  [a  tribe  of  die  lUmois]. 
II  y  en  avoit  encore  dans  des  chaudieres  qu'ils  avoient  laiss^es  pleinee 
Bur  les  feux,  qui  depuis  s'etoient  eteints,"  etc.,  etc.  —  Relation  des  De 
couveites. 


198  INDIAN    CONQUEKORS.  11080 

of  his  ambition  and  his  hopes.  It  was  no  time  for 
reflections.  The  moment  was  too  engrossing,  too 
heavily  charged  with  anxieties  and  cares.  From 
a  rock  on  the  shore,  he  saw  a  tree  stretched  for- 
ward above  the  stream ;  and,  stripping  off  its  bark 
to  make  it  more  conspicuous,  he  hung  upon  it  a 
board  on  which  he  had  drawn  the  figures  of  him- 
self and  his  men,  seated  in  their  canoe,  and  bearing 
a  pipe  of  peace.  To  this  he  tied  a  letter  for  Tontj, 
informing  him  that  he  had  returned  up  the  river  to 
the  ruined  village. 

His  four  men  had  behaved  admirably  throughout, 
and  they  now  offered  to  continue  the  journey,  if  he 
saw  fit,  and  follow  him  to  the  sea ;  but  he  thought 
it  useless  to  go  farther,  and  was  unwilling  to  aban- 
don the  three  men  whom  he  had  ordered  to  await 
his  return.  Accordingly,  they  retraced  their  course, 
and,  paddling  at  times  both  day  and  night,  urged 
their  canoe  so  swiftly  that  they  reached  the  village 
in  the  incredibly  short  space  of  four  days.^ 

The  sky  was  clear,  and,  as  night  came  on,  the 
travellers  saw  a  prodigious  comet  blazing  above 
this  scene  of  desolation.  On  that  night,  it  was 
chilling  with  a  superstitious  awe  the  hamlets  of 
New  England  and  the  gilded  chambers  of  Ver- 
sailles; but  it  is  characteristic  of  La  Salle,  that^ 
beset  as  he  was  with  perils,  and  surrounded  with 
ghastly  images  of  death,  he  coolly  notes  down  the 
phenomenon,   not  as  a  portentous  messenger  of 

1  The  distance  is  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles.  The  letters  of 
La  Salle,  as  well  as  the  oflBcial  narrative  compiled  from  them,  say  that 
they  left  the  village  on  the  second  of  December,  and  returned  to  it  on  the 
elevcnllt,  having  left  the  mouth  of  the  river  on  the  seventh. 


1681]  THE   COMET.  199 

war  and  woe,  but  rather  as  an  object  of  scientific. 
curiosity.^ 

He  found  his  three  men  safely  ensconced  upon 
their  ishmd,  where  they  were  anxiously  looking  for 
his  return.  After  collecting  a  store  of  half-burnt 
corn  from  the  ravaged  granaries  of  the  Illinois,  the 
whole  party  began  to  ascend  the  river,  and,  on 
the  sixth  of  January,  reached  the  junction  of  the 
Kankakee  with  the  northern  branch.  On  their 
way  downward,  they  had  descended  the  former 
stream.  They  now  chose  the  latter,  and  soon  dis- 
covered, by  the  margin  of  the  water,  a  rude  cabin 
of  bark.  La  Salle  landed,  and  examined  the  spot, 
when  an  object  met  his  eye  which  cheered  him 
with  a  bright  gleam  of  hope.  It  was  but  a  piece 
of  wood ;  but  the  wood  had  been  cut  with  a  saw. 
Tonty  and  his  party,  then,  had  passed  this  way, 
escaping  from  the  carnage  behind  them.  Unhap- 
pily, they  had  left  no  token  of  their  passage  at  the 
fork  of  the  two  streams ;  and  thus  La  Salle,  on  his 
voya^ge  downward,  had  believed  them  to  be  still  on 
the  river  below. 

With  rekindled  hope,  the  travellers  pursued  their 
journey,  leaving  their  canoes,  and  making  their 
way  overland  towards  the  fort  on  the  St.  Joseph. 

I  This  was  the  "  Great  Comet  of  1680."  Dr.  B.  A.  Gould  writes  ni-  : 
•'  It  appeared  in  December,  1680,  and  was  visible  mitil  the  latter  part  of 
February,  1681,  being  especially  brilliant  in  January."  It  was  said  to  be 
the  largest  ever  seen.  By  observations  upon  it,  Newton  demonstrated  the 
reguhir  revolutions  of  comets  around  the  sun.  "  No  comet,"  it  is  said,  "  has 
threatened  the  earth  with  a  nearer  approach  than  that  of  1680."  Win- 
tkrop  on  Comets,  Lecture  II.  p.  44.  Increase  Mather,  in  his  Discourse  concern- 
ing Comets,  printed  at  Boston  in  1683,  says  of  this  one  :  "  Its  appearance 
was  very  terrible,  the  Blaze  ascended  above  60  Degrees  almost  to  itg 
Zenith."  Mather  thought  it  fraught  with  terrific  portent  to  the  nations 
of  the  earth 


200  INDIAN  CONQUERORS.  |1681 

^^  Snow  fell  in  extraordinary  quantities  all  daj," 
writes  La  Salle,  "  and  it  kept  on  falling  for  nineteen 
days  in  succession,  with  cold  so  severe  that  I  never 
knew  so  hard  a  winter,  even  in  Canada.  We  were 
obliged  to  cross  forty  leagues  of  open  country, 
where  we  could  hardly  find  wood  to  warm  our- 
selves at  evening,  and  could  get  no  bark  whatever 
to  make  a  hut,  so  that  we  had  to  spend  the  night 
exposed  to  the  furious  winds  which  blow  over  these 
plains.  I  never  suffered  so  much  from  cold,  or  had 
more  trouble  in  getting  forward,  for  the  snow  was 
so  light,  resting  suspended  as  it  were  among  the 
tall  grass,  that  we  could  not  use  snow-shoes.  Some- 
times it  was  waist  deep ;  and,  as  I  walked  before 
my  men,  as  usual,  to  encourage  them  by  breaking 
the  path,  I  often  had  much  ado,  though  I  am 
rather  tall,  to  lift  my  legs  above  the  drifts,  through 
which  I  pushed  by  the  weight  of  my  body." 

At  length,  they  reached  their  goal,  and  found 
shelter  and  safety  within  the  walls  of  Fort  Miami. 
Here  was  the  party  left  in  charge  of  La  Forest ; 
but,  to  his  surprise  and  grief,  La  Salle  heard  no 
tidings  of  Tonty.  He  found  some  amends  for 
the  disappointment  in  the  fidelity  and  zeal  of  La 
Forest's  men,  who  had  restored  the  fort,  cleared 
ground  for  planting,  and  even  sawed  the  planks 
and  timber  for  a  new  vessel  on  the  lake. 

And  now,  while  La  Salle  rests  at  Fort  Miami, 
let  us  trace  the  adventures  which  befell  Tonty  and 
his  followers,  after  their  chief's  departure  from 
Fort  Crevecoeur. 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

1680. 
TONTY  AND   THE   IROQUOIS. 

The  Deserters.  —  The  Iroquois  War.  —  The  Great  Town  op  the 
Illinois.  —  The  Alarm.  —  Onset  of  the  Iroquois.  —  Peril  op 
Tonty.  —  A  Treacherous  Truce.  —  Intrepidity  of  Tonty. — 
Murder  of  Ribourde.  —  TVar  upon  the  Dead. 

When  La  Salle  set  out  on  his  rugged  journey 
to  Fort  Frontenac,  he  left,  as  we  have  seen,  fifteen 
men  at  Fort  Crevecoeur,  —  smiths,  ship-carpenters, 
housewrights,  and  soldiers,  besides  his  servant 
I'Esperance  and  the  two  friars  Membre  and  Ri- 
bourde. Most  of  the  men  were  ripe  for  mutiny. 
They  had  no  interest  in  the  enterprise,  and  no  love 
for  its  chief.  They  were  disgusted  with  the  present, 
and  terrified  at  the  future.  La  Salle,  too,  was  for 
the  most  part  a  stern  commander,  impenetrable  and 
cold ;  and  when  he  tried  to  soothe,  conciliate,  and 
encourage,  his  success  rarely  answered  to  the  ex- 
cellence of  his  rhetoric.  He  could  always,  how- 
ever, inspire  respect,  if  not  love ;  but  now  the 
restraint  of  his  presence  was  removed.  He  had 
not  been  long  absent,  when  a  firebrand  was  thrown 
into  the  midst  of  the  discontented  and  restless 
crew. 


202  TONTY  AND  THE   IROQUOIS.  [1680. 

It  may  be  remembered  that  La  Salle  bad  met 
tAYO  of  bis  men,  La  Cbapelle  and  Leblanc,  at  his 
fort  on  the  St.  Joseph,  and  ordered  them  to  rejoin 
Tonty.  Unfortunately,  they  obeyed.  On  arriving, 
they  told  their  comrades  that  the  "  Griffin "  was 
lost,  that  Fort  Frontenac  was  seized  by  the  cred- 
itors of  La  Salle,  that  he  was  ruined  past  recovery, 
and  that  they,  the  men,  would  never  receive  their 
pay.  Their  wages  were  in  arrears  for  more  than 
two  years;  and,  indeed,  it  would  have  been  folly  to 
pay  them  before  their  return  to  the  settlements,  as 
to  do  so  would  have  been  a  temptation  to  desert. 
Now,  however,  the  effect  on  tbeir  minds  was  still 
worse,  believing,  as  many  of  them  did,  that  they 
would  never  be  paid  at  all. 

La  Cbapelle  and  his  companion  had  brought  a 
letter  from  La  Salle  to  Tonty,  directing  him  to 
examine  and  fortify  the  cliff  so  often  mentioned, 
which  overhung  the  river  above  the  great  Illinois 
village.  Tonty,  accordingly,  set  out  on  his  errand 
with  some  of  the  men.  In  his  absence,  the  mal- 
contents destroyed  the  fort,  stole  powder,  lead,  furs, 
and  provisions,  and  deserted,  after  writing  on  the 
side  of  the  unfinished  vessel  the  words  seen  by 
La  Salle,  "  JVous  sommes  tons  saiwages.''  ^     The 

'  For  the  particulars  of  this  desertion,  Membre  in  Le  Clerc,  II.  171, 
Bclaticn  des  D^oitvertes  ;  Tonty,  Tl/emo/re,  1684, 1G93 ;  Ue'clarationfaite  par 
davant  le  S^-  Duchesneau,  Intendant  en  Canada,  par  Moijse  Ilillaret,  charpentier 
de  barque  cy-devant  au  service  du  S^-  de  la  Salle,  Aoiist,  1680. 

Moyse  Ilillaret,  the  "  Maitre  Moyse  "  of  Hennepin,  was  a  ringleader 
of  the  deserters,  and  seems  to  have  been  one  of  those  captured  by  La 
Salle  near  Fort  Frontenac.  Twelve  days  after,  Hillaret  was  examined 
by  La  Salle's  enemy,  the  intendant ;  and  this  paper  is  the  formal  state- 
ment made  by  liim.  It  gives  the  names  of  most  of  tlie  men,  and  fur- 
nishes incidental  confirmation  of  many  statements  of  Hennepin,  Tontv. 


1680.J  PERILOUS   POSITION.  208 

brave  young  Sieur  de  Boisrondet,  and  the  servant 
I'Esp^rance,  hastened  to  carry  the  news  to  Tonty, 
who  at  once  despatched  four  of  those  with  Mm,  by 
two  different  routes,  to  inform  La  Salle  of  the 
disaster.^  Besides  the  two  just  named,  there  now 
remained  with  him  only  one  hired  man  and  the 
Re  collet  friars.  With  this  feeble  band,  he  was 
left  among  a  horde  of  treacherous  savages,  who  had 
been  taught  to  regard  him  as  a  secret  enemy. 
Resolved,  apparently,  to  disarm  their  jealousy  by 
a  show  of  confidence,  he  took  up  his  abode  in  the 
midst  of  them,  making  his  quarters  in  the  great 
village,  whither,  as  spring  opened,  its  inhabitants 
returned,  to  the  number,  according  to  Membre,  of 
seven  or  eight  thousand.  Hither  he  conveyed  the 
forge  and  such  tools  as  he  could  recover,  and  here 
he  hoped  to  maintain  himself  till  La  Salle  should 
reappear.  The  spring  and  the  summer  were  past, 
and  he  looked  anxiously  for  his  coming,  uncon- 
scious that  a  storm  was  gathering  in  the  east,  soon 
to  burst  with  devastation  over  the  fertile  wilderness 
of  the  Illinois. 

I  have  recounted  the  ferocious  triumphs  of  the 
Iroquois  in  another  volume.^  Throughout  a  wide 
semicircle  around  their  cantons,  they  had  made  the 

Membre,  and  the  Relation  des  D€couvertes.  Hillaret,  Leblanc,  and  Le  Meil- 
leur,  the  blacksmith  nicknamed  La  Forge,  went  off  together,  and  the  rest 
seem  to  have  followed  afterwards.  Hillaret  does  not  admit  that  any  goods 
were  wantonly  destroyed. 

There  is  before  me  a  schedule  of  the  debts  of  La  Salle,  made  after  his 
death.  It  includes  a  claim  of  this  man  for  wages  to  the  amount  of  2,500 
livres. 

1  Two  of  the  messengers,  Laurent  and  Messier,  arrived  safely  The 
others  seem  to  have  deserted. 

^  The  Jesuits  in  North  America 


204  TONTY  AND  THE  IROQUOIS.  [1680 

forest  a  solitude ;  destroyed  the  Hurons,  extermi- 
nated the  Neutrals  and  the  Eries,  reduced  the  for- 
midable Andastes  to  helpless  insignificance,  swept 
the  borders  of  the  St.  Lawrence  with  fire,  spread 
terror  and  desolation  among  the  Algonquins  of  Can- 
ada ;  and  now,  tired  of  peace,  they  w^ere  seeking, 
to  borrow  their  own  savage  metaphor,  new  nations 
to  devour.  Yet  it  was  not  alone  their  homicidal 
fury  that  now  impelled  them  to  another  war. 
Strange  as  it  may  seem,  this  war  was  in  no  small 
measure  one  of  commercial  advantage.  They  had 
long  traded  with  the  Dutch  and  English  of  New 
York,  who  gave  them,  in  exchange  for  their  furs, 
the  guns,  ammunition,  knives,  hatchets,  kettles, 
beads,  and  brandy  which  had  become  indispensable 
to  them.  Game  was  scarce  in  their  country.  They 
must  seek  their  beaver  and  other  skins  in  the  vacant 
territories  of  the  tribes  they  had  destroyed ;  but 
this  did  not  content  them.  The  French  of  Canada 
were  seeking  to  secure  a  monopoly  of  the  furs  of 
the  north  and  west;  and,  of  late,  the  enterprises 
of  La  Salle  on  the  tributaries  of  the  Mississippi 
had  especially  roused  the  jealousy  of  the  Iroquois, 
fomented,  moreover,  by  Dutch  and  English  traders.^ 
These  crafty  savages  would  fain  reduce  all  these 
regions  to  subjection,  and  draw  thence  an  ex 
haustless  supply  of  furs,  to  be  bartered  for  Enghsh 
goods  with  the  traders  of  Albany.  They  turned 
their  eyes  first  towards  the  Illinois,  the  most  impor- 
tant, as  well  as  one  of  the  most  accessible,  of  the 
western  Algonquin  tribes;  and  among  La  Salle's 

1  Duchesneau,  in  Paris  Docs.,  IX.  163. 


1G80.]  THE  IROQUOIS   WAR.  205 

enemies  were  some  in  whom  jealousy  of  a  hated 
rival  could  so  far  override  all  the  best  interests  of 
the  colony  that  they  did  not  scruple  to  urge  on  the 
Iroquois  to  an  invasion  which  they  hoped  Avould 
prove  his  ruin.  The  chiefs  convened,  war  was 
decreed,  the  war-dance  was  danced,  the  war- song 
sung,  and  five  hundred  warriors  began  their  march. 
In  their  path  lay  the  town  of  the  Miamis,  neiglibors 
and  kindred  of  the  Illinois.  It  was  always  their 
policy  to  divide  and  conquer ;  and  these  forest 
Machiavels  had  intrio-ued  so  well  amono;  the 
Miamis,  working  craftily  on  their  jealousy,  that 
they  induced  them  to  join  in  the  invasion,  though 
there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  they  had 
marked  these  infatuated  allies  as  their  next 
victims.^ 

Go  to  the  banks  of  the  Illinois  where  it  flows  by 
the  village  of  Utica,  and  stand  on  the  meadow  that 
borders  it  on  the  north.  In  front  glides  the  river, 
a  musket-shot  in  width ;  and  from  the  farther  bank 
rises,  with  gradual  slope,  a  range  of  wooded  hills 
that  hide  from  sight  the  vast  prairie  behind  them. 
A  mile  or  more  on  your  left  these  gentle  acclivi- 
ties end  abruptly  in  the  lofty  front  of  the  great 
cliff,  called  by  the  French  the  Rock  of  St.  Louis, 
looking  boldly  out  from  the  forests  that  environ  it ; 
and,  three  miles  distant  on  your  right,  you  discern 
a  gap  in  the  steep  bluffs  that  here  bound  the  valley, 
marking  the  mouth  of  the  river  Vermilion,  called 

1  There  had  long  been  a  rankling  jealousy  between  the  Miamis  and 
the  Illinois.  According  to  Merabre,  La  Salle's  enemies  had  intrigued  suc- 
cessfully among  the  former,  as  well  as  among  the  Iroquois,  to  induce  tlieir 
to  take  arms  against  the  Illinois. 


206  TONTY  AND   THE   IROQUOIS.  [1680 

Aramoni  by  the  French.^  Now  stand  in  fancy  on 
this  same  spot  in  the  early  autumn  of  the  year  1680. 
You  are  in  the  midst  of  the  great  town  of  the  Illi- 
nois, —  hundreds  of  mat-covered  lodges,  and  thou- 
sands of  cong;reo;ated  savag-es.  Enter  one  of  their 
dwellings:  they  will  not  think  you  an  intruder. 
Some  friendly  squaw  will  lay  a  mat  for  you  by  the 
fire ;  you  may  seat  yourself  upon  it,  smoke  your 
pipe,  and  study  the  lodge  and  its  inmates  by  the 
light  that  streams  through  the  holes  at  the  top. 
Three  or  four  fires  smoke  and  smoulder  on  the 
ground  down  the  middle  of  the  long  arched  struc- 
ture; and,  as  to  each  fire  there  are  two  families, 
the  place  is  somewhat  crowded  when  all  are  pres- 
ent. But  now  there  is  breathing  room,  for  many 
are  in  the  fields.  A  squaw  sits  weaving  a  mat 
of  rushes ;  a  warrior,  naked  except  his  moccasins, 
and  tattooed  with  fantastic  devices,  binds  a  stone 
arrow-head  to  its  shaft,  with  the  fresh  sinews  of  a 
buffalo.  Some  lie  asleep,  some  sit  staring  in  va- 
cancy, some  are  eating,  some  are  squatted  in  lazy 
chat  around  a  fire.     The  smoke  brings  water  to 

1  The  above  is  from  notes  made  on  the  spot.  The  following  is  La. 
Salle's  description  of  the  locality  in  the  Relation  des  D€couvertes,  written 
in  1681 :  "  La  rive  gauche  de  la  riviere,  du  cote  dii  sud,  est  occupee  par 
un  long  rocher,  fort  etroit  et  escarpe  presque  partout,  a  la  reserve  d'lui 
cndroii  de  plus  d'une  lieue  de  longueur,  situe'  vis-a-vis  du  village,  ou  le  ter- 
rain, tout  convert  de  beaux  chenes,  s'etend  par  une  pente  douce  jusqu'au 
bord  de  la  riviere.  Au  dela  de  cette  hauteur  est  une  vaste  plaine,  qui 
sMtend  bien  loin  du  cote  du  sud,  et  qui  est  traverses  par  la  riviere  Ara 
moni,  dont  les  bords  sont  converts  d'une  lisiere  de  bois  peu  large." 

The  Aramoni  is  laid  down  on  the  great  manuscript  map  of  Franque- 
lin,  1084,  and  on  the  map  of  Coronelli,  1688.  It  is,  without  doubt,  the 
Big  Vermilion.  Aramoni  is  the  Illinois  word  for  red,  or  vermilion 
Starved  Rock,  or  the  Rock  of  St.  Louis,  is  the  highest  and  steepest  escarp 
ment  of  the  Umg  rocher  above  mentioned. 


1680.1  THE  ILLINOIS   TOWN.  207 

joiir  eyes ;  the  fleas  annoy  you ;  small  unkempt 
children,  naked  as  young  puppies,  crawl  about  your 
knees  and  will  not  be  repelled.  You  have  seen 
enoug;h.  You  rise  and  0:0  out  asrain  into  the  sun- 
light.  It  is,  if  not  a  peaceful,  at  least  a  languid 
scene.  A  few  voices  break  the  stillness,  mingled 
with  the  joyous  chirping  of  crickets  from  the  grass, 
Young  men  lie  flat  on  their  faces,  basking  in  the 
sun.  A  group  of  their  elders  are  smoking  around 
a  buffalo-skin  on  which  they  have  just  been  playing 
a  game  of  chance  with  cherry-stones.  A  lover  and 
his  mistress,  perhaps,  sit  together  under  a  shed  of 
bark,  without  uttering  a  word.  Not  far  off  is  the 
graveyard,  where  lie  the  dead  of  the  village,  some 
buried  in  the  earth,  some  wrapped  in  skins  and  laid 
aloft  on  scaffolds,  above  the  reach  of  wolves.  In 
the  cornfields  around,  you  see  squaws  at  their  labor, 
and  children  driving  off  intruding  birds ;  and  your 
eye  ranges  over  the  meadows  beyond,  spangled 
with  the  yellow  blossoms  of  the  resin-weed  and  the 
Rudbeckia,  or  over  the  bordering  hiUs  still  green 
with  the  foliao:e  of  summer.^ 

1  The  Illinois  were  an  aggregation  of  distinct  though  kindred  tribes, 
the  Kaskaskias,  the  Peorias,  the  Kahokias,  the  Tamaroas,  the  Moingonaj 
and  others.  Their  general  character  and  habits  were  those  of  other  In- 
dian tribes ;  but  they  were  reputed  somewhat  cowardly  and  slothful.  In 
their  manners,  they  were  more  hcentious  than  many  of  their  neighbors, 
and  addicted  to  practices  which  are  sometimes  supposed  to  be  the  result 
of  a  perverted  civilization.  Young  men  enacting  the  part  of  women  were 
frequently  to  be  seen  among  them.  These  were  held  in  great  contempt. 
Some  of  the  early  travellers,  both  among  the  Illinois  and  among  other 
tribes,  where  the  same  practice  prevailed,  mistook  them  for  hermaphro- 
dites. According  to  Charlevoix  {Journal  Historique,  303),  this  abuse  was 
due  in  part  to  a  superstition.  The  Miamis  and  Piankishaws  were  in 
close  affinities  of  language  and  habits  with  the  Illinois.  All  these  tribes 
belonged  to  the  great  Algonquin  family.    The  first  impressions  which  thr 


208  TONTY  AND  THE   IROQUOIS.  fl680. 

This,  or  something  like  it,  one  may  safely  affirm, 
was  the  aspect  of  the  Illinois  village  at  noon  of  the 
tenth  of  September.^  In  a  hut  apart  from  the  rest, 
you  would  probably  have  found  the  Frenchmen. 
Among  them  was  a  man,  not  strong  in  person,  and 
disabled,  moreover,  by  the  loss  of  a  hand ;  yet,  in 
this  den  of  barbarism,  betraying  the  language  and 
bearing  of  one  formed  in  the  most  polished  civiliza- 
tion of  Europe.  This  was  Henri  de  Tonty,  The 
others  were  young  Boisrondet,  the  servant  I'Espe- 
rance,  and  a  Parisian  youth  named  Etienne  Renault. 
The  friars,  Membre  and  Ribourde,  wei^e  not  in  the 
village,  but  at  a  hut  a  league  distant,  whither  they 
had  gone  to  make  a  "retreat,"  for  prayer  and 
meditation.  Their  missionary  labors  had  not  been 
fruitful.  They  had  made  no  converts,  and  were  in 
despair  at  the  intractable  character  of  the  objects 
of  their  zeal.  As  for  the  other  Frenchmen,  time, 
doubtless,  hung  heavy  on  their  hands ;  for  nothing 
can  surpass  the  vacant  monotony  of  an  Indian  town 
when  there  is  neither  hunting,  nor  w^ar,  nor  feasts, 
nor  dances,  nor  gaml)hng,  to  beguile  the  lagging 
hours. 

f  Suddenly  the  village  was  wakened  from  its  leth- 
argy as  by  the  crash  of  a  thunderbolt.  A  Shawanoe, 
lately  here  on  a  visit,  had  left  his  Illinois  friends  to 
return   home.     He  now  reappeared,  crossing   the 

French  rec3ived  of  them,  as  recorded  in  the  Relation  of  1671,  were  sin- 
gularly favorable ;  but  a  closer  acquaintance  did  not  confirm  them.  The 
Illinois  traded  with  the  lake  tribes,  to  whom  they  carried  slaves  taken  in 
war,  receiving  in  exchange  guns,  hatchets,  and  other  French  goods. 
Marquette  in  Relation,  1670,  91. 

I  This  is  Membre's  date.     The  narratives  differ  &s  to  the  day,  though 
all  agree  as  to  the  month. 


1680.J  THE  ALAKM.  209 

river  in  hot  haste,  with  the  announcement  that  he 
had  met,  on  his  way,  an  army  of  Iroquois  approach- 
ing to  attack  them.  All  was  panic  and  confusion. 
The  lodges  disgorged  their  frightened  inmates ; 
women  and  children  screamed,  startled  warriors 
snatched  their  weapons.  There  were  less  than  five 
hundred  of  them,  for  the  greater  part  of  the  young 
men  had  gone  to  war.  A  crowd  of  excited  savages 
thronged  about  Tonty  and  his  Frenchmen,  already 
objects  of  their  suspicion,  charging  them,  with 
furious  gesticulation,  with  having  stirred  up  their 
enemies  to  invade  them.  Tonty  defended  himself 
in  broken  Illinois,  but  the  naked  mob  were  but  half 
convinced.  They  seized  the  forge  and  tools  and 
flung  them  into  the  river,  with  all  the  goods  that 
had  been  saved  from  the  deserters ;  then,  distrusting 
their  power  to  defend  themselves,  they  manned  the 
wooden  canoes  which  lay  in  multitudes  by  the  bank, 
embarked  their  women  and  children,  and  paddled 
down  the  stream  to  that  island  of  dry  land  in  the 
midst  of  marshes  which  La  Salle  afterwards  found 
filled  with  their  deserted  huts.  Sixty  warriors  re- 
mained here  to  guard  them,  and  the  rest  returned 
to  the  village.  All  night  long  fires  blazed  along 
the  shore.  The  excited  warriors  greased  their 
bodies,  painted  their  faces,  befeathered  their  heads, 
sang  their  war-songs,  danced,  stamped,  yelled,  and 
brandished  their  hatchets,  to  work  up  their  courage 
to  face  the  crisis.  The  morning  came,  and  with  it 
came  the  Iroquois. 

Young  warriors  had  gone  out  as  scouts,  and  now 
they  returned.     They  had  seen  the  enemy  in  the 

1^ 


210  TONTY  AND  THE  IROQUOIS.  ]1680 

line  of  forest  that  bordered  tlie  river  Aramoni,  or 
Vermilion,  and  had  stealthily  reconnoitred  them. 
They  were  very  numerous/  and  armed  for  the  most 
part  with  guns,  pistols,  and  swords.  Some  had 
bucklers  of  wood  or  raw  hide,  and  some  wore  those 
corselets  of  tough  twigs  interwoven  with  cordage 
which  their  fathers  had  used  when  fire-arms  were 
unknown.  The  scouts  added  more,  for  they  de- 
clared that  they  had  seen  a  Jesuit  among  the  Iro- 
quois ;  nay,  that  La  Salle  himself  was  there,  whence 
it  must  follow  that  Tonty  and  his  men  were  enemies 
and  traitors.  The  su23posed  Jesuit  was  but  an  Iro- 
quois chief  arrayed  in  a  black  hat,  doublet,  and 
stockings;  while  another,  equipped  after  a  some- 
what similar  fashion,  passed  in  the  distance  for  La 
Salle.  But  the  Illinois  were  furious.  Tonty's  life 
hung  by  a  hair.  A  crowd  of  savages  surrounded 
him,  mad  with  rage  and  terror.  He  had  come 
lately  from  Europe,  and  knew  little  of  Indians; 
but,  as  the  friar  Membre  says  of  him,  "  he  was  full 
of  intelligence  and  courage,"  and,  when  they  heard 
him  declare  that  he  and  his  Frenchmen  would  go 
with  them  to  fight  the  Iroquois,  their  threats  grew 
less  clamorous  and  their  eyes  glittered  with  a  less 
deadly  lustre. 

Whooping  and  screeching,  they  ran  to  their 
canoes,  crossed  the  river,  climbed  the  woody  hill, 
and  swarmed  down  upon  the  plain  beyond.  About 
a  hundred  of  them  had  guns ;  the  rest  were  armed 

1  The  Relation  des  Decouvertes  says,  five  hundred  Iroquois  and  one 
hundred  Shawanoes.  Menibr(?  says  that  the  allies  were  Miamis.  He  is 
no  doubt  right,  as  the  Miamis  had  promised  their  aid,  and  the  Shawanocfl 
were  at  peace  with  the  Illinois.     Tonty  is  silent  on  the  point. 


1680.J  TONTY'S  MEDIATION.  211 

with  bows  and  arro^vs.  They  were  now  face  to 
face  with  the  enemy,  who  had  emerged  from  the 
woods  of  the  Vermilion,  and  were  advancing  on 
the  open  prairie.  With  unwonted  spirit,  for  their 
repute  as  warriors  was  by  no  means  high,  the  llli- 
Qois  began,  after  their  fashion,  to  charge ;  that  is, 
they  leaped,  yelled,  and  shot  off  bullets  and  arrows, 
advancing  as  they  did  so ;  while  the  Iroquois  replied 
with  gymnastics  no  less  agile,  and  bowlings  no  less 
terrific,  mingled  with  the  rapid  clatter  of  their  guns. 
Tonty  saw  that  it  would  go  hard  with  his  allies. 
It  was  of  the  last  moment  to  stop  the  fight,  if 
possible.  The  Iroquois  were,  or  professed  to  be, 
at  jDcace  with  the  French ;  and,  taking  counsel  of 
his  courage,  he  resolved  on  an  attempt  to  mediate, 
which  may  well  be  called  a  desperate  one.  He 
laid  aside  his  gun,  took  in  his  hand  a  wampum 
belt  as  a  flag  of  truce,  and  walked  forward  to  meet 
the  savage  multitude,  attended  by  Boisrondet,  an- 
other Frenchman,  and  a  young  Illinois  who  had 
the  hardihood  to  accompany  him.  The  guns  of 
the  Iroquois  still  flashed  thick  and  fast.  Some  of 
them  were  aimed  at  him,  on  which  he  sent  back 
the  two  Frenchmen  and  the  Illinois,  and  advanced 
alone,  holding  out  the  wampum  belt.^  A  moment 
more,  and  he  was  among  the  infuriated  warriors. 
It  was  a  frightful  spectacle :  the  contorted  forms, 

^  Membre  says  that  he  went  with  Tonty :  "  J'etois  aussi  a  cote'  du 
Sieur  de  Tonty."  This  is  an  invention  of  the  friar's  vanity.  "Les  deux 
peres  Recollets  etoient  alors  dans  une  cabane  a  une  lieue  du  village,  ou 
Lis  s'etoient  retires  pour  f  aire  une  espece  de  retraite,  et  ils  ne  f  urent  avortis 
de  larrivee  des  Iroquois  que  dans  le  temps  du  combat,"  —  Relation  Jes 
Ddcouvertes.  "  Je  rencontrai  en  chemin  les  peres  Gabriel  et  Zenobe  Mem- 
bre, qui  cherchoient  de  mes  nouvelles."  —  Tonty,  Memoire,  1693.     Tliis 


*J12  TONTY  AND  THE   IROQUOIS.  [1680, 

boimding,  crouching,  twisting,  to  deal  or  dodge  Lhe 
shot;  the  small  keen  eyes  that  shone  like  an  angry 
snake's ;  the  parted  lips  pealing  their  fiendish  yelh ; 
the  painted  features  writhing  with  fear  and  fury, 
and  every  passion  of  an  Indian  fight ;  man,  wolf,  and 
devil,  all  in  one.^  With  his  swarthy  complexion 
and  his  half-savage  dress,  they  thought  he  was  an 
Indian,  and  thronged  about  him,  glaring  murder. 
A  young  warrior  stabbed  at  his  heart  with  a  knife, 
but  the  point  glanced  aside  against  a  rib,  inflicting 
only  a  deep  gash.  A  chief  called  out  that,  as  his 
ears  were  not  pierced,  he  must  be  a  Frenchman. 
On  this,  some  of  them  tried  to  stop  the  bleeding,  and 
led  him  to  the  rear,  where  an  angry  parley  ensued, 
while  the  yells  and  firing  still  resounded  in  the 
front.  Tonty,  breathless,  and  bleeding  at  the  mouth 
with  the  force  of  the  blow  he  had  received,  found 
words  to  declare  that  the  Illinois  were  under  the 
protection  of  the  king  and  the  governor  of  Canada, 
and  to  demand  that  they  should  be  left  in  peace.^ 

was  on  his  return  from  the  Iroquois.  Tlie  Relation  confirms  the  state- 
ment, as  far  as  concerns  Membre :  "  II  rencontra  le  Pere  Zenobe  [Mem- 
br(f\,  qui  venoit  pour  le  secourir,  aiant  ete  averti  du  combat  et  de  sa 
blessure." 

The  perverted  Dernieres  D€couvertes,  published  without  authority,  under 
Tonty's  name,  says  that  he  was  attended  by  a  slave,  whom  the  Illinois 
sent  with  him  as  interpreter.  In  his  narrative  of  1684,  Tonty  speaks  of 
a  Sokokis  (Saco)  Indian  who  was  with  the  Iroquois,  and  who  spoke 
French  enough  to  serve  as  interpreter. 

1  Being  once  in  an  encampment  of  Sioux  when  *a  quarrel  broke 
out,  and  the  adverse  factions  raised  the  war-whoop  and  began  to  lire  at 
each  other,  I  had  a  good,  tliougli  for  the  moment  a  rather  dangerous, 
opportunity  of  seeing  the  demeanor  of  Indians  at  the  beginning  of  a 
fight.  The  fray  was  quelled  before  mucli  mischief  was  done,  by  the 
vigorous  intervention  of  the  elder  warriors,  who  ran  between  the 
combatants. 

'•^  "  Je  leur  fis  connoistre  que  Ics  Islinois  ^toient  sous  la  protection  du 
roy  de  Prance  et  du  gouverneur  du  pays,  que  j'estois  surpris  qu'ils  von 


1680.]  PEKIL  OF  TONTY.  213 

A  young  Iroquois  snatched  Tonty's  liat,  placed 
it  on  the  end  of  his  gun,  and  displayed  it  to  the 
Illinois,  who,  thereupon,  thinking  he  was  killed, 
renewed  the  fight ;  and  the  firing  in  front  clat- 
tered more  angrily  than  before.  A  warrior  ran 
in,  crying  out  that  the  Iroquois  were  giving  ground, 
and  that  there  were  Frenchmen  among  the  Illinois, 
who  fired  at  them.  On  this,  the  clamor  around 
Tonty  was  redoubled.  Some  wished  to  kill  him  at 
once ;  others  resisted.  "  I  was  never,"  he  writes, 
"  in  such  perplexity,  for  at  that  moment  there  was 
an  Iroquois  behind  me,  with  a  knife  in  his  hand, 
lifting  my  hair  as  if  he  were  going  to  scalp  me. 
I  thought  it  was  all  over  with  me,  and  that  my 
best  hope  w^as  that  they  would  knock  me  in  the 
head  instead  of  burning  me,  as  I  believed  they 
would  do."  In  fact,  a  Seneca  chief  demanded  that 
he  should  be  burned ;  while  an  Onondaga  chief,  a 
friend  of  La  Salle,  w^as  for  setting  him  free.  The 
dispute  grew  fierce  and  hot.  Tonty  told  them  that 
the  Illinois  were  twelve  hundred  strong,  and  that 
sixty  Frenchmen  were  at  the  village,  ready  to  back 
them.  This  invention,  though  not  fully  believed, 
had  no  little  effect.  The  friendly  Onondaga  carried 
his  point;  and  the  Iroquois,  having  failed  to  sur- 
prise their  enemies,  as  they  had  hoped,  now  saw  an 
opportunity  to  delude  them  by  a  truce.  They  sent 
back  Tonty  with  a  belt  of  peace :  he  held  it  aloft 
in  sight  of  the  Illinois ;  chiefs  and  old  warriors  ran 
to  stop  the  fight ;  the  yells  and  the  firing  ceased ; 

hissent  rompre  avec  les  rran9ois  et  qu'ils  voulussent  attendre  [sic]  h,  uno 
paix."  —  Tonty,  M^moire,  1693. 


214  TONTY  AND  THE  IROQUOIS.  [1680 

and  Toniv,  like  one  waked  from  a  hideous  nio;ht- 
mare,  dizzy,  almost  fainting  with  loss  of  blood, 
staggered  across  the  intervening  prairie,  to  rejoin 
his  friends.  He  was  met  by  the  two  friars,  Eibourde 
and  Membre,  who,  in  their  secluded  hut,  a  league 
from  the  village,  had  but  lately  heard  of  what  was 
passing,  and  who  now,  with  benedictions  and 
thanksgiving,  ran  to  embrace  him  as  a  man  es- 
caped from  the  jaws  of  death. 

The  Illinois  now  withdrew,  re-embarking  in  their 
canoes,  and  crossing  again  to  their  lodges;  but 
scarcely  had  they  reached  them,  w^hen  their  ene- 
mies appeared  at  the  edge  of  the  forest  on  the 
opposite  bank.  Many  found  means  to  cross,  and, 
under  the  pretext  of  seeking  for  provisions,  began 
to  hover  in  bands  about  the  skirts  of  the  town,  con- 
stantly increasing  in  nmnbers.  Had  the  Illinois 
dared  to  remain,  a  massacre  would  doubtless  have 
ensued  ;  but  they  knew  their  foe  too  well,  set  fire 
to  their  lodges,  embarked  in  haste,  and  paddled 
down  the  stream  to  rejoin  their  women  and  chil- 
dren at  the  sanctuary  among  the  morasses.  The 
whole  body  of  the  Iroquois  now  crossed  the  river, 
took  possession  of  the  abandoned  town,  building  for 
themselves  a  rude  redoubt  or  fort  of  the  trunks  of 
trees  and  of  the  posts  and  poles  forming  the  frame- 
work of  the  lodges  which  escaped  the  fire.  Here 
they  ensconced  themselves,  and  finished  the  work 
of  havoc  at  their  leisure. 

Tonty  and  his  companions  still  occupied  their 
hut;  but  the  Iroquois,  becoming  suspicious  of 
them,  forced  them  to  remove  to  the  fort,  crowded 


1680.J  IROQUOIS  TREACHERY.  215 

as  it  was  with  the  savage  crew.  On  the  second 
day,  there  was  an  alarm.  The  Ilhnois  appeared  in 
numbers  on  the  low  hills,  half  a  mile  behind  the 
town ;  and  the  Iroquois,  who  had  felt  their  courage, 
and  who  had  been  told  by  Tonty  that  they  were 
twice  as  numerous  as  themselves,  showed  symptoms 
of  no  little  uneasiness.  They  proposed  that  he 
should  act  as  mediator,  to  which  he  gladly  assented, 
and  crossed  the  meadow  towards  the  Illinois,  accom- 
panied by  Membre,  and  by  an  Iroquois  who  was 
sent  as  a  hostage.  The  Illinois  hailed  the  overtures 
with  delight,  gave  the  ambassadors  some  refresh- 
ment, which  they  sorely  needed,  and  sent  back  with 
them  a  young  man  of  their  nation  as  a  hostage  on 
their  part.  This  indiscreet  youth  nearly  proved  the 
ruin  of  the  negotiation ;  for  he  was  no  sooner  among 
the  Iroquois  than  he  showed  such  an  eagerness  to 
close  the  treaty,  made  such  promises,  professed  such 
gratitude,  and  betrayed  so  rashly  the  numerical 
weakness  of  the  Illinois,  that  he  revived  all  the 
insolence  of  the  invaders.  They  turned  furiously 
upon  Tonty,  and  charged  him  with  having  robbed 
them  of  the  glory  and  the  spoils  of  victory.  "  Where 
are  all  your  Illinois  warriors,  and  where  are  the  sixty 
Frenchmen  that  you  said  were  among  them  ?  "  It 
needed  all  Tonty's  tact  and  coolness  to  extricate 
himself  from  this  new  danger. 

The  treaty  was  at  length  concluded ;  but  scarcely 
was  it  made,  when  the  Iroquois  prepared  to  break 
it,  and  set  about  constructing  canoes  of  elm-bark,  in 
which  to  attack  the  Illinois  women  and  children 
in  tlieir  island  sanctuary.     Tonty  warned  his  allien? 


216  TOl^TY  AM3  THE  IROQUOIS.  [1680. 

that  the  pretended  peace  was  but  a  snare  for  their 
destruction.  The  Iroquois,  on  their  part,  grew 
hourly  more  jealous  of  him,  and  would  certainly 
have  killed  him,  had  it  not  been  their  policy  to  keep 
the  peace  with  Frontenac  and  the  French. 

Several  days  after,  they  summoned  him  and  Mem- 
bre  to  a  council.  Six  packs  of  beaver-skins  were 
brought  in ;  and  the  savage  orator  presented  them 
to  Tonty  in  turn,  explaining  their  meaning  as  he 
did  so.  The  first  two  were  to  declare  that  the  chil- 
dren of  Count  Frontenac,  that  is,  the  Illinois,  should 
not  be  eaten ;  the  next  was  a  plaster  to  heal  Tonty's 
wound ;  the  next  was  oil  wherewith  to  anoint  him 
and  Membre,  that  they  might  not  be  fatigued  in 
travelling ;  the  next  proclaimed  that  the  sun  was 
bright ;  and  the  sixth  and  last  required  them  to  de- 
camp and  go  home.^  Tonty  thanked  them  for  their 
gifts,  but  demanded  when  they  themselves  meant  to 
go  and  leave  the  Illinois  in  peace.  At  this,  the  con- 
clave grew  angry ;  and,  despite  their  late  pledge, 
some  of  them  said  that  before  the}^  went  they  w^oidd 
eat  Illinois  flesh.  Tonty  instantly  kicked  away  the 
packs  of  beaver-skins,  the  Indian  symbol  of  the 
scornful  rejection  of  a  proposal  ;  telling  them  that, 
since  they  meant  to  eat  the  governor's  children, 
he   would   have   none    of    their    presents.      The 

^  An  Indian  speech,  it  will  be  remembered,  is  without  validity,  if 
not  confirmed  by  presents,  each  of  which  has  its  special  interpretation. 
The  meaning  of  the  fifth  pack  of  beaver,  informing  Tonty  that  the  sun 
was  bright,  —  "que  le  soleil  etoit  beau,"  that  is,  that  the  weatlier  was 
favorable  for  travelling,  —  is  curiously  misconceived  by  the  editor  of 
the  Dernieres  D^couvertes,  who  improves  upon  his  original  by  substitut- 
ing the  words  "  par  le  cinquieme  paquet  Us  nous  exhmioient  a  adorer  h 
Soldi " 


1680.]  MURDER  OF  RIBOURDE.  217 

chiefs,  in  a  rage,  rose  and  drove  him  from  the  lodge. 
The  French  withdrew  to  their  hut,  where  they  stood 
all  night  on  the  watch,  expecting  an  attack,  and 
resolved  to  sell  their  lives  dearly.  At  daybreak^  the 
chiefs  ordered  them  to  begone. 

Tonty,  with  admirable  fidelity  and  courage,  had 
done  all  in  the  power  of  man  to  protect  the  allies 
of  Canada  against  their  ferocious  assailants ;  and 
he  thought  it  unwise  to  persist  farther  in  a  course 
which  could  lead  to  no  good,  and  which  would 
probabl}^  end  in  the  destruction  of  the  whole  party. 
He  embarked  in  a  leaky  canoe  with  Membre,  Ri- 
bourde,  Boisrondet,  and  the  remaining  two  men, 
and  began  to  ascend  the  river.  After  paddling 
about  five  leagues,  they  landed  to  dry  their  baggage 
and  repair  their  crazy  vessel ;  when  Father  Ri- 
bourde,  breviary  in  hand,  strolled  across  the  sunny 
meadows  for  an  hour  of  meditation  among  the 
neighboring  groves.  Evening  approached,  and  he 
did  not  return.  Tonty,  with  one  of  the  men,  went 
to  look  for  him ;  and,  following  his  tracks,  pres- 
ently discovered  those  of  a  band  of  Indians,  who 
had  apparently  seized  or  murdered  him.  Still,  they 
did  not  despair.  They  fired  their  guns  to  guide 
him,  should  he  still  be  alive ;  built  a  huge  fire  by 
the  bank,  and  then,  crossing  the  river,  lay  watching 
it  from  the  other  side.  At  midnight,  they  saw  the 
figure  of  a  man  hovering  around  the  blaze  ;  then 
many  more  appeared,  but  Ribourde  was  not  among 
them.  In  truth,  a  band  of  Kickapoos,  enemies  of 
the  Iroquois,  about  whose  camp  they  had  been 
prowling  in  quest  of  scalps,  had  met  and  wantonly 


218  TONTY   AND  THE   IROQUOIS.  [1680 

murdered  the  inofensive  old  man.  They  carried 
his  scalp  to  their  village,  and  danced  around  it  in 
triumph,  pretending  to  have  taken  it  from  an 
enemy.  Thus,  in  his  sixty-fifth  year,  the  only 
heir  of  a  wealthy  Burgundian  house  perished 
under  the  war-clubs  of  the  savages  for  whose 
salvation  he  had  renounced  station,  ease,  and 
affluence.^ 

Meanwhile,  a  hideous  scene  was  enacted  at  the 
ruined  village  of  the  Illinois.  Their  savage  foes, 
balked  of  a  living  prey,  wreaked  their  fury  on  the 
dead.  They  dug  up  the  graves ;  they  threw  down 
the  scaffolds.  Some  of  the  bodies  they  burned  ; 
some  they  threw  to  the  dogs  ;  some,  it  is  affirmed, 
they  ate.^  Placing  the  skulls  on  stakes  as  trophies, 
they  turned  to  pursue  the  Illinois,  who,  when  the 
French  withdrew,  had  abandoned  their  asylum  and 
retreated  down  the  river.  The  Iroquois,  still,  it 
seems,  in  awe  of  them,  followed  them  along  the 
opposite  bank,  each  night  encamping  face  to  face 
with  them ;  and  thus  the  adverse  bands  moved 
slowly  southward,  till  they  were  near  the  mouth  of 
the  river.  Hitherto,  the  compact  array  of  the  Illi- 
nois had  held  their  enemies  in  check ;   but  now, 

1  Tonty,  M^moire;  Membre  inLe  Clerc,  II.  191.  Hennepin,  who  hated 
Tontf,  unjustly  charges  him  with  having  abandoned  tlie  search  too  soon, 
admitting,  however,  that  it  would  have  been  useless  to  continue  it.  This 
part  of  his  narrative  is  a  perversion  of  Membre''s  account. 

2  "  Cependant  les  Iroquois,  aussitot  apres  le  de'part  du  S*"-  de  Tonty, 
exercerent  leur  rage  sur  les  corps  morts  des  Ilinois,  qu'ils  dc'terr^rent  ou 
abbatterent  de  dessus  les  echafauds  oii  les  Ilinois  les  laissent  longtempa 
exposes  avant  que  de  les  mettre  en  terre.  lis  en  briil^rent  la  plus  grandc 
partie,  ils  en  mangerent  meme  quelques  uns,  et  jett^rent  le  reste  aux  chiens. 
lis  plantercnt  les  tetes  de  ces  cadavres  t.  denu  decharn^s  sur  des  pieux," 
etc.  —  Relation  des  D^couvertes. 


1080.J  SUFFERINGS   OF  TONTY.  219 

suffering  from  hunger,  and  lulled  into  security  bj 
the  assurances  of  the  Iroquois  that  their  object  was 
not  to  destroy  them,  but  only  to  drive  them  from 
the  country,  they  rashly  separated  into  their  seve- 
ral tribes.  Some  descended  the  Mississippi ;  some, 
more  prudent,  crossed  to  the  western  side.  One  of 
their  principal  tribes,  the  Tamaroas,  more  credu- 
lous than  the  rest,  had  the  fatuity  to  remain  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Illinois,  where  they  were  speedily 
assailed  by  all  the  force  of  the  Iroquois.  The  men 
fled,  and  very  few  of  them  were  killed ;  but  the 
women  and  children  were  captured  to  the  number, 
it  is  said,  of  seven  hundred.^  Then  followed  that 
scene  of  torture,  of  which,  some  two  weeks  later, 
La  Salle  saw  the  revolting  traces.^  Sated,  at 
length,  with  horrors,  the  conquerors  withdrew,  lead- 
ing with  them  a  host  of  captives,  and  exulting  in 
their  triumphs  over  women,  children,  and  the  dead. 
After  the  death  of  Father  Ribourde,  Tonty  and 
his  companions  remained  searching  for  him  till  noon 
of  the  next  day,  and  then  in  despair  of  again  see- 
ing him,  resumed  their  journey.  They  ascended 
the  river,  leaving  no  token  of  their  passage  at  the 
junction  of  its  northern  and  southern  branches. 
For  food,  they  gathered  acorns  and  dug  roots  in 
the  meadows.  Their  canoe  proved  utterly  worth- 
less ;  and,  feeble  as  they  were,  they  set  out  on  foot 
for  Lake  Michigan.     Boisrondet  wandered  off,  and 

^  Relation  des  D^couvertes;  Front enac  to  the  King,  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  IX 
147.    A  memoir  of  Duchesneau  makes  tlie  number  twelve  hundred. 

2  "  lis  [les  Illinois]  trouverent  dans  leur  campement  des  carcasses  de 
leurs  enfans  que  ces  anthropophages  avoient  mangez,  ne  voulant  mcrac 
d'autre  nourriture  que  la  chair  de  ces  infortunez." — Zm  Pother  ie,  II.  145, 
146.     Compare  note,  ante,  p  197. 


220  TONTY  AND   THE  IROQUOIS.  [1680. 

was  lost.  He  had  dropped  the  flint  of  his  gun,  and 
he  had  no  bullets ;  but  he  cut  a  pewter  porringer 
into  slugs,  with  which  he  shot  wild  turkeys,  by  dis- 
charging his  piece  with  a  firebrand ;  and  after  seve- 
ral days  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  rejoin  the  party. 
Their  object  was  to  reach  the  Pottawattamies  of 
Green  Bay.  Had  they  aimed  at  Michilhmackinac, 
they  would  have  found  an  asylum  with  La  Forest 
at  the  fort  on  the  St.  Joseph ;  but  unhappily  they 
passed  westward  of  that  post,  and,  by  way  of 
Chicago,  followed  the  borders  of  Lake  Michigan 
northward.  The  cold  was  intense  ;  and  it  was  no 
easy  task  to  grub  up  wild  onions  from  the  frozen 
ground  to  save  themselves  from  starving.  Tonty 
fell  ill  of  a  fever  and  a  swelling  of  the  limbs,  which 
disabled  him  from  travelling,  and  hence  ensued  a 
long  delay.  At  length,  they  neared  Green  Bay, 
where  they  would  have  starved,  had  they  not 
gleaned  a  few  ears  of  corn  and  frozen  squashes 
in  the  fields  of  an  empty  Lidian  town. 

This  enabled  them  to  reach  the  bay,  and,  having 
patched  an  old  canoe  which  they  had  the  good 
luck  to  find,  they  embarked  in  it ;  whereupon,  says 
Tonty,  "  there  rose  a  north-west  wind,  which  lasted 
[ive  days,  with  driving  snow.  We  consumed  all 
our  food ;  and,  not  knowing  what  to  do  next,  we 
resolved  to  go  back  to  the  deserted  town,  and  die 
by  a  warm  fire  in  one  of  the  Avigwams.  On  our 
way,  we  saw  a  smoke  :  but  our  joy  was  short ;  for, 
when  we  reached  the  fire,  we  found  nobody  there. 
We  spent  the  night  by  it ;  and  before  morning 
the  bay  froze.     We  tried  to  break  a  way  for  our 


1680.]  FRIENDS  IN  NEED.  221 

canoe  through  the  ice,  but  could  not ;  and  there- 
fore we  determined  to  stay  there  another  night, 
and  make  moccasins,  in  order  to  reach  the  town. 
We  made  some  out  of  Father  Gabriel's  cloak.  I 
was  angry  with  Etienne  Renault  for  not  finishing 
his ;  but  he  excused  himself  on  account  of  illness^, 
because  he  had  a  great  oppression  of  the  stomach, 
caused  by  eating  a  piece  of  an  Indian  shield,  of 
rawhide,  which  he  could  not  digest.  His  delay 
proved  our  salvation  ;  for  the  next  day,  December 
fourth,  as  I  was  urging  him  to  finish  the  moc- 
casins, and  he  was  still  excusing  himself  on  the 
score  of  his  malady,  a  party  of  Kiskakon  Ottawas, 
who  were  on  their  way  to  the  Pottawattamies,  saw 
the  smoke  of  our  fire,  and  came  to  us.  We  gave 
them  such  a  welcome  as  was  never  seen  before 
They  took  us  into  their  canoes,  and  carried  us  to 
an  Indian  village,  only  two  leagues  off.  There  we 
found  five  Frenchmen,  who  received  us  kindly, 
and  all  the  Indians  seemed  to  take  pleasure  in 
sending  us  food  ;  so  that,  after  thirty-four  days 
of  starvation,  we  found  our  famine  turned  to 
abundance." 

This  hospitable  village  belonged  to  the  Pottawat- 
tamies, and  was  under  the  sway  of  the  chief  who 
had  befriended  La  Salle  the  year  before,  and  who 
was  wont  to  say  that  he  knew  but  three  great  cap- 
tains in  the  world,  —  Frontenac,  La  Salle,  and 
himself.^ 

1  Membre  in  Le  Clerc,  II.  199.  The  other  authorities  for  the  fore- 
going chafjter  are  the  letters  of  La  Salle,  the  Relation  des  D€(ouvertes,  in 
which  portions  of  them  are  embodied,  and  the  two  narratives  of  Tonty, 
of  1684  and  1693.     Thej  all  agree  in  essential  points. 


222  TONTY  AND  THE  IROQUOIS.  |1680. 

In  liis  letters  of  this  period,  La  Salle  dwells  at  great  length  on  the 
devices  by  which,  as  he  believed,  his  enemies  tried  to  ruin  him  and  his 
en*^erprise.  He  is  particularly  severe  against  the  Jesuit  AUouez,  whom 
he  charges  with  intriguing  "  pour  commencer  la  guerre  entre  les  Iroquois 
et  les  Illinois  par  le  moyen  des  Miamis  qu'on  engageoit  dans  cette  ne'go- 
ciation  afin  ou  de  me  faire  massacrer  avec  mes  gens  par  quelqu'une  de 
ces  nations  ou  de  me  brouiller  avec  les  Iroquois."  —  Lettre  {a  Thouret  f),  22 
Aout,  1682.  He  gives  in  detail  the  circumstances  on  which  this  suspi- 
cion rests,  but  which  are  not  convincing.  He  says,  farther,  that  the  Jesu- 
its gave  out  that  Tonty  was  dead,  in  order  to  discourage  the  men  going  to 
his  relief,  and  that  Allouez  encouraged  the  deserters,  "  leur  servoit  de 
corseil,  benit  mesme  leurs  balles,  et  les  asseura  plusiem-s  fois  que  M.  de 
Tonty  auroit  la  teste  cassce."  He  also  affirms  that  great  pains  were  taken 
to  spread  the  report  that  he  was  himself  dead.  A  Kiskakon  Indian,  he 
says,  was  sent  to  Tonty  with  a  story  to  this  effect ;  while  a  Huron  named 
Scortas  was  sent  to  him  (La  Salle)  with  false  news  of  the  death  of  Tonty. 
The  latter  confirms  this  statement,  and  adds  that  the  Illinois  had  been 
told  "  que  M.  de  la  Salle  estoit  venu  en  leur  pays  pour  les  doiiner  & 
manger  aux  Iroquois/'-' 


1680.1  THE   ILLINOIS   TOWN.  223 


THE    ILLINOIS    TOWN. 

The  Site  of  the  Great  Illinois  Town.  —  This  has  not  till  now 
been  determined,  though  there  have  been  various  conjectures  concerning 
it.  From  a  study  of  the  contemporary  documents  and  maps,  I  became 
satisfied,  first,  that  the  branch  of  the  river  Illinois,  called  the  "  Big  Ver-. 
milion,"  was  the  Aramoni  of  the  French  explorers  ;  and,  secondly,  that  the 
cliff  called  "  Starved  Rock  "  was  that  known  to  the  French  asZe  Roclier, 
or  the  Rock  of  St.  Louis.  If  I  was  right  in  this  conclusion,  then  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Great  Village  was  established ;  for  there  is  abundant  proof 
chat  it  was  on  the  north  side  of  the  river,  above  the  Aramoni,  and  below 
Le  Rocher.  I  accordingly  went  to  the  village  of  Utica,  which,  as  I  judged 
by  the  map,  was  very  near  the  point  in  question,  and  mounted  to  the  top 
of  one  of  the  hills  immediately  behind  it,  whence  I  could  see  the  valley 
of  the  Illinois  for  miles,  bounded  on  the  farther  side  by  a  range  of  hills, 
in  some  parts  rocky  and  precipitous,  and  in  others  covered  with  forests. 
Far  on  the  right  was  a  gap  in  these  hills,  through  which  the  Big  Ver- 
milion flowed  to  join  the  Illinois  ;  and  somewhat  towards  the  left,  at  the 
distance  of  a  mile  and  a  half,  was  a  huge  cliff,  rising  perpendicularly 
from  the  opposite  margin  of  the  river.  This  I  assumed  to  be  Le  Rocher 
of  the  French,  though  from  where  I  stood  I  was  imable  to  discern  the 
distinctive  features  which  I  was  prepared  to  find  in  it.  In  every  other 
respect,  the  scene  before  me  was  precisely  what  I  had  expected  to  see. 
There  was  a  meadow  on  the  hither  side  of  the  river,  on  which  stood  a 
farm-house  ;  and  this,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  by  its  relations  with  surrounding 
objects,  might  be  supposed  to  stand  in  the  midst  of  the  space  once  occu- 
pied by  the  Illinois  toAvn. 

On  the  way  down  from  the  hill,  I  met  Mr.  James  Clark,  the  princi- 
pal inhabitant  of  Utica,  and  one  of  the  earliest  settlers  of  this  region.  I 
accosted  him,  told  him  my  objects,  and  requested  a  half  hour's  conversa,- 
tion  with  him,  at  his  leisure.  He  seemed  interested  in  the  inquiry,  and 
said  he  would  visit  me  early  in  the  evening  at  the  inn,  where,  accordingly, 
he  soon  appeared.  The  conversation  took  place  in  the  porch,  where  a 
number  of  farmers  and  others  were  gathered.  I  asked  Mr.  Clark  if  any 
Indian  remains  were  found  in  the  neighborhood.  "  Yes,"  he  replied, 
"  plenty  of  them."  I  then  inquired  if  there  was  any  one  spot  where  they 
were  more  numerous  than  elsewhere.  "  Yes,"  he  answered  again,  point 
uig  towards  the  farm-house  on  the  meadow  :  "  on  my  farm  down  yonder 
by  the  river,  my  tenant  ploughs  up  teeth  and  bones  by  the  peck  every 
spring,  besides  arrow-heads,  beads,  stone  hatchets,  and  other  things  of 
that  sort."  I  replied  that  this  was  precisely  what  I  had  expected,  as  I 
had  been  led  to  believe  that  the  principal  town  of  the  Illinois  Indians  onco 
covered  that  very  spot.     "  If,"  I  added, "  I  am  right  in  this  belief,  the  great 


224  THE  ILLINOIIS   TOWN.  [1680. 

rock  beyond  the  river  is  the  one  which  the  first  explorers  occupied  as  a 
fort ;  and  I  can  describe  it  to  you  from  their  accounts  of  it,  though  I  have 
never  seen  it,  except  from  the  top  of  the  hill  where  the  trees  on  and 
around  it  prevented  me  from  seeing  any  part  but  the  front."  The  men 
present  now  gathered  around  to  listen.  "  The  rock,"  I  continued,  "  is 
nearly  a  hundi-ed  and  fifty  feet  high,  and  rises  directly  from  the  water. 
The  front  and  two  sides  are  perpendicular  and  inaccessible ;  but  there  is 
one  place  where  it  is  possible  for  a  man  to  climb  up,  though  with  diffi- 
culty. The  top  is  large  enough  and  level  enough  for  houses  and  fortifica- 
tions.*' Here  several  of  the  men  exclaimed  :  "  That's  just  it."  "  You've 
hit  it  exactly."  I  then  asked  if  there  was  any  other  rock  on  that  side  of 
the  river  which  could  answer  to  the  description.  They  all  agreed  that 
there  was  no  such  rock  on  either  side,  along  the  whole  length  of  the  river. 
I  then  said :  "  If  the  Indian  town  was  in  the  place  where  I  suppose  it  to 
have  been,  I  can  tell  you  the  nature  of  the  country  which  lies  behind  the 
lulls  on  the  farther  side  of  the  river,  though  I  know  nothing  about  it,  ex- 
cept what  I  have  learned  from  writings  nearly  two  centuries  old.  From 
tiie  top  of  the  hills,  you  look  out  upon  a  great  prairie  reaching  as  far  as 
you  can  see,  except  that  it  is  crossed  by  a  belt  of  woods,  following  the 
course  of  a  stream  which  enters  the  main  river  a  few  miles  below,"  (See 
ante,  p.  206,  note.)  "  You  are  exactly  right  again,"  replied  Mr,  Clark,  "  we 
call  that  belt  of  timber  the  *  Vermilion  Woods,'  and  the  stream  is  the  Big 
Vermilion."  "  Then,"  I  said,  "  the  Big  Vermilion  is  the  river  which  the 
French  called  the  Aramoni ;  '  Starved  Rock  '  is  the  same  on  which  they 
built  a  fort  called  St.  Louis,  in  the  year  1682  ;  and  your  farm  is  on  the 
Rite  of  the  great  town  of  the  Illinois." 

I  spent  the  next  day  in  examining  these  localities,  and  was  fully  con- 
firmed in  my  conclusions.  Mr,  Clark's  tenant  showed  me  the  spot  where 
the  human  bones  were  ploughed  up.  It  was  no  doubt  the  graveyard  vio- 
lated by  the  Iroquois,  The  Illinois  returned  to  the  village  after  their 
defeat,  and  long  continued  to  occupy  it.  The  scattered  bones  were  prob- 
ably collected  and  restored  to  their  place  of  burial. 


CHAPTEE  XYII. 

1680. 

THE   ADVENTURES   OF  HENNEPIN. 

BLbitnepin  an  Impostor.  —  His  Pretended  Discovery. —  His  Actual 
Discovert.  —  Captured  by  the  Sioux.  —  The  Upper  Mississippi. 

It  was  on  the  last  day  of  the  winter  that  pre- 
ceded the  invasion  of  the  Iroquois  that  Father 
Hennepin,  with  his  two  companions,  Accau  and 
Du  Gsiy,  had  set  out  from  Fort  Crevecoeur  to  ex- 
plore the  Illinois  to  its  mouth.  It  appears  from 
his  own  later  statements,  as  well  as  from  those  of 
Tonty,  that  more  than  this  was  expected  of  him, 
and  that  La  Salle  had  instructed  him  to  explore, 
not  alone  the  Illinois,  but  also  the  Upper  Missis- 
sippi. That  he  actually  did  so,  there  is  no  reason- 
able doubt ;  and,  could  he  have  contented  himself 
with  telling  the  truth,  his  name  would  have  stood 
hicrh  as  a  bold  and  vio;orous  discoverer.  But  his 
\dcious  attempts  to  malign  his  commander,  and 
plunder  him  of  his  laurels,  have  wrapped  his  genu- 
ine merit  in  a  cloud 

Hennepin's  first  book  was  published  soon  after 
his  return  from  his  travels,  and  while  La  Salle  was 
still  alive.  In  it,  he  relates  the  accomplishment  of 
the  instructions  given  him,  without  the  smallest 

15 


226  THE  ADVENTURES   OF  HENNEPIN.  |1680. 

intimation  tliat  he  did  more.^  Fourteen  years  after, 
when  La  Salle  was  dead,  he  published  another 
edition  of  his  travels,^  in  which  he  advanced  a 
new  and  surprising  pretension.  Eeasons  connected 
with  his  personal  safety,  he  declares,  before  com- 
pelled him  to  remain  silent ;  but  a  time  at  length 
has  come  when  the  truth  must  be  revealed.  And 
he  proceeds  to  affirm  that,  before  ascending  the 
Mississippi,  he,  with  his  two  men,  explored  its 
whole  course  from  the  Illinois  to  the  sea,  thus  an- 
ticipating the  discovery  which  forms  the  crowning 
laurel  of' La  Salle. 

"  I  am  resolved,"  he  says,  "  to  make  known  here 
to  the  whole  w^orld  the  mystery  of  this  discovery, 
which  I  have  hitherto  concealed,  that  I  might  not 
offend  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  who  wished  to  keep 
all  the  glory  and  all  the  knowledge  of  it  to  himself. 
It  is  for  this  that  he  sacrificed  many  persons  whose 
lives  he  exposed,  to  prevent  them  from  making 
known  what  they  had  seen,  and  thereby  crossing 
his  secret  plans.  ...  I  was  certain  that,  if  I  went 
down  the  Mississippi,  he  would  not  fail  to  traduce 
me  to  my  superiors  for  not  taking  the  northern 
route,  w^hich  I  was  to  have  followed  in  accordance 
with  his  desire  and  the  plan  we  had  made  together. 
But  I  saw  myself  on  the  point  of  dying  of  hunger, 
and  knew  not  what  to  do  ;  because  the  two  men 
who  were  with  me  threatened  openly  to  leave  me 
in  the  night,  and  carry  off  the  canoe,  and  every 


^  Description  de  la  Louisiane,  nouvellement  d€couverte,  Paris,  1083. 

'^  Nouvelle  D^couverte  d'un  tres  grand  Pays  situ^  dans  I'Am^rigue,  Utrec/tt^ 


1697. 


1680.]  HENNEPIN    AN   IMPOSTOR.  227 

thing  in  it,  if  I  prevented  them  from  going  down 
the  river  to  the  nations  below.  Finding  myself  in 
this  dilemma,  I  thought  that  I  ought  not  to  hesi- 
tate, and  that  I  ought  to  prefer  my  own  safety  to 
the  violent  passion  which  possessed  the  Sieur  de  la 
Salle  of  enjoying  alone  the  glory  of  this  discovery. 
The  two  men,  seeing  that  I  had  made  up  my  mind 
to  follow  them,  promised  me  entire  fidelity;  so, 
after  we  had  shaken  hands  together  as  a  mutual 
pledge,  we  set  out  on  our  voyage."  * 

He  then  proceeds  to  recount  at  length  the  par- 
ticulars of  his  alleged  exploration.  The  story  was 
distrusted  from  the  first.^  Why  had  he  not  told 
it  before  ?  An  excess  of  modesty,  a  lack  of  self- 
assertion,  or  a  too  sensitive  reluctance  to  wound 
the  susceptibilities  of  others,  had  never  been  found 
among  his  foibles.  Yet  some,  perhaps,  might  have 
believed  him,  had  he  not,  in  the  first  edition  of  his 
book,  gratuitously  and  distinctly  declared  that  he 
did  not  make  the  voyage  in  question.  "  \Ye  had 
some  designs,"  he  says,  "  of  going  down  the  river 
Colbert  [Mississippi]  as  far  as  its  mouth ;  but  the 
tribes  that  took  us  prisoners  gave  us  no  time  to 
navigate  this  river  both  up  and  down."  ^ 

In  declaring  to  the  world  the  achievement  which 
he  had  so  long  concealed  and  so  explicitly  denied,  the 
worthy  missionary  found  himself  in  serious  embar- 

1  Nouvelle  D^couverte,  248,  250,  251. 

2  See  the  preface  of  the  Spanish  translation  by  Don  Sebastian  Fer- 
nandez de  Medrano,  1699,  and  also  the  letter  of  Gravier,  dated  1701,  in 
Shea's  Early  Voyages  on  the  Mississippi.  Barcia,  Charlevoix,  Kalrn,  and 
other  early  writers,  put  a  low  value  on  Hennepin's  veracity. 

'*'  Description  de  la  Louisiane,  218. 


228  THE  ADVENTURES   OF  HENNEPIN.  [1680 

rassment.  In  his  first  book,  he  had  stated  that, 
on  the  twelfth  of  March,  he  left  the  mouth  of  the 
Illinois  on  his  way  northward,  and  that,  on  the 
eleventh  of  April,  he  was  captured  by  the  Sioux, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Wisconsin,  five  hundred 
miles  above.  This  would  give  him  only  a  month 
to  make  his  alleged  canoe-voyage  from  the  Illinois 
to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  again  upward  to  the 
place  of  his  capture,  —  a  distance  of  three  thou- 
sand two  hundred  and  sixty  miles.  With  his  means 
of  transportation,  three  months  would  have  been 
insufficient.^  He  saw  the  difficulty ;  but^  on  the 
other  hand,  he  saw  that  he  could  not  greatly 
change  either  date  without  confusing  the  parts  of 
his  narrative  which  preceded  and  which  followed. 
In  this  perplexity,  he  chose  a  middle  course, 
which  only  involved  him  in  additional  contradic- 
tions. Having,  as  he  affirms,  gone  down  to  the 
Gulf  and  returned  to  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois, 
he  set  out  thence  to  explore  the  river  above ;  and 
he  assigns  the  twenty-fourth  of  April  as  the  date 
of  this  departure.  This  gives  him  forty- three  days 
for  his  voyage  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  and  back. 
Looking  farther,  we  find  that,  having  left  the  Illi- 
nois on  the  twenty -fourth,  he  paddled  his  canoe 
two  hundred  leagues  northward,  and  was  then 
captured  by  the  Sioux  on  the  twelfth  of  the  same 

1  La  Salle,  in  the  following  year,  with  a  far  better  equipment,  was 
more  than  three  months  and  a  half  in  making  the  journey.  A  Mississippi 
trading-boat  of  the  last  generation,  with  sails  and  oars,  ascending  against 
the  current,  was  thought  to  do  remarkably  well  if  it  could  make  twenty 
miles  a  day.  Hennepin,  if  we  believe  his  own  statements,  must  have 
ascended  at  an  average  rate  of  sixty  miles,  though  his  canoe  was  large 
and  heavily  laden. 


1680  1  HENNEPIN  AN  IMPOSTOR.  229 

month.    In  short,  he  ensnares  himself  in  a  hopeless 
confusion  of  dates. ^ 

Here,  one  would  think,  is  sufficient  reason  for 
rejecting  his  story  ;  and  yet  the  general  truth  of 
the  descriptions,  and  a  certain  verisimilitude  which 
marks  it,  might  easily  deceive  a  careless  reader,  and 
perplex  a  critical  one.  These,  however,  are  easily 
explained.  Six  years  before  Hennepin  published 
his  pretended  discovery,  his  brother  friar.  Father 
Chretien  Le  Clerc,  published  an  account  of  the 
Recollet  missions  amono;  the  Indians,  under  the 
title  of  "  Etablissement  de  la  Foi."  This  book, 
offensive  to  the  Jesuits,  is  said  to  have  been  sup- 
pressed by  order  of  government;  but  a  few  copies 
fortunately  survive.^  One  of  these  is  now  before 
me.  It  contains  the  journal  of  Father  Zenobe 
Membre,  on  his  descent  of  the  Mississippi  in  1681, 
in  company  with  La  Salle.  The  slightest  com- 
parison of  his  narrative  with  that  of  Hennepin  is 
sufficient  to  show  that  the  latter  framed  his  own 
story  out  of  incidents  and  descriptions  furnished  by 
his  brother  missionary,  often  using  his  very  words, 
and  sometimes  copying  entire  pages,  with  no  other 
alterations  than  such  as  were  necessary  to  make 

^  Hennepin  here  falls  into  gratuitous  inconsistencies.  In  the  edition 
of  1697,  in  order  to  gain  a  little  time,  he  says  that  he  left  the  Illinois  on 
his  voyage  southward  on  the  eighth  of  March,  1680 ;  and  yet,  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapter,  he  repeats  the  statement  of  the  first  edition,  that  he  was 
detained  at  the  Illinois  by  floating  ice  till  the  twelfth.  Again,  he  says,  in 
the  first  edition,  that  he  was  captured  by  the  Sioux  on  the  eleventh  of 
April ;  and,  in  the  edition  of  1697,  he  changes  this  date  to  the  twelfth,  with- 
out gaining  any  advantage  by  doing  so. 

2  Le  Clerc's  book  had  been  made  the  text  of  an  attack  on  the  Jesuits 
See  Reflexions  sur  un  Livre  intitule  Premier  Etablissement  de  la  Foi.  This 
piece  is  printed  in  the  Morale  Pratique  des  J^suites. 


230  THE  ADVENTURES  OF  HENNEPIN.  [1680 

himself,  instead  of  La  Salle  and  his  companions, 
the  hero  of  the  exploit.  The  records  of  literary 
piracy  may  be  searched  in  vain  for  an  act  of  depre- 
dation more  recklessly  impudent.' 

Such  being  the  case,  what  faith  can  we  put  in  the 
rest  of  Hennepin's  story  ?  Fortunately,  there  are 
tests  by  which  the  earlier  parts  of  his  book  can  be 
tried ;  and,  on  the  whole,  they  square  exceedingly 
well  with  contemporary  records  of  undoubted  au- 
thenticity. Bating  his  exaggerations  respecting  the 
Falls  of  Niagara,  his  local  descriptions,  and  even 
his  estimates  of  distance,  are  generally  accurate. 
He  constantly,  it  is  true,  magnifies  his  own  acts, 
and  thrusts  himself  forward  as  one  of  the  chiefs  of 
an  enterprise,  to  the  costs  of  which  he  had  contrib- 
uted nothing,  and  to  which  he  was  merely  an  ap- 
pendage ;  and  yet,  till  he  reaches  the  Mississippi, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  the  main  he  tells  the 
truth.     As  for  his  ascent  of  that  river  to  the  coun- 

1  Hennepin  may  have  copied  from  the  unpublished  journal  of  Mem- 
bra, which  the  latter  had  placed  in  the  hands  of  his  Superior,  or  he  may 
have  compiled  from  Le  Clerc's  book,  relying  on  the  suppression  of  the 
edition  to  prevent  detection.  He  certainly  saw  and  used  it ;  for  he  else- 
where borrows  the  exact  words  of  the  editor.  He  is  so  careless  that  he 
steals  from  Membre  passages  which  he  might  easily  have  written  for 
himself ;  as,  for  example,  a  description  of  the  opossum  and  another  of  the 
cougar,  animals  with  which  he  was  acquainted.  Compare  the  following 
pages  of  the  Nonvelle  D€couverte  with  the  corresponding  pages  of  Lo 
Clerc:  Hennepin,  252,  Le  Clerc,  II.  217 ;  H.  253,  Le  C.  II.  218;  H.  257. 
Le  C.  II.  221  ;  H.  259,  Le  C.  II.  224;  H.  262,  Le  C.  IL  226;  H.  265,  Le  C. 
II.  229 ;  H.  267,  Le  C.  II.  233  ;  H.  270,  Le  C.  II.  235  ;  H.  280,  Le  C.  IL 
240 ;  H.  296,  Le  C.  II.  249 ;  H.  296,  Le  C.  IL  250 ;  H.  297,  Le  C.  IL  253; 
H.  299,  Le  C.  II.  254 ;  H.  301,  Le  C.  II.  257.  Some  of  these  parallel  pas- 
sages will  be  found  in  Sparks's  Life  of  La  Salle,  where  this  remarkable 
fraud  was  first  fully  exposed.  In  Shea's  Discovery  of  the  Mississippi,  there 
ifi  an  excellent  critical  examination  of  Hennepin's  works.  His  plagia- 
risms from  Le  Clerc  are  not  confined  to  the  passages  cited  above ;  for,  in 
his  later  editions,  he  stole  largely  from  other  parts  of  the  suppressed 
Tiitablisstment  del  a  Foi, 


1680.]  HIS   VOYAGE  NORTHWARD.  231 

try  of  the  Sioux,  the  general  statement  is  fully 
confirmed  by  La  Salle,  Tonty,  and  other  contem- 
porary writers.'  For  the  details  of  the  journey, 
we  must  rest  on  Hennepin  alone,  whose  account 
of  the  country,  and  of  the  peculiar  traits  of  its  In- 
dian occupants,  afford,  as  far  as  they  go,  good  evi- 
dence of  truth.  Indeed,  this  part  of  his  nari'ative 
could  only  have  been  written  by  one  well  versed 
in  the  savage  hfe  of  this  north-western  region.^ 

1  It  is  certain  that  persons  having  the  best  means  of  information  be- 
lieved at  the  time  in  Hennepin's  story  of  his  journeys  on  the  Upper  Mis- 
sissippi. The  compiler  of  the  Relation  des  De'couvertes,  who  was  in  close 
relations  with  La  Salle  and  those  who  acted  with  him,  does  not  intimate 
a  doubt  of  the  truth  of  the  report  wiiich  Hennepin  on  his  return  gave  to 
the  Provincial  Commissary  of  his  Order,  and  which  is  in  substance  the 
same  which  he  published  two  years  later.  The  Relation,  it  is  to  be  observed, 
was  written  only  a  few  months  after  the  return  of  Hennepin,  and  embod- 
ies the  pith  of  his  narrative  of  the  Upper  Mississippi,  no  part  of  which 
had  then  been  published. 

2  In  this  connection,  it  is  well  to  examine  the  various  Sioux  words 
which  Hennepin  uses  incidentally,  and  which  he  must  have  acquired  by 
personal  intercourse  with  the  tribe,  as  no  Frenchman  then  understood  the 
language.  These  words,  as  far  as  my  information  reaches,  are  in  every 
instance  correct.  Thus,  he  says  that  the  Sioux  called  his  breviary  a  "  bad 
spirit," —  Ouackanck€.  Wakanshe,  or  Wakanshecha ,  would  express  the  same 
meaning  in  modern  English  spelling.  He  says  elsewhere  that  they  called 
the  guns  of  his  companions  Manzaouackanche,  which  he  translates,  "iron 
possessed  with  a  bad  spirit."  The  western  Sioux  to  this  day  call  a  giin 
Manzawakan,  "  metal  possessed  with  a  spirit."  Chonga  (shonka),  "  a  dog/' 
Quasi  (ivahsee),  "  a  pine-tree,"  Chinnen  {shinnan),  "a  robe,"  or  "garment," 
and  other  words,  are  given  correctly,  with  their  interpretations.  The 
word  Louis,  afl&rmed  by  Hennepin  to  mean  "  the  sun,"  seems  at  first  sight 
a  wilful  inaccuracy,  as  this  is  not  the  word  used  in  general  by  the  Sioux. 
The  Yankton  band  of  this  people,  however,  call  the  sun  oouee,  which,  it  is 
evident,  represents  the  French  pronunciation  of  Louis,  omitting  the  initial 
letter.  This  Hennepin  would  be  apt  enough  to  supply,  thereby  confer- 
ring a  compliment  alike  on  himself,  Louis  Hennepin,  and  on  the  king, 
Louis  XIV.,  who,  to  the  indignation  of  his  brother  monarchs,  had  chosen 
the  sun  as  his  emblem. 

Various  trivial  incidents  touched  upon  by  Hennepin,  while  recounts 
ing  his  life  among  the  Sioux,  seem  to  me  to  afford  a  strong  presumption 
of  an  actual  experience.  I  speak  on  this  point  with  the  more  confidence, 
as  the  Indians  in  whose  lodges  I  was  once  domesticated  for  several  weeks 
belonged  to  a  western  band  of  the  same  people. 


232  THE  ADVENTURES   OF   HENNEPIN.  [1680. 

Trusting,  then,  to  his  own  guidance  in  the  absence 
of  better,  let  us  follow  in  the  wake  of  his  adven- 
turous canoe. 

It  was  laden  deeply  with  goods  belonging  to  La 
Salle,  and  meant  by  him  as  presents  to  Indians  on 
the  way,  though  the  travellers,  it  appears,  proposed 
to  use  them  in  trading  on  their  own  account.  The 
friar  was  still  wrapped  in  his  gray  capote  and  hood, 
shod  with  sandals,  and  decorated  with  the  cord  of 
St.  Francis.  As  for  his  two  companions,  Accau  ^  and 
Du  Gay,  it  is  tolerably  clear  that  the  former  was  the 
real  leader  of  the  party,  though  Hennepin,  after 
his  custom,  thrusts  himself  into  the  foremost  place. 
Both  were  somewhat  above  the  station  of  ordinary 
hired  hands ;  and  Du  Gay  had  an  uncle  who  was 
an  ecclesiastic  of  good  credit  at  Amiens,  his  native 
place. 

In  the  forests  that  overhung  the  river,  the  buds 
were  feebly  swelling  with  advancing  spring.  There 
was  game  enough.  They  killed  buffalo,  deer,  bea- 
vers, wild  turkeys,  and  now  and  then  a  bear  swim- 
ming in  the  river.  With  these,  and  the  fish  which 
they  caught  in  abundance,  they  fared  sumptuously, 
though  it  was  the  season  of  Lent.  They  were  ex- 
emplary, however,  at  their  devotions.  Hennepin 
said  prayers  at  morning  and  night,  and  the  angelus 
at  noon,  adding  a  petition  to  St.  Anthony  of  Pa- 
dua, that  he  would  save  them  from  the  peril  that 
beset  their  way.  In  truth,  there  was  a  lion  in  the 
path.      The  ferocious  character  of  the  Sioux,  or 

1  Called  Ako  by  Hennepin.  In  contemporary  documents,  it  i8  written 
Accau,  Acau,  D' Accau,  Dacau,  Dacan,  and  D'AccauJt. 


1880]  CAPTURED   BY  THE   SIOUX.  233 

Dacotah,  who  occupied  the  region  of  the  Upper 
Mississippi,  was  already  known  to  the  French ;  and 
Hennepin,  with  excellent  reason,  prayed  that  it 
might  be  his  fortune  to  meet  them,  not  by  night, 
but  by  day. 

On  the  eleventh  or  twelfth  of  April,  they  stopped 
in  the  afternoon  to  repair  their  canoe  ;  and  Henne- 
pin busied  himself  in  daubing  it  wdth  pitch,  while 
the  others  cooked  a  turkey.  Suddenly,  a  fleet  of 
Sioux  canoes  swept  into  sight,  bearing  a  war-party 
of  a  hundred  and  twenty  naked  savages,  who,  on 
seeing  the  travellers,  raised  a  hideous  clamor ;  and, 
some  leaping  ashore  and  others  into  the  water,  they 
surrounded  the  astonished  Frenchmen  in  an  in- 
stant.' Hennepin  held  out  the  peace-pipe ;  but  one 
of  them  snatched  it  from  him.  Next,  he  hastened 
to  proffer  a  gift  of  Martinique  tobacco,  which  was 
better  received.  Some  of  the  old  warriors  re- 
peated the  name  Miamiha,  giving  him  to  under- 
stand that  they  were  a  war-party,  on  the  w^ay  to 
attack  the  Miamis ;  on  which,  Hennepin,  with  the 
help  of  signs  and  of  marks  which  he  drew  on  the 
sand  with  a  stick,  explained  that  the  Miamis  had 
gone  across  the  Mississippi,  beyond  their  reach. 
Hereupon,  he  says  that  three  or  four  old  men 
placed  their  hands  on  his  head,  and  began  a  dis- 
mal wailing ;  while  he  with  his  handkerchief 
wiped  away  their  tears,  in  order  to  evince  sym- 
pathy with   their  affliction,  from  whatever  cause 

*  The  edition  of  1683  says  that  there  were  thirty-three  canoes :  that 
of  1697  raises  the  number  to  fifty.  The  number  of  Indians  is  the  samf 
in  both.     The  later  narrative  is  more  in  detail  than  the  former. 


234:  THE  ADVENTURES  OF  HEKNEPIN.  [1680. 

arisino*.  Notwithstandino;  this  demonstration  of 
tenderness,  they  refused  to  smoke  with  him  in  his 
peace-pipe,  and  forced  him  and  his  companions  to 
embark,  and  paddle  across  the  river  ;  while  they  all 
followed  behind,  uttering  yells  and  bowlings  which 
froze  the  missionary's  blood. 

On  reaching  the  farther  side,  they  made  their 
camp-fires,  and  allowed  their  prisoners  to  do  the 
same.  Accau  and  Du  Gay  slung  their  kettle  ;  while 
Hennepin,  to  propitiate  the  Sioux,  carried  to  them 
two  turkeys,  of  which  there  were  several  in  the 
canoe.  The  warriors  had  seated  themselves  in  a 
ring,  to  debate  on  the  fate  of  the  Frenchmen; 
and  two  chiefs  presently  explained  to  the  friar,  by 
significant  signs,  that  it  had  been  resolved  that  his 
head  should  be  split  with  a  war-club.  This  pro- 
duced the  effect  which  was  no  doubt  intended. 
Hennepin  ran  to  the  canoe,  and  quickly  returned 
with  one  of  the  men,  both  loaded  wdth  presents, 
which  he  threw  into  the  midst  of  the  assembly  ;  and 
then,  bowing  his  head,  offered  them  at  the  same  time 
a  hatchet  with  which  to  kill  him,  if  they  wished  to 
do  so.  His  gifts  and  his  submission  seemed  to  ap- 
pease them.  They  gave  him  and  his  companions 
a  dish  of  beaver's  flesh  ;  but,  to  his  great  concern, 
they  returned  his  peace-pipe,  an  act  which  he  in- 
terpreted as  a  sign  of  danger.  That  night,  the 
Frenchmen  slept  little,  expecting  to  be  murdered 
before  morning.  There  was,  in  fact,  a  great  di- 
vision of  opinion  among  the  Sioux.  Some  were 
for  killing  them  and  taking  their  goods ;  while 
others,  eager  above  all  things  that  French  traders 


1680.J  SUSPECTED    OF   SORCERY.  235 

should  come  among  tliem  with  the  knives,  hatchets, 
and  guns  of  which  they  had  heard  the  value,  con- 
tended that  it  would  be  impolitic  to  discourage  the 
trade  by  putting  to  death  its  pioneers. 

Scarcely  had  morning  dawned  on  the  anxious 
captives,  when  a  young  chief,  naked,  and  painted 
from  head  to  foot,  appeared  before  them,  and 
asked  for  the  pipe,  which  the  friar  gladly  gave 
him.  He  filled  it,  smoked  it,  made  the  warriors 
do  the  same,  and,  having  given  this  hopeful  pledge 
of  amity,  told  the  Frenchmen  that,  since  the  Mi- 
amis  were  out  of  reach,  the  war-party  would  return 
home,  and  that  they  must  accompany  them.  To 
this  Hennepin  gladly  agreed,  having,  as  he  declares, 
his  great  work  of  exploration  so  much  at  heart 
that  he  rejoiced  in  the  prospect  of  achieving  it 
even  in  their  company. 

He  soon,  however,  had  a  foretaste  of  the  afflic- 
tion in  store  for  him ;  for,  when  he  opened  his 
breviary  and  began  to  mutter  his  morning  devo- 
tion, his  new  companions  gathered  about  him  with 
faces  that  betrayed  their  superstitious  terror,  and 
gave  him  to  understand  that  his  book  was  a  bad 
spirit  with  which  he  must  hold  no  more  converse. 
They  thought,  indeed,  that  he  was  muttering  a 
charm  for  their  destruction.  Accau  and  Du  Gay, 
conscious  of  the  danger,  begged  the  friar  to  dis- 
pense with  his  devotions,  lest  he  and  they  alike 
should  be  tomahawked  ;  but  Hennepin  says  that 
his  sense  of  duty  rose  superior  to  his  fears,  and 
that  he  was  resolved  to  repeat  his  office  at  all 
hazards,  though  not  until  he  had  asked  pardon  of 


236  THE  ADYENTUEES  OF  HENNEPIN  [1680 

his  two  friends  for  thus  imperilling  their  lives. 
Fortunately,  he  presently  discovered  a  device  by 
which  his  devotion  and  his  prudence  were  com- 
pletely reconciled.  He  ceased  the  muttering  which 
had  alarmed  the  Indians,  and,  with  the  breviary 
open  on  his  knees,  sang  the  service  in  loud  and 
cheerful  tones.  As  this  had  no  savor  of  sorcery, 
and  as  they  now  imagined  that  the  book  was 
teaching  its  owner  to  sing  for  their  amusement, 
they  conceived  a  favorable  opinion  of  both  alike. 

These  Sioux,  it  may  be  observed,  were  the  an- 
cestors of  those  who  committed  the  horrible  but 
not  unprovoked  massacres  of  1862,  in  the  valley 
of  the  St.  Peter.  HennejDin  complains  bitterly  of 
their  treatment  of  him,  which,  however,  seems  to 
liave  been  tolerably  good.  Afraid  that  he  w^ould 
lag  behind,  as  his  canoe  was  heavy  and  slow,^  they 
placed  several  warriors  in  it,  to  aid  him  and  his 
men  in  paddling.  They  kept  on  their  way  from 
morning  till  night,  building  huts  for  their  bivouac 
when  it  rained,  and  sleeping  on  the  open  ground 
when  the  weather  was  fair,  which,  says  Hennepin, 
"gave  us  a  good  opportunity  to  contemplate  the 
moon  and  stars."  The  three  Frenchmen  took  the 
precaution  of  sleeping  at  the  side  of  the  young 
chief  who  had  been  the  first  to  smoke  the  peace- 
pipe,  and  who  seemed  inclined  to  befriend  them ; 
but  there  was  another  chief,  one  Aquipaguetin,  a 
crafty  old  savage,  who,  having  lost  a  son  in  war 

^  And  yet  it  had,  by  his  account,  made  a  distance  of  thirteen  him- 
dred  and  eighty  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  upward  in 
twenty-four  days. 


1680. J  THE   CAPTIVE   FRIAR.  237 

with  the  Miamis,  was  angry  that  the  party  had 
abandoned  their  expedition,  and  thus  deprived  him 
of  his  revenge.  He  therefore  kept  up  a  dismal 
lament  through  half  the  night ;  while  other  old 
men,  crouching  over  Hennej^in  as  he  lay  trying 
to  sleep,  stroked  him  with  their  hands,  and  ut- 
tered wailings  so  lugubrious  that  he  was  forced 
to  the  belief  that  he  had  been  doomed  to  death, 
and  that  they  were  charitably  bemoaning  his  fate.^ 
One  night,  the  captives  were,  for  some  reason,  un- 
able to  bivouac  near  their  protector,  and  were  forced 
to  make  their  fire  at  the  end  of  the  camp.  Here 
they  were  soon  beset  by  a  crowd  of  Indians,  who 
told  them  that  Aquipaguetin  had  at  length  re- 
solved to  tomahawk  them.  The  malcontents  were 
gathered  in  a  knot  at  a  little  distance,  and  Henne- 
pin hastened  to  appease  them  by  another  gift  of 
knives  and  tobacco.  This  was  but  one  of  the  de- 
vices of  the  old  chief  to  deprive  them  of  their  goods 
without  robbing  them  outright.  He  had  with  him 
the  bones  of  a  deceased  relative,  which  he  was 
carrying  home  wrapped  in  skins  prepared  with 
smoke  after  the  Indian  fashion,  and  gayly  deco- 
rated with  bands  of  dyed  porcupine  quills.  He 
would  summon  his  warriors,  and,  placing  these 
rehcs  in  the  midst  of  the  assembly,  call  on  all 
present   to   smoke  in  their  honor ;    after  which, 

^  This  weeping  and  wailing  over  Hennepin  once  seemed  to  me  an 
anomaly  in  his  account  of  Sioux  manners,  as  I  am  not  aware  that  such 
practices  are  to  be  found  among  them  at  present.  They  are  mentioned, 
however,  by  other  early  writers.  Le  Sueur,  who  was  among  them  in 
1699-1700,  was  wept  over  no  less  than  Hennepin.  See  the  abstract  of  bis 
journal  in  La  Harpe. 


238  THE  ADVENTURES   OF  HENNEPIN.  [1680 

Hennepin  was  required  to  oft'er  a  more  substan- 
tial tribute  in  the  shape  of  cloth,  beads,  hatchets, 
tobacco,  and  the  like,  to  be  laid  upon  the  bundle 
of  bones.  The  gifts  thus  acquired  were  then,  in 
the  name  of  the  deceased,  distributed  among  the 
persons  present. 

On  one  occasion,  Aquipaguetin  killed  a  bear,  and 
invited  the  chiefs  and  warriors  to  feast  upon  it. 
They  accordingly  assembled  on  a  prairie,  west  of 
the  river,  where,  after  the  banquet,  they  danced  a 
"  medicine-dance."  They  were  all  painted  from 
head  to  foot,  with  their  hair  oiled,  garnished  with 
red  and  white  feathers,  and  powdered  with  the 
down  of  birds.  In  this  guise,  they  set  their  arms 
akimbo,  and  fell  to  stamping  with  such  fury  that 
the  hard  prairie  was  dented  with  the  prints  of  their 
moccasins ;  while  the  chief's  son,  crying  at  the  top 
of  his  throat,  gave  to  each  in  turn  the  pipe  of  war. 
Meanwhile,  the  chief  himself,  singing  in  a  loud 
and  rueful  voice,  placed  his  hands  on  the  heads 
of  the  three  Frenchmen,  and  from  time  to  time 
interrupted  his  music  to  utter  a  vehement  ha- 
rangue. Hennepin  could  not  understand  the 
words,  but  his  heart  sank  as  the  conviction  grew 
strong  within  him  that  these  ceremonies  tended  to 
his  destruction.  It  seems,  however,  that,  after  all 
the  chief's  efforts,  his  party  was  in  the  minority, 
the  greater  part  being  adverse  to  either  killing 
or  robbing  the  three  strangers. 

Every  morning,  at  daybreak,  an  old  warrior 
shouted  the  signal  of  departure  ;  and  the  recum- 
bent savages  leaped  up,  manned  their  birchen  fleet, 


1680.]  A  HARD  JOURNEY.  239 

and  plied  their  paddles  against  the  currentj  often 
without  waiting  to  break  their  fast.  Sometimes 
they  stopped  for  a  buffalo-hunt  on  the  neighbor- 
ing prairies ;  and  there  was  no  lack  of  provisions. 
They  passed  Lake  Pepin,  which  Hennepin  called 
the  Lake  of  Tears,  by  reason  of  the  bowlings  and 
lamentations  here  uttered  over  him  by  Aquipague- 
tin ;  and,  nineteen  days  after  his  capture,  landed 
near  the  site  of  St.  Paul.  The  father's  sorrows 
now  began  in  earnest.  The  Indians  broke  his  canoe 
to  pieces,  having  first  hidden  their  own  among  the 
alder-bushes.  As  they  belonged  to  different  bands 
and  diJfferent  villages,  their  mutual  jealousy  now 
overcame  all  their  prudence ;  and  each  proceeded 
to  claim  his  share  of  the  captives  and  the  booty. 
Happily,  they  made  an  amicable  distribution,  or  it 
would  have  fared  ill  with  the  three  Frenchmen ; 
and  each  taking  his  share,  not  forgetting  the 
priestly  vestments  of  Hennepin,  the  splendor  of 
which  they  could  not  sufficiently  admire,  they  set 
out  across  the  country  for  their  villages,  which  lay 
towards  the  north,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Lake 
Buade,  noAV  called  Mille  Lac. 

Being,  says  Hennepin,  exceedingly  tall  and  ac- 
tive, they  walked  at  a  prodigious  speed,  insomuch 
that  no  European  could  long  keep  pace  with  them. 
Though  the  month  of  May  had  begun,  there  were 
frosts  at  night ;  and  the  marshes  and  ponds  were 
glazed  with  ice,  which  cut  the  missionary's  legs 
as  he  waded  through.  They  swam  the  larger 
streams,  and  Hennepin  nearly  perished  with  cold 
as  he  emerged  from  the  icy  current.     His  two 


240  THE  ADVENTURES   OF  HENNEPIN.  [1680. 

companions,  who  were  smaller  than  he,  and  who 
could  not  swim,  were  carried  over  on  the  backs 
of  the  Indians.  They  showed,  however,  no  little 
endm'ance  ;  and  he  declares  that  he  should  have 
dropped  by  the  way,  but  for  their  support.  Seeing 
him  disposed  to  lag,  the  Indians,  to  spur  him  on, 
set  fire  to  the  dry  grass  behind  him,  and  then, 
taking  him  by  the  hands,  ran  forward  with  him 
to  escape  the  flames.  To  add  to  his  misery,  he  was 
nearly  famished,  as  they  gave  him  only  a  small 
piece  of  smoked  meat  once  a  day,  though  it  does 
not  appear  that  they  themselves  fared  better.  On 
the  fifth  day,  being  by  this  time  in  extremity,  he 
saw  a  crowd  of  squaws  and  children  approaching 
over  the  prairie,  and  presently  descried  the  bark 
lodges  of  an  Indian  town.  The  goal  was  reached. 
He  was  among  the  homes  of  the  Sioux. 


CHAPTER  XVm. 

1680,  1681. 

HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE   SIOUX. 

Signs  of  Danger.  —  Adoption.  —  Hennepin  and  his  Indian  Rela- 
tives. —  The  Hunting  Party.  —  The  Sioux  Camp.  —  Falls  oe 
St.  Anthony.  —  A  Vagabond  Friar.  —  His  Adventures  on  thbs 
Mississippi.  —  Greysolon  Du  Lhut.  —  Return  to  Civilization. 

As  Hennepin  entered  the  village,  he  beheld  a 
sight  which  caused  him  to  invoke  St.  Anthony  of 
Padua.  In  front  of  the  lodges  were  certain  stakes, 
to  which  were  attached  bundles  of  straw,  intended, 
as  he  supposed,  for  burning  him  and  his  friends 
alive.  His  concern  was  redoubled  when  he  saw  the 
condition  of  the  Picard  Du  Gay,  whose  hair  and 
face  had  been  painted  with  divers  colors,  and  whose 
head  was  decorated  with  a  tuft  of  white  feathers. 
In  this  guise,  he  was  entering  the  village,  followed 
by  a  crowd  of  Sioux,  who  compelled  him  to  sing 
and  keep  time  to  his  own  music  by  rattling  a  dried 
gourd  containing  a  number  of  pebbles.  The  omens, 
indeed,  were  exceedingly  threatening;  for  treat- 
ment like  this  was  usually  followed  by  the  speedy 
immolation  of  the  captive.  Hennepin  ascribes  it 
to  the  effect  of  his  invocations,  that,  being  led  into 
one   of   the  lodges,  among  a   throng   of   staring 

16 


242  HEKNErm  among  the  sioux.  11680. 

squaws  and  children,  he  and  his  companions  were 
seated  on  the  ground,  and  presented  with  large 
dishes  of  birch  bark,  containing  a  mess  of  wild  rice 
boiled  with  dried  whortleberries ;  a  repast  which  he 
declares  to  have  been  the  best  that  had  fallen  to 
his  lot  since  the  day  of  his  captivity.-^ 

This  soothed  his  fears  :  but,  as  he  allayed  his 
famished  aj)petite,  he  listened  with  anxious  interest 

1  The  Sioux,  or  Dacotah,  as  they  call  themselves,  were  a  numerous 
people,  separated  into  three  great  divisions,  which  were  again  subdivided 
into  bands.  Those  among  whom  Hennepin  was  a  prisoner  belonged  to 
the  division  known  as  the  Issanti,  Issanyati,  or,  as  he  writes  it,  Issati,  of 
which  the  principal  band  was  the  Meddewakantonwan.  The  other  great 
divisions,  the  Yanktons  and  the  Tintonwans,  or  Tetons,  lived  west  of  the 
Mississippi,  extending  beyond  the  Missouri,  and  ranging  as  far  as  the 
Kocky  Mountains.  The  Issanti  cultivated  the  soil ;  but  the  extreme  west- 
ern bands  subsisted  on  the  buffalo  alone.  The  former  had  two  kinds  of 
dwelling,  —  the  teepee,  or  skin  lodge,  and  the  bark  lodge.  The  teepee, 
which  was  used  by  all  the  Sioux,  consists  of  a  covering  of  dressed  buffalo 
hide,  stretched  on  a  conical  stack  of  poles.  The  bark  lodge  was  pecu- 
liar to  the  Eastern  Sioux  ;  and  examples  of  it  might  be  seen,  until  within 
a  few  years,  among  the  bands  on  the  St.  Peter's.  In  its  general  charac- 
ter, it  was  like  the  Huron  and  Iroquois  houses,  but  was  inferior  in  con- 
struction. It  had  a  ridge  roof,  framed  of  poles,  extending  from  the 
posts  which  formed  the  sides  ;  and  the  whole  was  covered  with  elm-bark. 
The  lodges  in  the  villages  to  which  Hennepin  was  conducted  were  prob- 
ably of  this  kind. 

The  name  Sioux  is  an  abbreviation  of  Nadouessioux,  an  Ojibwa  word, 
meaning  enemies.  The  Ojibwas  used  it  to  designate  this  people,  and  occa* 
sionallyalso  the  Iroquois,  being  at  deadly  war  with  both. 

Rev.  Stephen  R.  Riggs,  for  many  years  a  missionary  among  the  Is- 
santi Sioux,  says  that  this  division  consists  of  four  distinct  bands.  They 
ceded  all  their  lands  east  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  United  States  in  1837, 
and  lived  on  the  St.  Peter's  till  driven  thence  in  consequence  of  the  mas- 
sacres of  18G2,  1863.  The  Yankton  Sioux  consist  of  two  bands,  wliich 
are  again  subdivided.  The  Assiniboins,  or  Hohays,  are  an  offshoot 
from  the  Yanktons,  with  whom  they  are  now  at  war.  The  Tintonwan 
or  Teton  Sioux,  forming  the  most  western  division,  and  the  largest,  com- 
prise seven  bands,  and  are  among  the  bravest  and  fiercest  tenants  of  the 
prairie. 

The  earliest  French  writers  estimate  the  total  number  of  the  Sioux  at 
forty  thousand;  but  this  is  little  better  than  conjecture.  Mr. Riggs,  in 
1852,  placed  it  at  about  twenty-five  thousand. 


1680. 1  HOMES  OF  THE   SIOUX.  243 

to  the  vehement  jargon  of  the  chiefs  and  warriors, 
who  were  disputing  among  themselves  to  whom 
the  three  captives  should  respectively  belong ;  for 
it  seems  that,  as  far  as  related  to  them,  the  ques- 
tion of  distribution  had  not  yet  been  definitely 
settled.  The  debate  ended  in  the  assigning  of 
Hennepin  to  his  old  enemy  Aquipaguetin,  who, 
however,  far  from  persisting  in  his  evil  designs, 
adopted  him  on  the  spot  as  his  son.  The  three 
companions  must  now  part  company.  Du  Gay,  not 
yet  quite  reassured  of  his  safety,  hastened  to  con- 
fess himself  to  Hennepin  ;  but  Accau  proved  refrac- 
tory, and  refused  the  offices  of  religion,  which  did 
not  prevent  the  friar  from  embracing  them  both, 
as  he  says,  with  an  extreme  tenderness.  Tired  as 
he  was,  he  was  forced  to  set  out  with  his  seK- 
styled  father  to  his  village,  which  was  fortunately 
not  far  off.  An  unpleasant  walk  of  a  few  miles 
through  woods  and  marshes  brought  them  to  the 
borders  of  a  sheet  of  water,  apparently  Lake  Buade, 
where  five  of  Aquipaguetin's  wives  received  the 
party  in  three  canoes,  and  ferried  them  to  an  island 
on  which  the  villasre  stood. 

At  the  entrance  of  the  chief's  lodge,  Hennepin 
was  met  by  a  decrepit  old  Indian,  withered  with 
age,  who  offered  him  the  peace-pipe,  and  placed 
him  on  a  bear-skin  which  was  spread  by  the  fire. 
Here,  to  relieve  his  fatigue,  —  for  he  was  well-nigh 
spent,  —  a  small  boy  anointed  his  limbs  with  the 
fat  of  a  wild-cat,  supposed  to  be  sovereign  in  these 
cases  by  reason  of  the  great  agility  of  that  animal. 
His  new  father  gave  him  a  bark  platter  of  fish. 


244  HENISTEPIN  AMONG  THE   SIOUX.  flGSa 

covered  him  with  a  buffalo-robe;  and  showed  hira 
six  or  seven  of  his  wives,  who  were  thenceforth, 
he  was  told,  to  regard  him  as  a  son.  The  chief's 
household  was  numerous ;  and  his  allies  and  rela- 
tives formed  a  considerable  clan,  of  which  the  mis- 
sionary found  himself  an  involuntary  member.  He 
was  scandalized  when  he  saw  one  of  his  adopted 
brothers  carrying  on  his  back  the  bones  of  a  de- 
ceased friend,  wrapped  in  the  chasuble  of  brocade 
which  they  had  taken  with  other  vestments  from 
his  box. 

Seeing  their  new  relative  so  enfeebled  that  he 
could  scarcely  stand,  the  Indians  made  for  him  one 
of  their  sweating  baths,^  where  they  immersed  him 
in  steam  three  times  a  week  ;  a  process  from  which 
he  thinks  he  derived  great  benefit.  His  strength 
gradually  returned,  in  spite  of  his  meagre  fare ;  for 
there  was  a  dearth  of  food,  and  the  squaws  were 
less  attentive  to  his  wants  than  to  those  of  their 
children.  They  respected  him,  however,  as  a  person 
endowed  with  occult  powers,  and  stood  in  no  little 
awe  of  a  pocket  compass  which  he  had  with  him, 
as  well  as  of  a  small  metal  pot  with  feet  moulded 
after  the  face  of  a  lion.  This  last  seemed  in  their 
eyes  a  "  medicine  "  of  the  most  formidable  nature, 
and  they  would  not  touch  it  without  first  wrapping 
it  in  a  beaver-skin.  For  the  rest,  Hennepin  made 
himself  useful  in  various  ways.   He  shaved  the  heads 

1  These  baths  consist  of  a  small  hut,  covered  closely  with  buffalo- 
skins,  into  wliich  the  patient  and  his  friends  enter,  carefully  closing  every 
aperture.  A  pile  of  heated  stones  is  placed  in  the  middle,  and  water  is 
poured  upon  them,  raising  a  dense  vapor.  They  are  still  (1868)  in  use 
among  the  Sioux  and  some  other  tribes. 


1680.J  HENNEPIN  AS   A  MISSIONARY.  245 

of  the  children,  as  was  the  custom  of  the  tribe ;  bled 
certain  asthmatic  persons ;  and  dosed  others  with 
orvietan,  the  famous  panacea  of  his  time,  of  which 
he  had  brought  with  him  a  good  supply.  With 
respect  to  his  missionary  functions,  he  seems  to 
have  given  himself  little  trouble,  unless  his  attempt 
to  make  a  Sioux  vocabulary  is  to  be  regarded  as 
preparatory  to  a  future  apostleship.  "  I  could  gain 
nothing  over  them,"  he  says,  "  in  the  way  of  their 
salvation,  by  reason  of  their  natural  stupidity.'* 
Nevertheless,  on  one  occasion,  he  baptized  a  sick 
child,  naming  it  Antoinette  in  honor  of  St.  Anthony 
of  Padua.  It  seemed  to  revive  after  the  rite,  but 
soon  relapsed  and  presently  died,  "  which,"  he 
writes,  "  gave  me  great  joy  and  satisfaction."  In 
this,  he  was  like  the  Jesuits,  who  could  find  noth- 
ing but  consolation  in  the  death  of  a  newly  bap- 
tized infant,  since  it  was  thus  assured  of  a  paradise 
which,  had  it  lived,  it  would  probably  have  forfeited 
by  sharing  in  the  superstitions  of  its  parents. 

With  respect  to  Hennepin  and  his  Indian  father, 
there  seems  to  have  been  little  love  on  either 
side ;  but  Ouasicoude,  the  principal  chief  of  the 
Sioux  of  this  region,  was  the  fast  friend  of  the 
three  white  men.  He  was  angry  that  they  had 
been  robbed,  which  he  had  been  unable  to  pre- 
vent, as  the  Sioux  had  no  laws,  and  their  chiefs 
little  power;  but  he  spoke  his  mind  freely,  and 
told  Aquipaguetin  and  the  rest,  in  full  council, 
that  they  were  like  a  dog  who  steals  a  piece  of 
meat  from  a  dish,  and  runs  away  with  it.  ^VTien 
Hennepin  complained  of  hunger,  the  Indians  had 


246  HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE   SIOUX.  [1680. 

always  promised  him  that  early  in  the  summer  he 
should  go  with  them  on  a  buffalo  hunt,  and  have 
food  in  abundance.  The  time  at  length  came, 
and  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  neighboring  villages 
prepared  for  departure.  To  each  band  was  as- 
signed its  special  hunting-ground,  and  he  was 
expected  to  accompany  his  Indian  father.  To  this 
he  demurred ;  for  he  feared  lest  Aquipaguetin, 
angry  at  the  words  of  the  great  chief,  might  take 
this  opportunity  to  revenge  the  insult  put  upon 
him.  He  therefore  gave  out  that  he  expected  a 
party  of  "  spirits,"  that  is  to  say,  Frenchmen,  to 
meet  him  at  the  mouth  of  the  Wisconsin,  bringing 
a  supply  of  goods  for  the  Indians ;  and  he  declares 
that  La  Salle  had  in  fact  promised  to  send  traders 
to  that  place.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  Indians 
believed  him;  and,  true  or  false,  the  assertion,  as 
will  be  seen,  answered  the  purpose  for  which  it 
was  made. 

The  Indians  set  out  in  a  body  to  the  number  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  warriors,  with  their  women 
and  children.  The  three  Frenchmen,  who,  though 
in  different  villages,  had  occasionally  met  during 
the  two  months  of  their  captivity,  were  all  of  the 
party.  They  descended  Rum  River,  which  forms 
the  outlet  of  Mille  Lac,  and  which  is  called  the  St. 
Francis  by  Hennepin.  None  of  the  Indians  had 
offered  to  give  him  passage ;  and,  fearing  lest  he 
should  be  abandoned,  he  stood  on  the  bank,  hail- 
ing the  passing  canoes  and  begging  to  be  taken  in. 
Accau  and  Du  Gay  presently  appeared,  paddling  a 
small   canoe  which  the  Indians  had  given  them; 


1680]  CAIMP  OF  SAVAGES.  247 

but  they  would  not  listen  to  the  missionary's  call 
and  Accau,  who  had  no  love  for  him,  cried  out 
that  he  had  paddled  him  long  enough  already. 
Two  Indians,  however,  took  pity  on  him,  and 
brought  him  to  the  place  of  encampment,  where 
Du  Gay  tried  to  excuse  himself  for  his  conduct^ 
but  Accau  was  sullen  and  kept  aloof. 

After  reaching  the  Mississippi,  the  whole  party 
encamped  together  opposite  to  the  mouth  of  Rum 
River,  pitching  their  tents  of  skin,  or  buildnig 
their  bark  huts,  on  the  slope  of  a  hill  by  the  side 
of  the  water.  It  was  a  wild  scene,  this  camp  of 
savages  among  whom  as  yet  no  traders  had  come 
and  no  handiwork  of  civilization  had  found  its 
way ;  the  tall  warriors,  some  nearly  naked,  some 
wrapped  in  buffalo-robes,  and  some  in  shirts  of 
dressed  deer-skin  fringed  with  hair  and  embroid- 
ered with  dyed  porcupine  quills,  war-clubs  of  stone 
in  their  hands,  and  quivers  at  their  backs  filled 
with  stone-headed  arrows ;  the  squaws,  cutting 
smoke-dried  meat  with  knives  of  flint,  and  boilinst 
it  in  rude  earthen  pots  of  their  own  making,  driv- 
ing away,  meanwhile,  with  shrill  cries,  the  troops 
of  lean  dogs,  which  disputed  the  meal  with  a  crew 
of  hungry  children.  The  whole  camp,  indeed,  was 
threatened  with  starvation.  The  three  white  men 
could  get  no  food  but  unripe  berries,  from  the 
effects  of  which  Hennepin  thinks  they  might  all 
have  died,  but  for  timely  doses  of  his  orvietan. 

Being  tired  of  the  Indians,  he  became  anxious 
to  set  out  for  the  Wisconsin  to  find  the  party  of 
Frenchmen,  real  or  imaginary,  who  were  to  meet 


248  HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE   SIOUX.  [1680, 

him  at  that  place.  That  he  was  permitted  to  do 
so  was  due  to  the  influence  of  the  great  chief 
Ouasicoude,  who  always  befriended  him,  and  who 
had  soundly  berated  his  two  companions  for  refus- 
ing him  a  seat  in  their  canoe.  Du  Gay  wished  to 
go  with  him ;  but  Accau,  who  liked  the  Indian  life 
as  much  as  he  disliked  Hennepin,  preferred  to  re- 
main with  the  hunters.  A  small  birch  canoe  was 
given  to  the  two  adventurers,  together  with  an 
earthen  potj  and  they  had  also  b(^tween  them  a 
gun,  a  knife,  and  a  robe  of  beaver-skin.  Thus 
equipped,  they  began  their  journey,  and  soon  ap- 
proached the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  so  named  by 
Hennepin  in  honor  of  the  inevitable  St.  Anthony 
of  Padua.^  As  they  were  carrying  their  canoe  by 
the  cataract,  they  saw  five  or  six  Indians,  who  had 
gone  before,  and  one  of  whom  had  climbed  into  an 
oak-tree  beside  the  principal  fall,  whence  in  a  loud 
and  lamentable  voice  he  was  haranguing  the  spirit 
of  the  waters,  as  a  sacrifice  to  whom  he  had  just 

1  Hennepin's  notice  of  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  though  brief,  is  suffi- 
ciently accurate.  He  says,  in  his  first  edition,  that  they  are  forty  or  fifty 
feet  high,  but  adds  ten  feet  more  in  the  edition  of  1697.  In  1821,  accord- 
ing to  Schoolcraft,  the  perpendicular  fall  measured  forty  feet.  Great 
changes,  however,  have  taken  place  here,  and  are  still  in  progress.  The 
rock  is  a  very  soft,  friable  sandstone,  overlaid  by  a  stratum  of  limestone  ; 
and  it  is  crumbling  with  such  rapidity  under  the  action  of  the  water  that 
the  cataract  will  soon  be  little  more  than  a  rapid.  Other  changes  equally 
disastrous,  in  an  artistic  point  of  view,  are  going  on  even  more  quickly. 
Beside  the  falls  stands  a  city,  whicli,  by  an  ingenious  combination  of  the 
Greek  and  Sioux  languages,  has  received  the  name  of  Minneapolis,  or 
City  of  the  Waters,  and  which,  in  1867,  contained  ten  thousand  inhabi- 
tants, two  national  banks,  and  an  opera-house  ;  while  its  rival  city  of  St. 
Anthony,  immediately  opposite,  boasted  a  gigantic  water-cure  and  a  State 
university.  In  short,  the  great  natural  beauty  of  the  place  is  utterlj 
f^l'Oiled. 


.1680.1  ADVENTURES.  249 

hung  a  robe  of  beaver-skin  among  the  branches. 
Their  attention  was  soon  engrossed  by  another  ob- 
ject. Looking  over  the  edge  of  the  cUff  which 
overhung  the  river  below  the  falls,  Hennepin  saw 
a  snake,  which,  as  he  avers,  was  six  feet  long,^ 
writhing  upward  towards  the  holes  of  the  swallows 
in  the  face  of  the  precipice,  in  order  to  devour 
their  young.  He  pointed  him  out  to  Du  Gay,  and 
they  pelted  him  with  stones,  till  he  fell  into  the 
river,  but  not  before  his  contortions  and  the  dart- 
ing of  his  forked  tongue  had  so  affected  the  Pi- 
card's  imagination  that  he  was  haunted  that  night 
with  a  terrific  incubus. 

They  paddled  sixty  leagues  down  the  river  in 
the  heats  of  July,  and  killed  no  large  game  but 
a  single  deer,  the  meat  of  which  soon  spoiled. 
Their  main  resource  was  the  turtles,  whose  shy- 
ness and  watchfulness  caused  them  frequent  dis- 
appointments and  many  involuntary  fasts.  They 
once  captured  one  of  more  than  common  size  ;  and, 
as  they  were  endeavoring  to  cut  off  his  head,  he 
was  near  avenging  himseff  by  snapping  off  Henne- 
pin's finger.  There  was  a  herd  of  buffalo  in  sight 
on  the  neighboring  prairie ;  and  Du  Gay  went 
with  his  gun  in  pursuit  of  them,  leaving  the  turtle 

1  Oanktayhee,  the  principal  deity  of  the  Sioux,  was  supposed  to  live 
under  these  falls,  though  he  manifested  himself  in  the  form  of  a  buffalo. 
It  was  he  who  created  the  earth,  like  the  Algonquin  Manabozho,  from  mud 
brought  to  him  in  the  paws  of  a  musk-rat.  Carver,  in  1766,  saw  an  Indian 
throw  every  thing  he  had  about  him  into  the  cataract  as  an  offering  to  thip 
deity. 

2  In  the  edition  of  1683.  In  that  of  1697,  he  has  grown  to  seven  or 
eight  feet.  The  bank-swallows  still  make  their  nests  in  these  cliffs,  boring 
easily  into  the  soft  sandstone. 


250  HENNEPIN  AMONG   THE   SIOUX.  [1680. 

in   Hennepin's   custody.     Scarcely   was   lie   gone 

when  the  friar,  raising  his  eyes,   saw  that  their 

canoe,  which  they  had  left  at   the  edge  of   the 

water,  had  floated  out  into  the  current.     Hastily 

turning  the  turtle   on  his  back,   he   covered  him 

with  his  habit  of  St.  Francis,  on  which,  for  greater 

security,  he  laid  a  number  of  stones,  and  then, 

being  a  good  swimmer,  struck  out  in  pursuit  of 

the  canoe,  which  he  at  length  overtook.     Finding 

that  it  would  overset  if  he  tried  to  climb  into  it, 

he  pushed  it  before  him  to  the   shore,  and  then 

paddled  towards  the  place,  at  some  distance  above, 

where  he  had  left  the  turtle.     He  had  no  sooner 

reached  it  than   he  heard  a  strange  sound,  and 

beheld  a  long  file  of  buffalo  —  bulls,  cows,    and 

calves  —  entering  the  water  not  far  off,  to  cross 

to  the  western  bank.     Having  no  gun,  as  became 

his  apostolic  vocation,  he  shouted  to  Du  Gay,  who 

presently  appeared,  running  in  all  haste,  and  they 

both  paddled  in  pursuit  of  the  game.     Du  Gay 

aimed  at  a  young  cow,  and  shot  her  in  the  head. 

She  fell  in  shallow  water  near  an  island,   where 

some  of  the  herd  had  landed ;  and,  being  unable 

to  drag  her  out,  they  waded  into  the  water  and 

butchered  her  where  she  lay.     It  was  forty-eight 

hours    since    they   had    tasted   food.      Hennepin 

made  a  fire,  while   Du    Gay   cut   up    the   meat. 

They  feasted  so  bountifully  that  they  both  fell  ill, 

and  were  forced  to  remain  two  days  on  the  island, 

taking  doses  of  orvietan,  before  they  were  able  to 

resume  their  journey. 

Apparently  they  were  not  sufficiently  versed  in 


1680.]  THE  UPPER  MISSISSIPPL  251 

woodcraft  to  smoke  the  meat  of  the  cow ;  and  the 
hot  sun  soon  robbed  them  of  it.  They  had  a  few 
fish-hooks,  but  were  not  always  successful  in  the 
use  of  them.  On  one  occasion,  being  nearly  fam- 
ished, they  set  their  line,  and  lay  watching  it, 
uttering  prayers  in  turn.  Suddenly,  there  was  a 
great  turmoil  in  the  water.  Du  Gay  ran  to  the 
line,  and,  with  the  help  of  Hennepin,  drew  in  two 
large  cat-fish.^  The  eagles,  or  fish-hawks,  now 
and  then  dropped  a  newly  caught  fish,  of  which 
they  gladly  took  possession ;  and  once  they  found 
a  purveyor  in  an  otter  which  they  saw  by  the 
bank,  devouring  some  object  of  an  appearance  so 
wonderful  that  Du  Gay  cried  out  that  he  had  a 
devil  between  his  paws.  They  scared  him  from 
his  prey,  which  proved  to  be  a  spade-fish,  or,  as 
Hennepin  correctly  describes  it,  a  species  of  stur- 
geon, with  a  bony  projection  from  his  snout  in  the 
shape  of  a  paddle.  They  broke  their  fast  upon 
him,  undeterred  by  this  eccentric  appendage. 

If  Hennepin  had  had  an  eye  for  scenery,  he 
would  have  found  in  these  his  vaocabond  rovinsrs 
wherewith  to  console  himself  in  some  measure  for 
his  frequent  fasts.  The  young  Mississippi,  fresh 
from  its  northern  springs,  unstained  as  yet  by  un- 
hallowed union  with  the  riotous  Missouri,  flowed 
calmly  on  its  way  amid  strange  and  unique  beau- 
ties ;  a  wilderness,  clothed  with  velvet  grass ; 
forest-shadowed     valleys ;    lofty    heights,    whose 

1  Hennepin  speaks  of  their  size  with  astonishment,  and  says  that  the 
two  togetlier  would  weigh  twenty-five  pounds.  Cat-fish  have  been  taken 
in  the  Mississippi,  weighing  more  than  a  hundred  and  fifty  pounds. 


252  HENNEPIN   AMONG  THE   SIOUX  [1680. 

smooth  slopes  seemed  levelled  with  the  scythe; 
domes  and  pinnacles,  ramparts  and  ruined  towers, 
the  work  of  no  human  hand.  The  canoe  of  the 
voj'agers,  borne  on  the  tranquil  current,  glided  in 
the  shade  of  gray  crags  festooned  with  honey- 
suckles; by  trees  mantled  with  wild  grape-vines, 
dells  bright  with  the  flowers  of  the  white  eu- 
phorbia, the  blue  gentian,  and  the  purple  balm ; 
and  matted  forests,  where  the  red  squirrels  leaped 
and  chattered.  They  passed  the  great  cliff  whence 
tlie  Indian  maiden  threw  herself  in  her  despair ;  ^ 
and  Lake  Pepin  lay  before  them,  slumbering  in 
the  July  sun ;  the  far-reaching  sheets  of  sparkling 
water,  the  woody  slopes,  the  tower-like  crags,  the 
grassy  heights  basking  in  sunlight  or  shadowed  by 
the  passing  cloud ;  all  the  fair  outline  of  its  grace- 
ful scenery,  the  finished  and  polished  masterwork 
of  Nature.  And  when  at  evening  they  made  their 
bivouac  fire,  and  drew  up  their  canoe,  while  dim, 
sultry  clouds  veiled  the  west,  and  the  flashes  of 
the  silent  heat-lightning  gleamed  on  the  leaden 
water,  they  could  listen,  as  they  smoked  their 
pipes,  to  the  mournful  cry  of  the  whippoorwills 
and  the  quavering  scream  of  the  owls. 

Other  thoughts  than  the  study  of  the  pictur- 
esque occupied  the  mind  of  Hennepin,  when  one 
day  he  saw  his  Indian  father,  Aquipaguetin,  whom 
he  had  supposed  five  hundred  miles  distant,  de- 

*  The  "  Lover's  Leap,"  or  "Maiden's  Rock," from  which  a  Sioux  girl, 
Winona,  or  the  "  Eldest  Born,"  is  said  to  have  thrown  herself  in  the  de- 
spair  of  disappointed  affection.  The  story,  which  seems  founded  in  trutli, 
"will  be  found,  not  without  embellishments,  in  Mrs  Eastman'*  Legends  of 
Vie  Siuux. 


1680.]  HE  REJOINS   THE  INDIANS.  253 

scending  the  river  with  ten  warriors  in  canoes. 
He  was  eager  to  be  the  first  to  meet  the  traders, 
who,  as  Hennepin  had  given  out,  were  to  come 
with  their  goods  to  the  mouth  of  the  Wisconsin. 
The  two  travellers  trembled  for  the  consequences 
of  this  encounter ;  but  the  chief,  after  a  short  col- 
loquy, passed  on  his  way.  In  three  days,  he  re- 
turned in  ill-humor,  having  found  no  traders  at 
the  appointed  spot.  The  Picard  was  absent  at  the 
time,  looking  for  game,  and  Hennepin  was  sitting 
under  the  shade  of  his  blanket,  which  he  had 
stretched  on  forked  sticks  to  protect  him  from  the 
sun,  when  he  saw  his  adopted  father  approaching 
with  a  threatening  look  and  a  war-club  in  his 
hand.  He  attempted  no  violence,  however,  but 
suffered  his  wrath  to  exhale  in  a  severe  scoldincj, 
after  which  he  resumed  his  course  up  the  river 
with  his  warriors. 

If  Hennepin,  as  he  avers,  really  expected  a 
party  of  traders  at  the  Wisconsin,  the  course  he 
now  took  is  sufficiently  explicable.  If  he  did  not 
expect  them,  his  obvious  course  was  to  rejoin 
Tonty  on  the  Illinois,  for  which  he  seems  to  have 
had  no  inclination ;  or  to  return  to  Canada  by  way 
of  the  Wisconsin,  an  attempt  which  involved  the 
risk  of  starvation,  as  the  two  travellers  had  but 
ten  charges  of  powder  left.  Assuming,  then,  his 
hope  of  the  traders  to  have  been  real,  he  and  Du 
Gay  resolved,  in  the  mean  time,  to  join  a  large 
body  of  Sioux  hunters,  who,  as  Aquipaguetin  had 
told  them,  were  on  a  stream  which  he  calls  Bull 
River,  now  the   Chippeway,  entering  the  Missis- 


254  HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE   SIOUX  1680 

sippi  near  Lake  Pepin.  By  so  doing,  they  would 
gain  a  supply  of  food,  and  save  themselves  from 
the  danger  of  encountering  parties  of  roving  war- 
riors. 

They  found  this  band,  among  whom  was  their 
companion  Accau,  and  followed  them  on  a  grand 
hunt  along  the  borders  of  the  Mississippi.  Du 
Gay  was  separated  for  a  time  from  Hennepin, 
who  was  placed  in  a  canoe  with  a  withered  squaw 
more  than  eighty  years  old.  In  spite  of  her  age, 
she  handled  her  paddle  with  great  address,  and 
used  it  vigorously,  as  occasion  required,  to  re- 
press the  gambols  of  three  children,  who,  to  Hen- 
nepin's annoyance,  occupied  the  middle  of  the 
canoe.  The  hunt  was  successful.  The  Sioux  w^ar- 
riors,  active  as  deer,  chased  the  buffalo  on  foot 
with  their  stone-headed  arrow^s,  on  the  plains  be- 
hind the  heights  that  bordered  the  river;  wdiile 
the  old  men  stood  sentinels  at  the  top,  watching 
for  the  approach  of  enemies.  One  day  an  alarm 
was  given.  The  warriors  rushed  towards  the  sup- 
posed point  of  danger,  but  found  nothing  more 
formidable  than  two  squaws  of  their  own  nation, 
who  brought  strange  news.  A  w\ar-party  of  Sioux, 
they  said,  had  gone  towards  Lake  SujDcrior,  and 
had  met  by  the  way  five  "  Spirits ;  "  that  is  to  say, 
five  Europeans.  HennejDin  was  full  of  curiosity  to 
learn  who  the  strangers  might  be ;  and  they,  on 
their  part,  were  said  to  have  shown  great  anxiety 
to  know  the  nationality  of  the  three  white  men 
who,  as  they  were  told,  w^ere  on  the  river.  The 
hunt  was  over;  and  the  hunters,  with  Hennepin 


1680.]  DU  LHUT'S  EXJPLOKATIONS.  255 

and  his  companion,  were  on  their  way  northward 
to  their  towns,  when  they  met  the  five  "Spirits" 
at  some  distance  below  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony. 
They  proved  to  be  Daniel  Greysolon  du  Lhiit  with 
four  well-armed  Frenchmen. 

This  bold  and  enterprising  man,  stigmatized  by 
the  Intendant  Duchesneau  as  a  leader  of  coiireurs 
de  hois,  was  a  cousin  of  Tonty,  born  at  Lyons. 
He  belonged  to  that  caste  of  the  lesser  nobles, 
whose  name  was  legion,  and  whose  admirable  mili- 
tary qualities  shone  forth  so  conspicuously  in  the 
wars  of  Louis  XIV.  Though  his  enterprises  were 
independent  of  those  of  La  Salle,  they  were  at 
this  time  carried  on  in  connection  with  Count 
Frontenac  and  certain  merchants  in  his  interest, 
of  whom  Du  Lhut's  uncle.  Patron,  was  one ;  while 
Louvigny,  his  brother-in-law,  was  in  alliance  with 
the  governor,  and  was  an  officer  of  his  guard. 
Here,^then,  was  a  kind  of  family  league,  counte- 
nanced by  Frontenac,  and  acting  conjointly  with 
him,  in  order,  if  the  angry  letters  of  the  intendant 
are  to  be  believed,  to  reap  a  clandestine  profit 
under  the  shadow  of  the  governor's  authority, 
and  in  violation  of  the  royal  ordinances.  The  ru- 
dest part  of  the  work  fell  to  the  share  of  Da  Lhut, 
who,  with  a  persistent  hardihood,  not  surpassed, 
perhaps,  even  by  La  Salle,  was  continually  in  the 
forest,  in  the  Indian  toAvns,  or  in  remote  wilder- 
ness outposts  planted  by  himself,  exploring,  trad- 
ing, fighting,  ruling  lawless  savages,  and  whites 
scarcely  less  ungovernable,  and  on  one  or  more 
occasions  varying  his  life  by  crossing  the  ocean^ 


25G  HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE   SIOUX  [1680, 

to  gain  interviews  with  the  colonial  minister 
Seignelay,  amid  the  splendid  vanities  of  Versailles. 
Strange  to  say,  this  man  of  hardy  enterprise  was 
a  martyr  to  the  gout,  which  for  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century  grievously  tormented  him ; 
though  for  a  time  he  thought  himself  cured  by  the 
intercession  of  the  Iroquois  saint,  Catharine  Teg- 
ahkouita,  to  whom  he  had  made  a  vow  to  that 
end.  He  was,  without  doubt,  an  habitual  breaker 
of  the  royal  ordinances  regulating  the  fur-trade ; 
yet  his  services  were  great  to  the  colony  and  to 
the  crown,  and  his  name  deserves  a  place  of  honor 
among  the  pioneers  of  American  civilization.^ 

1  The  facts  concerning  Du  Lhut  have  been  gleaned  from  a  variety  of 
contemporary  docmnents,  chiefly  the  letters  of  his  enemy,  Duchesneau, 
who  always  puts  hira  in  the  worst  light,  especially  in  his  despatch  to 
Seignelay  of  10  Nov.,  1679,  where  he  charges  both  him  and  the  governor 
with  carrying  on  an  illicit  trade  with  the  English  of  New  York.  Du  Lhut 
himself,  in  a  memoir  dated  1685  (see  Harrisse,  Bihliograpliie,  176),  strongly 
denies  these  charges.  Du  Lhut  built  a  trading  fort  on  Lake  Superior, 
called  Cananistigoyan  (La  Hontau),  or  Kamalastigouia  (Perrot).  It  was 
on  the  north  side,  at  the  mouth  of  a  river  entering  Thunder  Bay,  where 
Fort  William  now  stands.  In  1684,  he  caused  two  Indians,  who  had  mur- 
dered several  Frenchmen  on  Lake  Superior,  to  be  shot.  He  displayed  in 
this  affair  great  courage  and  coolness,  undaunted  by  the  crowd  of  excited 
savages  who  surrounded  hira  and  his  little  band  of  Frenchmen.  The 
long  letter,  in  which  he  recounts  the  capture  and  execution  of  the  mur- 
derers, is  before  me.  Duchesneau  makes  his  conduct  on  this  occasion  the 
ground  of  a  charge  of  rashness.  In  1686,  Denonville,  then  governor  of 
the  colony,  ordered  him  to  fortify  the  Detroit ;  that  is,  the  strait  between 
Lakes  Erie  and  Huron.  He  went  thither  with  fifty  men  and  built  a  pali- 
sade fort,  which  he  occupied  for  some  time.  In  1687,  he,  together  with 
Tonty  and  Durantaye,  joined  Denonville  against  the  Senecas,  witli  a  body 
of  Indians  from  the  Upper  Lakes.  In  1689,  during  the  panic  that  fol- 
lowed the  Iroquois  invasion  of  Montreal,  Du  Lhut,  with  twenty-eiglit 
Canadians,  attacked  twenty-two  Iroquois  in  canoes,  received  their  fire 
without  returning  it,  bore  down  upon  them,  killed  eighteen  of  them,  and 
captured  three,  only  one  escaping.  In  1695,  he  was  in  command  at  Fort 
Frontenac.  In  1697,  he  succeeded  to  the  command  of  a  company  of  in- 
fantry, but  was  suffering  wretchedly  from  the  gout  at  Fort  Frontenac. 


1680.]  UU  LHUT'S  EXPLORATIONS.  257 

When  Hennepin  met  him,  he  had  been  about 
two  years  in  the  wilderness.  In  September,  1678, 
he  left  Quebec,  for  the  purpose  of  exploring  the 
region  of  the  Upper  Mississippi,  and  establishing 
relations  of  friendship  with  the  Sioux  and  their 
kindred,  the  Assiniboins.  In  the  summer  of  1679, 
he  visited  three  large  towns  of  the  eastern  division 
of  the  Sioux,  including  those  visited  by  Hennepin 
in  the  following  year,  and  planted  the  king's  arms 
in  all  of  them.  Early  in  the  autumn,  he  was  at 
the  head  of  Lake  Superior,  holding  a  council  with 
the  Assiniboins  and  the  lake  tribes,  and  inducing 
them  to  live  at  peace  with  the  Sioux.  In  all  this, 
he  acted  in  a  public  capacity,  under  the  authority 
of  the  governor ;  but  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that 
he  forgot  his  own  interests  or  those  of  his  asso- 
ciates. The  intendant  angrily  complains  that  he 
aided  and  abetted  the  coiireurs  de  hois  in  their  law- 
less courses,  and  sent  down  in  their  canoes  great 

In  1710,  Vaudreuil,  in  a  despatch  to  the  minister,  Ponchartrain,  an- 
nounced his  death  as  occurring  in  the  previous  winter,  and  added  the  brief 
comment, "  c'e'tait  un  tres-honnete  homme."  Other  contemporaries  speak 
to  the  same  effect.  "  M^*-  Dullmt,  Gentilhomme  Lionnois,  qui  a  beaucoup 
de  merite  et  de  capacite'."  —  La  Hontan,  T.  103  (1703).  "  Le  Sieur  duLut. 
homme  d'esprit  et  d'exp^ricnce."  —  Le  Clerc,  11.  137.  Charlevoix  calls 
him  "  one  of  the  bravest  officers  the  king  has  ever  had  in  this  colony." 
His  name  is  variously  spelled  Du  Luc,  Du  Lud,  Du  Lude,  Du  Lut,  Du 
Luth,  Du  Lhut  lor  an  account  of  the  Iroquois  virgin,  Tegahkouita, 
whose  intercession  is  said  to  have  cured  him  of  the  gout,  see  Charlevoix, 
I.  572. 

On  a  contemporary  manuscript  map  by  the  Jesuit  Kaffeix,  represent- 
ing the  routes  of  Marquette,  La  Salle,  and  Du  Lhut,  are  the  following 
words,  referring  to  the  last-named  discoverer,  and  interesting  in  connec- 
tion with  Hennepin's  statements :  "  M^-  du  Lude  le  premier  a  este  chez 
les  Sioux  en  1678,  et  a  este  proche  la  source  du  Mississippi,  et  ensuite  vint 
retirer  le  P.  Louis  [Hennepin]  qui  avoit  este  fait  prisonnier  chez  les 
Sioux."  Du  Lhut  here  appears  as  the  deliverer  of  Hennepm.  One  of 
his  men  was  named  Pepin  ;  hence,  no  doubt,  the  name  of  Lake  Pepin- 

17 


258  HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE   SIOUX.  [1680. 

quantities  of  beaver-skins  consigned  to  the  mer- 
chants in  league  with  him,  under  cover  of  whose 
names  the  governor  reaped  his  share  of  the 
profits. 

In  June,  1680,  while  Hennepin  was  in  the  Sioux 
villages,  Du  Lhut  set  out  from  the  head  of  Lake 
Superior,  with  two  canoes,  four  Frenchmen,  and 
an  Indian,  to  continue  his  explorations.^  He  as- 
cended a  river,  apparently  the  Burnt  Wood,  and 
reached  from  thence  a  branch  of  the  Mississippi 
which  seems  to  have  been  the  St.  Croix.  It  was 
now  that,  to  his  surprise,  he  learned  that  there 
were  three  Europeans  on  the  main  river  below; 
and,  fearing  that  they  might  be  Englishmen  or 
Spaniards,  encroaching  on  the  territories  of  the 
king,  he  eagerly  pressed  forward  to  solve  his 
doubts.  When  he  saw  Hennepin,  his  mind  w^as 
set  at  rest;  and  the  travellers  met  with  mutual 
cordiality.  They  followed  the  Indians  to  their 
villages  of  Mille  Lac,  where  Hennepin  had  now 
no  reason  to  complain  of  their  treatment  of  him. 
The  Sioux  gave  him  and  Du  Lhut  a  grand  feast 
of  honor,  at  which  were  seated  a  hundred  and 
twenty  naked  guests;  and  the  great  chief  Ouasi- 
coiide,  with  his  own  hands,  placed  before  Hennepin 
a  bark  dish  containing  a  mess  of  smoked  meat  and 
wild  rice. 

Autumn  had  come,  and  the  travellers  bethought 
them  of  going  home.  The  Sioux,  consoled  by  their 
promises  to  return  with  goods  for  trade,  did  not 

^  Memoir  on  the  French  Dominion  in  Canada,  N.  Y.  Col.  Does.,  IX^ 
781. 


1680.]  THE  KETURN.  259 

oppose  their  departure ;  and  tliey  set  out  together, 
eight  white  men  in  all.  As  they  passed  St.  Antho- 
ny's Falls,  two  of  the  men  stole  two  buffalo-robea 
which  were  hung  on  trees  as  offerings  to  the  spirit 
of  the  cataract.  When  Du  Lhut  heard  of  it,  he 
was  very  angry,  telling  the  men  that  they  had 
endangered  the  lives  of  the  whole  party.  Henne- 
pin admitted  that,  in  the  view  of  human  prudence, 
he  was  right,  but  urged  that  the  act  was  good  and 
praiseworthy,  inasmuch  as  the  offerings  were  made 
to  a  false  god ;  while  the  men,  on  their  part,  proved 
mutinous,  declaring  that  they  wanted  the  robes  and 
meant  to  keep  them.  The  travellers  continued 
their  journey  in  great  ill-humor,  but  were  pres- 
ently soothed  by  the  excellent  hunting  which  they 
found  on  the  way.  As  they  approached  the  Wis- 
consin, they  stopped  to  dry  the  meat  of  the  buffalo 
they  had  killed,  when  to  their  amazement  they  saw 
a  war-party  of  Sioux  approaching  in  a  fleet  of 
canoes.  Hennepin  represents  himself  as  showing 
on  this  occasion  an  extraordinary  courage,  going 
to  meet  the  Indians  with  a  peace-pipe,  and  instruct- 
ing Du  Lhut,  who  knew  more  of  these  matters 
than  he,  how  he  ought  to  behave.  The  Sioux 
proved  not  unfriendly,  and  said  nothing  of  the 
theft  of  the  buffalo-robes.  They  soon  went  on 
their  way  to  attack  the  Illinois  and  Missouris, 
leaving  the  Frenchmen  to  ascend  the  Wisconsin 
unmolested. 

After  various  adventures,  they  reached  the  station 
of  the  Jesuits  at  Green  Bay;  but  its  existence 
is  wholly  ignored  by  Hennepin,  whose  zeal  for  his 


2G0  HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE   SIOUX.  1I68L 

own  Order  will  not  permit  him  to  allude  to  this 
establishment  of  the  rival  missionaries.^  He  is 
equally  reticent  with  regard  to  the  Jesuit  mission  at 
Michillimackinac,  where  the  party  soon  after  arrived, 
and  where  they  spent  the  winter.  The  only  intima- 
tion which  he  gives  of  its  existence  consists  in  the 
mention  of  the  Jesuit  Pierson,  who  was  a  Fleming 
like  himself,  and  who  often  skated  with  him  on  the 
frozen  lake,  or  kept  him  company  in  fishing  through 
a  hole  in  the  ice.^  When  the  spring  opened,  Hen- 
nepin descended  Lake  Huron,  followed  the  Detroit 
to  Lake  Erie,  and  proceeded  thence  to  Niagara. 
Here  he  spent  some  time  in  making  a  fresh  exami- 
nation of  the  cataract,  and  then  resumed  his  voyage 
on  Lake  Ontario.  He  stopped,  however,  at  the  great 
town  of  the  Senecas,  near  the  Genesee,  where, 
with  his  usual  spirit  of  meddling,  he  took  upon  him 
the  functions  of  the  civil  and  military  authorities, 
convoked  the  chiefs  to  a  council,  and  urged  them  to 
set  at  liberty  certain  Ottawa  prisoners  whom  they 
had  captured  in  violation  of  treaties.  Having  set- 
tled this  affair  to  his  satisfaction,  he  went  to  Fort 
Frontenac,  where  his  brother  missionary,  Buisset, 
received  him  with  a  welcome  rendered  the  warmer 
by  a  story  which  had  reached  him  that  the  In- 
dians had  hanged  Hennepin  with  his  own  cord  of 
St.  Francis. 

1  On  the  other  hand,  he  sets  down  on  his  map  of  1683  a  mission  of 
the  R^eollets  at  a  point  north  of  the  farthest  sources  of  the  Mississippi, 
to  which  no  white  man  had  ever  penetrated. 

2  He  says  that  Pierson  had  come  among  the  Indians  to  learn  tlieir 
language  ;  that  he  "  retained  the  frankness  and  rectitude  of  our  coun- 
try," and  "  a  disposition  always  on  the  side  of  candor  and  sincerity.  In 
a  word,  he  seemed  to  me  to  be  all  that  a  Christian  ought  to  be  "  (1697). 
433. 


IG81.]  HEM^EPIN  AND  FRONTENAC.  261 

From  Fort  Frontenac  he  went  to  Montreal ,  and 
leaving  his  two  men  on  a  neighboring  island,  that 
they  might  oscape  the  payment  of  duties  on  a  quan- 
tity of  furs  which  they  had  with  them,  he  paddled 
alone  towards  the  town.  Count  Frontenac  chanced 
to  be  here,  and,  looking  from  the  window  of  a  house 
near  the  river,  he  saw,  approaching  in  a  canoe,  a 
Recollet  father,  w^hose  appearance  indicated  the 
extremity  of  hard  service ;  for  his  face  was  worn 
and  sunburnt,  and  his  tattered  habit  of  St.  Francis 
was  abundantly  patched  with  scraps  of  buffalo-skin. 
When  at  length  he  recognized  the  long-lost  Henne- 
pin, he  received  him,  as  the  father  writes,  "  with 
all  the  tenderness  which  a  missionary  could  expect 
from  a  person  of  his  rank  and  quality."  He  kept 
him  for  twelve  days  in  his  own  house,  and  listened 
with  interest  to  such  of  his  adventures  as  the  friar 
saw  fit  to  divulge. 

And  here  we  bid  farewell  to  Father  Hennepin. 
"Providence,"  he  writes,  "preserved  my  life  that 
I  might  make  known  my  great  discoveries  to  the 
world."  He  soon  after  went  to  Europe,  where  the 
story  of  his  travels  found  a  host  of  readers,  but 
where  he  died  at  last  in  a  deserved  obscurity.^ 

1  Since  the  two  preceding  chapters  were  written,  the  letters  of  La  Salle 
have  been  brought  to  light  by  the  researches  of  M.  Margry.  They  con- 
firm, in  nearly  all  points,  the  conclusions  given  above ;  though,  as  before 
observed  {note,  p.  173),  they  show  misstatements,  on  the  part  of  Hennepin, 
concerning  his  position  at  the  outset  of  the  expedition.  La  Salle  writes  ; 
"  J'ay  fait  remonter  le  fleuve  Colbert,  nomme  par  les  Iroquois  Gastacha, 
par  les  Outaouais  Mississipy,  par  un  canot  conduit  par  deux  de  mes  gens, 
I'un  nomme  Michel  Accault  et  I'autre  Picard,  auxquels  le  R.  P.  Hennepin 
Be  joignit  pour  ne  perdre  pas  I'occasion  de  prescher  I'Evangile  aux  peuples 
qui  habitent  dessus  et  qui  n'en  avoient  jamais  oui  parler."  In  the  same 
letter,  he  recounts  their  voyage  on  the  Upper  Mississippi,  and  their  cap- 


262  HENNEPIN  AMONG  THE   SIOUX.  [1C81. 

ture  by  the  Sioux,  in  accordance  with  the  story  of  Hennepin  himself. 
Hennepin's  assertion,  that  La  Salle  had  promised  to  send  a  number  of 
men  to  meet  him  at  the  mouth  of  the  Wisconsin,  turns  out  to  be  true. 
**  Estans  tons  revenus  en  cliasse  avec  les  Nadouessioux  [iS/or/r]  vers  Ouis- 
consing  [Wisconsin],  le  R.  P.  Louis  Hempin  [Heniiepin]  et  Picard  prirent 
resolution  de  venir  jusqu'a  I'emboucheure  de  la  riviere  ou  j'avois  promia 
d'envoyer  de  mes  nouvelles,  comme  j'avois  fait  par  six  hommes  que  les 
Je'suistes  desbaucherent  en  leur  disant  que  le  R.  P.  Louis  et  ses  com- 
pagnons  de  voyage  avoient  este  tuez." 

It  is  clear  that  La  Salle  understood  Hennepin  ;  for,  after  speaking  of 
his  journey,  he  adds:  "J'ai  cru  qu'il  estoit  a  propos  de  vous  faire  le 
narre  des  aventures  de  ce  canot  parce  que  je  ne  doute  pas  qu'on  en  parle ; 
et  si  vous  souhaitez  en  conferer  avec  le  P.  Louis  Hempin,  Recollect,  qui 
est  repasse  en  France,  il  faut  un  pen  le  connoistre,  car  il  ne  manquera 
pas  d'exagerer  toutes  choses,  c'est  son  caractere,  et  a  moy  mesme  il  m'a 
escrit  comme  s'il  eust  este  tout  pres  d'estre  brusle,  quoiqu'il  n'en  ait 
pas  este  seulement  en  danger ;  mais  il  croit  qu'il  luy  est  honorable  de  le 
faire  de  la  sorte,  et  il  parle  plus  conf or  moment  a  ce  qu'il  veut  qu'a  ce  qu'il 
scait."  —  Lettre  de  La  Salle,  22  AoUt,  1G82  (1681?)  (Margry,  IL  259). 

On  his  return  to  France,  Hennepin  got  hold  of  the  manuscript  Rela- 
tion des  D^couvertes,  compiled  for  the  government  from  La  Salle's  letters, 
and,  as  already  observed,  made  very  free  use  of  it  in  the  first  edition  of 
his  book,  printed  in  1683.  In  1699,  he  wished  to  return  to  Canada  ;  but, 
in  a  letter  of  that  year,  Louis  XIV.  orders  the  governor  to  seize  him, 
should  he  appear,  and  send  him  prisoner  to  Rochefort.  This  seems  to 
have  been  in  consequence  of  his  renouncing  the  service  of  the  Frencli 
crown,  and  dedicating  his  edition  of  1697  to  William  III.  of  England. 

More  than  twenty  editions  of  Hennepin's  travels  appeared,  in  French, 
English,  Dutch,  German,  Italian,  and  Spanish.  Most  of  them  include  the 
mendacious  narrative  of  the  pretended  descent  of  the  Mississippi.  For  a 
list  of  them,  see  Hist.  Mag.,  I.  346 ;  11.  24. 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

1681. 
LA   SALLE   BEGINS  ANEW. 

His  C0N8TANCT. — His  Plans. — His  Savage  Allies.  —  He  becomes 
Snow-blind.  —  Negotiations.  —  Grand  Council.  —  La  Salle's 
Okatoet. —  Meeting  with  Tonty. —  Preparation,  —  Departubb. 

In  tracing  the  adventures  of  Tonty  and  the  rov- 
ings  of  Hennepin,  we  have  lost  sight  of  La  Salle, 
the  pivot  of  the  enterprise.  Returning  from  the 
desolation  and  horror  in  the  valley  of  the  Illinois, 
he  had  spent  the  winter  at  Fort  Miami,  on  the  St. 
Joseph,  by  the  borders  of  Lake  Michigan.  Here  he 
might  have  brooded  on  the  redoubled  ruin  that  had 
befallen  him :  the  desponding  friends,  the  exulting 
foes ;  the  wasted  energies,  the  crushing  load  of  debt, 
the  stormy  past,  the  black  and  lowering  future. 
But  his  mind  was  of  a  different  temper.  He  had 
no  thought  but  to  grapple  with  adversity,  and  out 
of  the  fragments  of  his  ruin  to  build  up.  the  fabric 
of  success. 

lie  would  not  recoil ;  but  he  modified  his  plans 
to  meet  the  new  contingency.  His  white  enemies 
had  found,  or  rather,  perhaps,  had  made,  a  savage 
ally  in   the  Iroquois,      Their  incursions  must  be 


264  LA   SALLE  BEGIN-S  ANEW.  fl68L 

stopped,  or  his  enterprise  would  come  to  nought ; 
and  he  thought  he  saw  the  means  by  which  thia 
new  danger  could  be  converted  into  a  source  of 
strength.  The  tribes  of  the  West,  threatened  by  the 
common  enemy,  might  be  taught  to  forget  their 
mutual  animosities,  and  join  in  a  defensive  league, 
with  La  Salle  at  its  head.  They  might  be  colonized 
around  his  fort  in  the  valley  of  the  Illinois,  where, 
in  the  shadow  of  the  French  flag,  and  with  the  aid 
of  French  allies,  they  could  hold  the  Iroquois  in 
check,  and  acquire  in  some  measure  the  arts  of 
a  settled  life.  The  Franciscan  friars  could  teach 
them  the  Faith ;  and  La  Salle  and  his  associates 
could  supply  them  with  goods,  in  exchange  for 
the  vast  harvest  of  furs  which  their  hunters  could 
gather  in  these  boundless  wilds.  Meanwhile,  he 
would  seek  out  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi ;  and 
the  furs  gathered  at  his  colony  in  the  Illinois  would 
then  find  a  ready  passage  to  the  markets  of  the 
world.  Thus  might  this  ancient  slaughter-field  of 
warring  savages  be  redeemed  to  civilization  and 
Christianity ;  and  a  stable  settlement,  half -feudal, 
half-commercial,  grow  up  in  the  heart  of  the  west- 
em  wilderness.  This  plan  was  but  a  part  of  the 
original  scheme  of  his  enterprise,  adapted  to  new 
and  unexpected  circumstances ;  and  he  now  set 
himself  to  its  execution  with  his  usual  vigor,  joined 
to  an  address  that,  when  dealing  with  Indians, 
never  failed  him. 

There  were  allies  close  at  hand.  Near  Fort 
Miami  were  the  huts  of  twenty-five  or  thirty 
savages,  exiles  from  their  homes,  and  strangers  in 


1681.]  INDIAN  FRIENDS.  265 

this  western  world.  Several  of  the  English  colonies, 
from  Virginia  to  Maine,  had  of  late  years  been  har- 
assed by  Indian  wars ;  and  the  Puritans  of  New 
England,  above  all,  had  been  scourged  by  the  deadly 
outbreak  of  King  Philip's  war.  Those  engaged  in 
it  had  paid  a  bitter  price  for  their  brief  triumphs, 
A  band  of  refugees,  chiefly  Abenakis  and  Mohegans. 
driven  from  their  native  seats,  had  roamed  into  these 
distant  wilds,  and  were  wintering  in  the  friendly 
neio-hborhood  of  the  French.  La  Salle  soon  won 
them  over  to  his  interests.  One  of  their  number 
was  the  Mohegan  hunter,  who  for  two  years  had 
faithfully  followed  his  fortunes,  and  who  had  been 
four  years  in  the  West.  He  is  described  as  a  pru- 
dent and  discreet  young  man,  in  whom  La  Salle 
had  great  confidence,  and  who  could  make  himself 
understood  in  several  western  languages,  belonging, 
like  his  own,  to  the  great  Algonquin  tongue.  This 
devoted  henchman  proved  an  efficient  mediator 
with  his  countrymen.  The  New-England  Indians, 
with  one  voice,  promised  to  follow  La  Salle,  asking 
no  recompense  but  to  call  him  their  chief,  and 
yield  to  him  the  love  and  admiration  which  he 
rarely  failed  to  command  from  this  hero-worship- 
ping race. 

New  allies  soon  appeared.  A  Shawanoe  chief 
from  the  valley  of  the  Ohio,  whose  following 
embraced  a  hundred  and  fifty  warriors,  came  to 
ask  the  protection  of  the  French  against  the  all- 
destroying  Iroquois.  "  The  Shawanoes  are  too 
distant,"  was  La  Salle's  reply;  "  but  let  them  come 
to  me  at  the  Illinois,  and  they  shall  be  safe."    The 


266  LA  SALLE  BEGINS   AXEW.  [1681. 

chief  promised  to  join  him  in  the  autumn,  at  Port 
Miami,  with  all  his  band.  But,  more  important 
than  all,  the  consent  and  co-operation  of  the  Illi- 
nois must  be  gained;  and  the  Miamis,  their  neigh- 
bors, and  of  late  their  enemies,  must  be  taught 
the  folly  of  their  league  with  the  Iroquois,  and 
the  necessity  of  joining  in  the  new  confederation. 
Of  late,  they  had  been  made  to  see  the  perfidy  of 
their  dangerous  allies.  A  band  of  the  Iroquois, 
returning  from  the  slaughter  of  .the  Tamaroa 
lUinois,  had  met  and  murdered  a  band  of  Miamis 
on  the  Ohio,  and  had  not  only  refused  satisfaction, 
but  had  entrenched  themselves  in  three  rude  forts 
of  trees  and  brushwood  in  the  heart  of  the  Miami 
country.  The  moment  was  favorable  for  negotiat- 
ing ;  but,  first.  La  Salle  wished  to  open  a  com- 
munication with  the  Illinois,  some  of  whom  had 
begun  to  return  to  the  country  they  had  abandoned. 
With  this  view,  and  also,  it  seems,  to  procure  pro- 
visions, he  set  out  on  the  first  of  March,  with  his 
lieutenant.  La  Forest,  and  fifteen  men. 

The  country  was  sheeted  in  snow,  and  the  party 
journeyed  on  snow-shoes ;  but,  when  they  reached 
the  open  prairies,  the  white  expanse  glared  in  the 
sun  with  so  dazzling  a  brightness  that  La  Salle 
and  several  of  the  men  became  snow-blind.  They 
stopped  and  encamped  under  the  edge  of  a  forest ; 
and  here  La  Salle  remained  in  darkness  for  three 
days,  suffering  extreme  pain.  Meanwhile,  he  sent 
forward  La  Forest,  and  most  of  the  men,  kee^^ing 
with  him  his  old  attendant  Hunaut.  Going  out  in 
quest  of  pine-leaves,  —  a  decoction  of  which  was 


1081.]  ILLINOIS  ALLIES.  267 

supposed  to  be  useful  in  cases  of  snow-blindness, 
—  this  man  discovered  the  fresh  tracks  of  Indians, 
followed  them,  and  found  a  camp  of  Outagamies, 
or  Foxes,  from  the  neighborhood  of  Green  Bay. 
From  them  he  heard  welcome  news.  They  told 
him  that  Tonty  was  safe  among  the  Pottawatta- 
mies,  and  that  Hennepin  had  passed  through  their 
country  on  his  return  from  among  the  Sicux.^ 

A  thaw  took  place ;  the  snow  melted  rapidly ; 
the  rivers  were  opened ;  the  blind  men  began  to 
recover ;  and,  launching  the  canoes  which  they  had 
dragged  after  them,  the  party  pursued  their  way 
by  water.  They  soon  met  a  band  of  Illinois.  La 
Salle  gave  them  presents,  condoled  with  them  on 
their  losses,  and  urged  them  to  make  peace  and 
alliance  with  the  Miamis.  Thus,  he  said,  they 
could  set  the  Iroquois  at  defiance ;  for  he  himself, 
with  his  Frenchmen  and  his  Indian  friends,  would 
make  his  abode  among  them,  supply  them  with 
goods,  and  aid  them  to  defend  themselves.  They 
listened,  well  pleased,  promised  to  carry  his  message 
to  their  countrymen,  and  furnished  him  with  a  large 
supply  of  corn.^  Meanwhile,  he  had  rejoined  La 
Forest,  whom  he  now  sent  to  Michillimackmac  to 
await  Tonty,  and  tell  him  to  remain  there  tiU  he, 
La  Salle,  should  arrive. 

Having  thus  accomplished  the  objects  of  his 
journey,  he  returned  to  Fort  Miami,  whence  he 
soon  after  ascended  the  St.  Joseph  to  the  village  of 

1  Relation  des  Decouvertes,  Compare  Lettre  de  La  Salle  (Margry,  II. 
144). 

2  This  seems  to  have  been  taken  from  the  secret  repositories,  or  :>2ches, 
of  the  ruined  town  of  the  Illinois. 


268  LA   SALLE  BEGINS  ANEW.  [1681 

the  Miami  Indians,  on  the  portage,  at  the  head  of 
the  Kankakee.  Here  he  found  unwelcome  guests. 
These  were  three  Iroquois  warriors,  who  had  been 
for  some  time  in  the  place,  and  who,  as  he  was 
told,  had  demeaned  themselves  with  the  insolence 
of  conquerors,  and  spoken  of  the  French  with  the 
atmost  contempt.  He  hastened  to  confront  them, 
rebuked  and  menaced  them,  and  told  them  that 
now,  when  he  was  present,  they  dared  not  repeat 
the  calumnies  which  they  had  uttered  in  his  absence. 
They  stood  abashed  and  confounded,  and  during 
the  following  night  secretly  left  the  town  and  fled. 
The  effect  was  prodigious  on  the  minds  of  the 
Miamis,  when  they  saw  that  La  Salle,  backed  by 
ten  Frenchmen,  could  command  from  their  arrogant 
visitors  a  respect  which  they,  with  their  hundreds 
of  warriors,  had  wholly  failed  to  inspire.  Here,  at 
the  outset,  was  an  augury  full  of  promise  for  the 
approaching  negotiations. 

There  were  other  strangers  in  the  town,  —  a 
band  of  eastern  Indians,  more  numerous  than  those 
who  had  wintered  at  the  fort.  The  greater  num- 
ber were  from  Rhode  Island,  including,  probably, 
some  of  King  Philip's  warriors ;  others  were  from 
New  York,  and  others  again  from  Virginia.  La 
Salle  called  them  to  a  council,  promised  them  a 
new  home  in  the  West,  under  the  protection  of  the 
Great  King,  with  rich  lands,  an  abundance  of  game, 
and  French  traders  to  supply  them  with  the  goods 
which  they  had  once  received  from  the  English. 
Let  them  but  help  him  to  make  peace  between  the 
Miamis  and  the  Illinois,  and  he  would  insure  for 


1681.]  GRAND  COUNCIL.  269 

them  a  future  of  prosperity  and  safety.  They  lis- 
tened with  open  ears,  and  promised  their  aid  in 
the  work  of  peace. 

On  the  next  morning,  the  Miamis  were  called  to 
a  grand  council.  It  was  held  in  the  lodge  of  their 
chief,  from  which  the  mats  were  removed,  that  the 
crowd  without  might  hear  what  was  said.  La  Salle 
rose  and  harangued  the  concourse.  Few  men  were 
so  skilled  in  the  arts  of  forest  rhetoric  and  diplo- 
macy. After  the  Indian  mode,  he  was,  to  follow 
his  chroniclers,  "  the  greatest  orator  in  North 
America."  *  He  began  with  a  gift  of  tobacco,  to 
clear  the  brains  of  his  auditory ;  next,  for  he  had 
brought  a  canoe-load  of  presents  to  support  his  elo- 
quence, he  gave  them  cloth  to  cover  their  dead, 
coats  to  dress  them,  hatchets  to  build  a  grand  scaf- 
fold in  their  honor,  and  beads,  bells,  and  trinkets 
of  all  sorts,  to  decorate  their  relatives  at  a  grand 
funeral  feast.  All  this  was  mere  metaphor.  The 
living,  while  appropriating  the  gifts  to  their  own 
use,  were  pleased  at  the  compliment  offered  to 
their  dead ;  and  their  delight  redoubled  as  the 
orator  proceeded.  One  of  their  great  chiefs  had 
lately  been  killed  ;  and  La  Salle,  after  a  eulogy 
of  the  departed,  declared  that  he  would  now  raise 
him  to  life  again ;  that  is,  that  he  would  assume 
his  name  and  give  support  to  his  squaws  and  chil- 
dren. This  flattering  announcement  drew  forth 
an  outburst  of  applause ;  and  when,  to  confirm 
his  words,  his   attendants  placed  before  them  a 

1  "  En  ce  genre,  il  etoit  le  plus  grand  orateur  de  1' Amen  que  Septen 
trionale."  —  Relation  des  D^couvertes. 


270  LA   SALLE   BEGINS   AXEW.  [1681. 

huge  pile  of  coats,  shirts,  and  hnnting-knives,  the 
whole  assembly  exploded  in  yelps  of  admiration. 

Now  came  the  climax  of  the  harangue,  intro- 
duced by  a  fartlier  present  of  six  guns. 

"  He  who  is  my  master,  and  the  master  of  all 
this  country,  is  a  mighty  chief,  feared  by  the  whole 
world ;  but  he  loves  peace,  and  the  words  of  his 
lips  are  for  good  alone.  He  is  called  the  King  of 
France,  and  he  is  the  mightiest  among  the  chiefs 
beyond  the  great  water.  His  goodness  reaches 
even  to  your  dead,  and  his  subjects  come  among 
you  to  raise  them  up  to  life.  But  it  is  his  will  to 
preserve  the  life  he  has  given  :  it  is  his  will  that 
you  should  obey  his  laws,  and  make  no  war  with- 
out the  leave  of  Onontio,  who  commands  in  his 
name  at  Quebec,  and  who  loves  all  the  nations 
alike,  because  such  is  the  will  of  the  Great  King. 
You  ought,  then,  to  live  at  peace  with  your  neigh- 
bors, and  above  all  with  the  Illinois.  You  have 
had  causes  of  quarrel  with  them  ;  but  their  defeat 
has  avenged  you.  Though  they  are  still  strong, 
they  wish  to  make  peace  with  you.  Be  content 
with  the  glory  of  having  obliged  them  to  ask  for 
it.  You  have  an  interest  in  preserving  them ; 
since,  if  the  Iroquois  destroy  them,  they  will  next 
destroy  you.  Let  us  all  obey  the  Great  King,  and 
live  together  in  peace,  under  his  protection.  Be  of 
my  mind,  and  use  these  guns  that  I  have  given 
you,  not  to  make  war,  but  only  to  hunt  and  to 
defend  yourselves."  ^ 

1  Translated  from  the  Relation,  where  these  councils  are  reported  at 
great  length. 


1681.]  MEETING   WITH  TONTT.  271 

So  saying,  he  gave  two  belts  of  wampum  to  con- 
firm his  words ;  and  the  assembly  dissolved.  On 
the  following  day,  the  chiefs  again  convoked  it, 
and  made  their  reply  in  form.  It  was  all  that  La 
Salle  could  have  wished.  "  The  Illinois  is  our 
brother,  because  he  is  the  son  of  our  Father,  the 
Great  King."  "  We  make  you  the  master  of  our 
beaver  and  our  lands,  of  our  minds  and  our  bod- 
ies." "  We  cannot  wonder  that  our  brothers  from 
the  East  wish  to  live  with  you.  We  should  have 
wished  so  too,  if  we  had  known  what  a  blessing  it 
is  to  be  the  children  of  the  Great  King."  The 
rest  of  this  auspicious  day  was  passed  in  feasts 
and  dances,  in  which  La  Salle  and  his  Frenchmen 
all  bore  part.  His  new  scheme  was  hopefully  be- 
gun. It  remained  to  achieve  the  enterprise,  twice 
defeated,  of  the  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi,  that  vital  condition  of  his  triumph, 
without  which  all  other  success  was  meaningless 
and  vain. 

To  this  end,  he  must  return  to  Canada,  appease 
his  creditors,  and  collect  his  scattered  resources. 
Towards  the  end  of  May,  he  set  out  in  canoes 
from  Fort  Miami,  and  reached  Michillimackinac 
after  a  prosperous  voyage.  Here,  to  his  great  joy, 
he  found  Tonty  and  Zenobe  Membre,  who  had 
lately  arrived  from  Green  Bay.  The  meeting  was 
one  at  which  even  his  stoic  nature  must  have 
melted.  Each  had  for  the  other  a  tale  of  disaster ; 
but,  when  La  Salle  recounted  the  long  succession 
of  his  reverses,  it  was  with  the  tranquil  tone  and 
cheerful  look  of  one  who  relates  the  incidents  of  an 


272  LA   SALLE  BEGINS  ANEW.  [1681. 

ordinary  journey.  Membre  looked  on  him  with 
admiration.  "  Any  one  else,"  he  says,  "  would 
have  thrown  up  his  hand  and  abandoned  the  en- 
terprise ;  but,  far  from  this,  with  a  firmness  and 
constancy  that  never  had  its  equal,  I  saw  him  more 
resolved  than  ever  to  continue  his  work  and  push 
forward  his  discovery."  ^ 

Without  loss  of  time,  they  embarked  together  for 
Fort  Frontenac,  paddled  their  canoes  a  thousand 
miles,  and  safely  reached  their  destination.  Here, 
in  this  third  beginning  of  his  enterprise.  La  Salle 
found  himself  beset  with  embarrassments.  Not 
only  was  he  burdened  with  the  fruitless  costs  of 
his  two  former  efforts,  but  the  heavy  debts  which 
he  had  incurred  in  building  and  maintaining  Fort 
Frontenac  had  not  been  wholly  paid.  The  fort 
and  the  seigniory  were  already  deeply  mortgaged  ; 
yet,  through  the  influence  of  Count  Frontenac, 
the  assistance  of  his  secretary,  Barrois,  a  consum- 
mate man  of  business,  and  the  support  of  a 
wealthy  relative,  he  found  means  to  appease  his 
creditors  and  even  to  gain  fresh  advances.  To  this 
end,  however,  he  was  forced  to  part  with  a  portion 
of  his  monopolies.  Having  first  made  his  will  at 
Montreal,  in  favor  of  a  cousin  who  had  befriended 
him,^  he  mustered  his  men,  and  once  more  set  forth, 
resolved  to  trust  no  more  to  agents,  but  to  lead  on 

1  Membr^  in  Le  Clerc,  II.  208.  Tonty,  in  his  memoir  of  1693,  speaks 
of  the  joy  of  La  Salle  at  the  meeting.  The  Relation,  usually  very  accu- 
rate, says,  erroneously,  that  Tonty  had  gone  to  Fort  Frontenac.  La  For- 
est had  gone  thither,  not  long  before  La  Salle's  arrival. 

2  Copie  du  testament  du  deffunt  S""-  de  la  Salle,  11  Aout,  1681.  The  rela- 
tive was  Franpois  Plet,  to  whom  he  was  deeply  in  debt. 


1681.J  THE  TORONTO  PORTAGE.  273 

his  followers,  in  a  united  body,  under  his  own 
personal  command.^ 

At  the  beginning  of  autumn,  he  was  at  Toronto, 
where  the  long  and  difficult  portage  to  Lake  Sim- 
coe  detained  him  a  fortnight.  He  spent  a  part  of 
it  in  writing  an  account  of  what  had  lately  occurred 
to  a  correspondent  in  France,  and  he  closes  his 
letter  thus  :  "  This  is  all  I  can  tell  you  this  year. 
I  have  a  hundred  things  to  write,  but  you  could 
not  believe  how  hard  it  is  to  do  it  among  Indians. 
The  canoes  and  their  lading  must  be  got  over  the 
portage,  and  I  must  speak  to  them  continually,  and 
bear  all  their  importunity,  or  else  they  will  do 
nothing  I  want.  I  hope  to  write  more  at  leisure 
next  year,  and  tell  you  the  end  of  this  business, 
which  I  hope  will  turn  out  well :  for  I  have  M.  de 
Tonty,  who  is  full  of  zeal ;  thirty  Frenchmen,  all 
good  men,  without  reckoning  such  as  I  cannot 
trust ;  and  more  than  a  hundred  Indians,  some  of 
them  Shawanoes,  and  others  from  New  England, 
aU  of  whom  know  how  to  use  guns." 

It  was  October  before  he  reached  Lake  Huron. 
Day  after  day,  and  week  after  week,  the  heavy- 
laden  canoes  crept  on  along  the  lonely  wilderness 
shores,  by  the  monotonous  ranks  of  bristling  moss- 
bearded  firs ;  lake  and  forest,  forest  and  lake  ;  a 

1  "  On  apprendra  k  la  fin  de  cette  annee,  1682,  le  succes  de  la  d^ 
couverte  qu'il  etoit  resolu  d'achever,  au  plus  tard  le  printemps  dernier  ou 
de  perir  en  y  travaillant.  Tant  de  traverses  et  de  malheurs  toujours  ar- 
rives en  son  absence  I'ont  fait  resoudre  k  ne  se  fier  plus  k  personne  et  h, 
conduire  lui-raeme  tout  son  monde,  tout  son  equipage,  et  toute  son  entre- 
prise,  de  laquelle  il  esperoit  une  heureuse  conclusion." 

The  above  is  a  part  of  the  closing  paragraph  of  the  Relation  des  D4- 
couvertes,  so  often  cited. 

18 


274  ^^  SALLE  BEGINS   ANEW.  [1681 

dreary  scene  haunted  with  yet  more  dreary  memo- 
ries —  disasters,  sorrows,  and  deferred  hopes;  time, 
strength,  and  wealth  spent  in  vain ;  a  ruinous  past 
and  a  doubtful  future;  slander,  obloquy,  and  hale. 
With  unmoved  heart,  the  patient  voyager  held  his 
course,  and  drew  up  his  canoes  at  last  on  the  beach 
at  Fort  Miami. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

1681-1682. 

SUCCESS  OF  LA   SALLE. 

His  Followers. — The  Chicago  Portage. —  Descent  op  the  Mis- 
sissippi. —  The  Lost  Hunter.  —  The  Arkansas.  —  The  Taensas- 
—  The  Natchez.  — Hostility.  —  The  Mouth  op  the  Mississippl 
Louis  XIV.  proclaimed  Sovereign  of  the  Great  West. 

The  season  was  far  advanced.  On  the  bare 
limbs  of  the  forest  hung  a  few  withered  remnants 
of  its  gay  autumnal  livery ;  and  the  smoke  crept 
upward  through  the  sullen  November  air  from  the 
squalid  wigwams  of  La  Salle's  Abenaki  and  Mohe- 
gan  allies.  These,  his  new  friends,  were  savages 
whose  midnight  yells  had  startled  the  border  ham- 
lets of  New  England ;  who  had  danced  around 
Puritan  scalps,  and  whom  Puritan  imaginations 
painted  as  incarnate  fiends.  La  Salle  chose  eigh- 
teen of  them,  whom  he  added  to  the  twenty-three 
Frenchmen  who  remained  with  him,  some  of  the 
rest  having  deserted  and  others  lagged  behind. 
The  Indians  insisted  on  taking  their  squaws  with 
them.  These  were  ten  in  number,  besides  three 
children ;  and  thus  the  expedition  included  fifty- 
four  persons,  of  whom  some  were  useless,  and 
others  a  burden. 


276  StCCESS  OF  LA  SALLE.  (1682. 

On  the  21st  of  December,  Tonty  and  Membr^ 
Bet  out  from  Fort  Miami  with  some  of  the  party 
in  six  canoes,  and  crossed  to  the  little  river  Chi- 
cago.- La  Salle,  with  the  rest  of  the  men,  joined 
them  a  few  days  later.  It  was  the  dead  of  winter, 
and  the  streams  were  frozen.  They  made  sledges, 
placed  on  them  the  canoes,  the  baggage,  and  a 
disabled  Frenchman ;  crossed  from  the  Chicago 
to  the  northern  branch  of  the  Illinois,  and  filed 
in  a  long  procession  down  its  frozen  course.  They 
reached  the  site  of  the  great  Illinois  village,  found 
it  tenantless,  and  continued  their  journey,  still 
dragging  their  canoes,  till  at  length  they  reached 
open  water  below  Lake  Peoria. 

La  Salle  had  abandoned  for  a  time  his  original 
plan  of  building  a  vessel  for  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi.  Bitter  experience  had  taught  him  the 
difficulty  of  the  attempt,  and  he  resolved  to  trust 
to  his  canoes  alone.  They  embarked  again,  float- 
ing prosperously  down  between  the  leafless  forests 
that  flanked  the  tranquil  river  ;  till,  on  the  sixth  of 

1  La  Salle,  Relation  de  la  D^couverte,  1682,  in  Thomassy,  GMogie  Pra- 
tique de  la  Louisiane,  9 ;  Lettre  du  Pere  Zeiiohe  Meinhr^,  3  Juin,  1682 ;  Ihid.y 
14  Amti,  1682  ;  Membre  in  Le  Clerc,  11.  214 ;  Tonty,  1684,  1693;  Proems 
Verbal  de  la  Prise  de  Possession  de  la  Louisiane :  Feuilles  d€tach€es  d'une 
Lettre  deLa  Salle  (Margry,  II.  164) ;  R^cit  de  Nicolas  de  la  Salle  (Ibid, I. 
547). 

The  narrative  ascribed  to  Membr^  and  published  by  Le  Clerc  is 
based  on  the  document  preserved  in  the  Archives  Scientifiques  de  la  Ma- 
rine, entitled  Relation  de  la  D^couverte  de  V Embouchure  de  la  Riviere  Missis- 
sippi faitf.  par  le  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  l'ann€e  pass€e,  1682.  The  writer  of  the 
narrative  has  used  it  very  freely,  copying  the  greater  part  verbatim,  with 
occasional  additions  of  a  kind  which  seem  to  indicate  that  he  had  taken 
part  in  the  expedition.  The  Relation  de  la  D€couverte,  though  written  in 
the  third  person,  is  the  official  rep'  rt  of  the  discovery  made  by  Ia  Salle, 
or  perhaps  for  him  by  Membr^. 


1682.J  PRUDHOMME.  277 

February,  they  issued  upon  the  majestic  bosom  of 
the  Mississippi.  Here,  for  the  time,  their  prog- 
ress was  stopped ;  for  the  river  was  full  of  floating 
ice.  La  Salle's  Indians,  too,  had  lagged  behind  ; 
but,  within  a  w^eek,  all  had  arrived,  the  navigation 
was  once  more  free,  and  they  resumed  their  course. 
Towards  evening,  they  saw  on  their  right  the 
mouth  of  a  great  river ;  and  the  clear  current 
was  invaded  bv  the  headlono;  torrent  of  the  Mis- 
souri,  opaque  with  mud.  They  built  their  camp- 
fires  in  the  neighboring  forest;  and  at  daylight, 
embarking  anew  on  the  dark  and  mighty  stream, 
drifted  swiftly  down  towards  unknown  destinies. 
They  passed  a  deserted  town  of  the  Tamaroas ; 
saw,  three  days  after,  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  ;  ^ 
and,  gliding  by  the  wastes  of  bordering  swamp, 
landed  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  February  near  the 
Third  Chickasaw  Bluffs.^  They  encamped,  and 
the  hunters  went  out  for  game.  All  returned,  ex- 
cepting Pierre  Prudhomme  ;  and,  as  the  others  had 
seen  fresh  tracks  of  Indians,  La  Salle  feared  that 
he  was  killed.  While  some  of  his  followers  built 
a  small  stockade  fort  on  a  high  bluff  ^  by  the  river, 
others  ranged  the  woods  in  pursuit  of  the  missing 
hunter.     After  six  days  of  ceaseless  and  fruitleSvS 

^  Called  by  Membre  the  Ouabache  (Wabash). 

2  La  Salle,  Relation  de  la  D^couverte  de  V Embouchure,  etc. ;  Thomaesy,  10. 
Membre  gives  the  same  date ;  but  the  Proces  Verbal  makes  it  the  twenty- 
sixth. 

8  Gravier,  in  his  letter  of  16  Feb.,  1701,  says  that  he  encamped  near 
a  "  great  bliiff  of  stone,  called  Fort  Prudhomme,  because  M.  de  la  Salle, 
going  on  his  discovery,  entrenched  himself  here  with  his  party,  fearfng 
that  Prudhomme,  who  had  lost  himself  in  the  woods,  had  been  killed  by 
the  Indians,  and  that  he  himself  would  be  attacked." 


278  SUCCESS  OF  LA   SALLE.  [1682. 

search,  they  met  two  Chickasaw  Indians  in  the 
forest ;  and,  through  them,  La  Salle  sent  presents 
and  peace-messages  to  that  warlike  people,  whose 
villages  were  a  few  days'  journey  distant.  Several 
days  later,  Prudhomme  was  found,  and  brought 
in  to  the  camp,  half-dead.  He  had  lost  his  way 
while  hunting  ;  and,  to  console  him  for  his  woes, 
La  Salle  christened  the  newly  built  fort  with  his 
name,  and  left  him,  with  a  few  others,  in  charge 
of  it. 

Again  they  embarked ;  and,  with  every  stage 
of  their  adventurous  progress,  the  mystery  of  this 
vast  New  World  was  more  and  more  unveiled. 
More  and  more  they  entered  the  realms  of  spring. 
The  hazy  sunlight,  the  warm  and  drowsy  air,  the 
tender  foliage,  the  opening  flowers,  betokened  the 
reviving  life  of  Nature.  Fop  several  days  more 
they  followed  the  writhings  of  the  great  river,  on 
its  tortuous  course  through  wastes  of  swamp  and 
canebrake,  till  on  the  thirteenth  of  March  ^  they 
found  themselves  wrapped  in  a  thick  fog.  Neither 
shore  was  visible ;  but  they  heard  on  the  right  the 
booming  of  an  Indian  drum  and  the  shrill  outcries 
of  the  war-dance.  La  Salle  at  once  crossed  to  the 
opposite  side,  where,  in  less  than  an  hour,  his  men 
threw  up  a  rude  fort  of  felled  trees.  Meanwhile, 
the  fog  cleared ;  and,  from  the  farther  bank,  the 
astonished  Indians  saw  the  strange  visitors  at  their 
work.  Some  of  the  French  advanced  to  the  edge 
of  the  water,  and  beckoned  them  to  come  over. 
Several  of  them  approached,  in  a  wooden  canoe,  to 

1  La  Salle,  Relation;  Thomassy,  11. 


I 


1682]  THE  AEKANSAS.  279 

within  the  distance  of  a  gun-shot.  La  Salle  dis- 
played the  calumet,  and  sent  a  Frenchman  to  meet 
them.  He  was  well  received ;  and,  the  friendly 
mood  of  the  Indians  being  now  apparent,  the 
whole  party  crossed  the  river. 

On  landing,  they  found  themselves  at  a  town  of 
the  Kappa  band  of  the  Arkansas,  a  people  dwell- 
ing near  the  mouth  of  the  river  which  bears  tl\eir 
name,  "  The  whole  village,"  writes  Membre  to 
his  superior,  "  came  down  to  the  shore  to  meet  us, 
except  the  women,  who  had  run  off.  I  cannot 
tell  you  the  civihty  and  kindness  we  received  from 
these  barbarians,  who  brought  us  poles  to  make 
huts,  supplied  us  with  firewood  during  the  three 
days  we  were  among  them,  and  took  turns  in 
feasting  us.  But,  my  Reverend  Father,  this  gives 
no  idea  of  the  good  qualities  of  these  savages,  who 
are  gay,  civil,  and  free-hearted.  The  young  men, 
though  the  most  alert  and  spirited  we  had  seen, 
are  nevertheless  so  modest  that  not  one  of  them 
would  take  the  liberty  to  enter  our  hut,  but  all 
stood  quietly  at  the  door.  They  are  so  well 
formed  that  we  were  in  admiration  at  their  beauty. 
We  did  not  lose  the  value  of  a  pin  while  we  were 
among  them." 

Various  were  the  dances  and  ceremonies  with 
which  they  entertained  the  strangers,  who,  on 
their  part,  responded  with  a  solemnity  which 
their  hosts  would  have  liked  less,  if  they  had 
understood  it  better.  La  Salle  and  Tonty,  at 
the  head  of  their  followers,  marched  to  the  open 
area  in  the  midst  of  the  village.     Here,  to  the 


280  SUCCESS   OF  LA   SALLE.  [1082. 

admiration  of  tlie  gazing  crowd  of  warriors,  wo- 
men, and  children,  a  cross  was  raised  bearing  the 
arms  of  France.  Membre,  in  canonicals,  sang  a 
hymn ;  the  men  shouted  Vive  le  Roi ;  and  La 
Salle,  in  the  king's  name,  took  formal  possession 
of  the  country.^  The  friar,  not,  he  flatters  him- 
self, without  success,  labored  to  expound  by  signs 
the  mysteries  of  the  Faith  ;  while  La  Salle,  by 
methods  equally  satisfactory,  drew  from  the  chief 
an  acknowledgment  of  fealty  to  Louis  XIY.^ 

After  touching  at  several  other  towns  of  this 
people,  the  voyagers  resumed  their  course,  guided 
by  two  of  the  Arkansas  ;  passed  the  sites,  since 
become  historic,  of  Yicksburg  and  Grand  Gulf  j 
and,  about  three  hundred  miles  below  the  Arkan- 
sas, stopped  by  the  edge  of  a  swamp  on  the  western 
side  of  the  river.^  Here,  as  their  two  guides  told 
them,  was  the  path  to  the  great  town  of  the  Taen- 
sas.  Tonty  and  Membre  were  sent  to  visit  it. 
They  and  their  men  shouldered  their  birch  canoe 

1  Proces  Verbal  de  la  Prise  de  Possession  du  Pays  des  Arkansas,  14  Mars, 
1682. 

2  The  nation  of  the  Akanseas,  Alkansas,  or  Arkansas,  dwelt  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas.  They 
were  divided  into  four  tribes,  living  for  the  most  part  in  separate  villages. 
Those  first  visited  by  La  Salle  were  the  Kappas,  or  Quapaws,  a  remnant 
of  whom  still  subsists.  The  others  were  the  Topingas,  or  Tongengas  ; 
the  Torimans ;  and  the  Osotouoy,  or  Sauthouis.  According  to  Charle- 
voix, who  saw  them  in  1721,  they  were  regarded  as  the  tallest  and  best- 
formed  Indians  in  America,  and  were  known  as  les  Beaux  Hommes.  Gra- 
vier  says  that  they  once  lived  on  the  Ohio. 

8  In  Tensas  County,  Louisiana.  Tonty's  estimates  of  distance  are  here 
much  too  low.  They  seem  to  be  founded  on  observations  of  latitude, 
without  reckoning  the  windings  of  the  river.  It  may  interest  sports- 
men to  know  that  the  party  killed  several  large  alligators,  on  their  way. 
Membre  is  much  astonished  that  such  monsters  should  be  bom  of  egg^^ 
like  chickens. 


1682.J  THE   TAENSAS.  281 

through  the  swamp,  and  launched  it  on  a  lake 
which  had  once  formed  a  portion  of  the  channel 
of  the  river.  In  two  hours,  they  reached  the  town  ; 
and  Tonty  gazed  at  it  with  astonishment.  lie 
had  seen  nothing  like  it  in  America :  large  square 
dwellings,  built  of  sun-baked  mud  mixed  with 
straw,  arched  over  with  a  dome-shaped  roof  of 
canes,  and  placed  in  regular  order  around  an  open 
area.  Two  of  them  were  larger  and  better  than 
the  rest.  One  was  the  lodge  of  the  chief ;  the 
other  was  the  temple,  or  house  of  the  sun.  They 
entered  the  former,  and  found  a  single  room,  forty 
feet  square,  where,  in  the  dim  light,  —  for  there 
was  no  opening  but  the  door,  —  the  chief  sat 
awaiting  them  on  a  sort  of  bedstead,  three  of  his 
wives  at  his  side,  while  sixty  old  m_en,  wrapped  in 
white  cloaks  woven  of  mulberry-bark,  formed  his 
divan.  When  he  spoke,  his  wives  howled  to  do 
him  honor ;  and  the  assembled  councillors  listened 
with  the  reverence  due  to  a  potentate  for  whom, 
at  his  death,  a  hundred  victims  were  to  be  sacri- 
ficed. He  received  the  visitors  graciously,  and 
joyfully  accepted  the  gifts  which  Tonty  laid  be- 
fore him.^  This  interview  over,  the  Frenchmen 
repaired  to  the  temple,  wherein  w^ere  kept  the 
bones  of  the  departed  chiefs.  In  construction,  it 
was  much  like  the  royal  dwelling.  Over  it  were 
rude  wooden  figures,  representing  three  eagles 
turned  towards  the  east.     A  strong  mud  wall  sur- 

1  Tontj,  1684,  1693.  In  the  spurious  narrative,  published  in  Tonty^s 
name,  the  account  is  embellished  and  exaggerated.  Compare  Membre  in 
Le  Clerc,  II.  227.  La  Salle's  statements  in  the  Relation  of  1682  (Thorn' 
afiBj,  12)  sustain  those  of  Tonty. 


282  SUCCESS  OF  LA   SALLE.  [1682 

rounded  it,  planted  with  stakes,  on  whicli  were 
stuck  the  skulls  of  enemies  sacrificed  to  the  Sun : 
while  before  the  door  was  a  block  of  wood,  on 
which  lay  a'  large  shell  surrounded  with  the  braided 
hair  of  the  victims.  The  interior  was  rude  as  a 
barn,  dimly  lighted  from  the  doorway,  and  full  of 
smoke.  There  was  a  structure  in  the  middle  which 
Membre  thinks  was  a  kind  of  altar ;  and  before  it 
burned  a  perpetual  fire,  fed  with  three  logs  laid 
end  to  end,  and  watched  by  two  old  men  devoted 
to  this  sacred  office.  There  was  a  mysterious  recess, 
too,  which  the  strangers  were  forbidden  to  explore, 
but  which,  as  Tonty  was  told,  contained  the  riches 
of  the  nation,  consisting  of  pearls  from>  the  Gulf, 
and  trinkets  obtained,  probably  through  other 
tribes,  from  the  Spaniards  and  other  Europeans. 

The  chief  condescended  to  visit  La  Salle  at  his 
camp ;  a  favor  which  he  would  by  no  means  have 
granted,  had  the  visitors  been  Indians.  A  master 
of  ceremonies  and  six  attendants  preceded  him,  to 
clear  the  path  and  prepare  the  place  of  meeting. 
When  all  was  ready,  he  was  seen  advancing,  clothed 
in  a  white  robe,  and  preceded  by  tAvo  men  bearing 
white  fans,  while  a  third  displaj^ed  a  disk  of  bur- 
nished copper,  doubtless  to  represent  the  Sun,  his 
ancestor,  or,  as  others  will  have  it,  his  elder 
brother.  His  aspect  was  marvellously  grave,  and 
he  and  La  Salle  met  with  gestures  of  ceremonious 
courtesy.  The  interview  was  very  friendly ;  and  the 
chief  returned  well  pleased  with  the  gifts  which  his 
entertainer  bestowed  on  him,  and  which,  indeed, 
had  been  the  principal  motive  of  his  visit. 


1982.]  THE   NATCHEZ.  283 

On  the  next  morning,  as  tliey  descended  the 
river,  they  saw  a  wooden  canoe  full  of  Indians ; 
and  Tonty  gave  chase.  He  had  nearly  overtaken 
it,  when  more  than  a  hundred  men  appeared  sud- 
denly on  the  shore,  with  bows  bent  to  defend  their 
countrymen.  La  Salle  called  out  to  Tonty  to 
withdraw.  He  obeyed ;  and  the  whole  party  en- 
camped on  the  opposite  bank.  Tonty  offered  to 
cross  the  river  with  a  peace-pipe,  and  set  out 
accordingly  with  a  small  party  of  men.  When 
he  landed,  the  Indians  made  signs  of  friendship 
by  joining  their  hands,  —  a  proceeding  by  which 
Tonty,  having  but  one  hand,  was  somewhat  em- 
barrassed ;  but  he  directed  his  men  to  respond  in 
his  stead.  La  Salle  and  Membre  now  joined  him, 
and  went  with  the  Indians  to  their  village,  three 
leagues  distant.  Here  they  spent  the  night.  "  The 
Sieur  de  la  Salle,"  writes  Membre,  "  whose  very 
air,  engaging  manners,  tact,  and  address  attract 
love  and  respect  alike,  produced  such  an  effect  on 
the  hearts  of  these  people  that  they  did  not  know 
how  to  treat  us  well  enough."  ^ 

The  Indians  of  this  village  were  the  Natchez ; 
and  their  chief  was  brother  of  the  great  chief,  or 
Sun,  of  the  whole  nation.  His  town  was  several 
leagues  distant,  near  the  site  of  the  city  of  Natchez ; 
and  thither  the  French  repaired  to  visit  him.  They 
saw  what  they  had  already  seen  among  the  Taensas, 
—  a  religious  and  political  despotism,  a  privileged 
caste   descended  from  the  sun,   a  temple,   and  a 

1  Membi^  in  Le  Clerc,  H.  232. 


281  SUC(JESS  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1682. 

sacred  fire.^  La  Salle  planted  a  large  cross,  with 
the  arms  of  France  attached,  in  the  midst  of  the 
town  ;  while  the  inhabitants  looked  on  with  a  satis- 
faction which  they  would  hardly  have  displayed, 
had  they  understood  the  meaning  of  the  act. 

The  French  next  visited  the  Coroas,  at  theii 
village,  two  leagues  below ;  and  here  they  found 
a  reception  no  less  auspicious.  On  the  thirty-first 
of  March,  as  they  approached  Eed  River,  they 
passed  in  the  fog  a  town  of  the  Oumas ;  and,  three 
days  later,  discovered  a  party  of  fishermen,  in 
wooden  canoes,  among  the  canes  along  the  margin 
of  the  water.  They  fled  at  sight  of  the  French- 
men. La  Salle  sent  men  to  reconnoitre,  who,  as 
they  struggled  through  the  marsh,  were  greeted 
with  a  shower  of  arrows;   w^hile,  from  the  neigh- 

1  The  Natchez  and  the  Taensas,  whose  habits  and  customs  were  simi- 
lar, did  not,  in  their  social  organization,  differ  radically  from  other  In- 
dians. The  same  principle  of  clanship,  or  totemship,  so  widely  spread, 
existed  in  full  force  among  them,  combined  with  their  religious  ideas,  and 
developed  into  forms  of  which  no  other  example,  equally  distinct,  is  to 
be  found.  (For  Indian  clanship,  see  The  Jesuits  in  North  America,  Intro- 
duction. )  Among  the  Natchez  and  Taensas,  the  principal  clan  formed  a 
ruling  caste  ;  and  its  chiefs  had  the  attributes  of  demi-gods.  As  descent 
was  through  the  female,  the  chief's  son  never  succeeded  him,  but  the  eon 
of  one  of  his  sisters ;  and  as  she,  by  the  usual  totemic  law,  was  forced  to 
marry  in  another  clan,  —  that  is,  to  marry  a  common  mortal,  —  her  hus- 
band, though  the  destined  father  of  a  demi-god,  was  treated  by  her  as 
little  better  than  a  slave.  She  might  kill  him,  if  he  proved  unfaithful ; 
but  he  was  forced  to  submit  to  her  infidelities  in  silence. 

The  customs  of  the  Natchez  have  been  described  by  Du  Pratz,  Le 
Petit,  Penicaut,  and  others.  Charlevoix  visited  their  temple  in  1721,  and 
found  it  in  a  somewhat  shabby  condition.  At  this  time,  the  Taensas  were 
extinct.  In  1729,  the  Natchez,  enraged  by  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  a 
French  commandant,  massacred  the  neighboring  settlers,  and  were  in 
consequence  expelled  from  their  country,  and  nearly  destroyed.  A  few 
still  survive,  incorporated  with  the  Creeks  ;  but  they  have  lost  their  pe- 
caliar  customs. 


1682.J  MOUTH  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  286 

boring  village  of  the  Quinipissas/  invisible  behind 
the  canebrake,  they  heard  the  sound  of  an  Indian 
drum  and  the  whoops  of  the  mustering  warriors. 
La  Salle,  anxious  to  keep  the  peace  with  all  the 
tribes  along  the  river,  recalled  his  men,  and  pur- 
sued his  voyage.  A  few  leagues  below,  they  saw 
a  cluster  of  Indian  lodges  on  the  left  bank,  appar- 
ently void  of  inhabitants.  They  landed,  and  found 
three  of  them  filled  with  corpses.  It  was  a  village 
of  the  Tangibao,  sacked  by  their  enemies  only  a 
few  days  before.^ 

And  now  they  neared  their  journey's  end.  On 
the  sixth  of  April,  the  river  divided  itself  into 
three  broad  channels.  La  Salle  followed  that  of 
the  west,  and  D'Autray  that  of  the  east;  while 
Tonty  took  the  middle  passage.  As  he  drifted 
down  the  turbid  current,  between  the  low  and 
marshy  shores,  the  brackish  water  changed  to 
brine,  and  the  breeze  grew  fresh  with  the  salt 
breath  of  the  sea.  Then  the  broad  bosom  of  the 
great  Gulf  opened  on  his  sight,  tossing  its  restless 
billows,  limitless,  voiceless,  lonely  as  when  born  of 
chaos,  without  a  sail,  without  a  sign  of  life. 

La  Salle,  in  a  canoe,  coasted  the  marshy  borders 
of  the  sea ;  and  then  the  reunited  parties  assem- 
bled on  a  spot  of  dry  ground,  a  short  distance 
above  the  mouth  of  the  river.     Here  a  column 

1  In  St.  Charles  County,  on  the  left  bank,  not  far  above  New 
Orleans. 

2  Hennepin  uses  this  incident,  as  well  as  most  of  those  which 
hare  preceded  it,  in  making  up  the  story  of  his  pretended  v^oyage  to  the 
Gulf. 


286  SUCCESS  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1682 

was  made  ready,  bearing  the  arms  of  France,  and 
mscribed  with  the  words,  — 

Louis  Le   Grand,  Roy  de  France  et  de  Na- 
varre, REGNE  ;  LE  Neuyieme  Ayril,  1682. 

The  Frenchmen  were  mustered  under  arms; 
and,  while  the  New  England  Indians  and  their 
squaws  looked  on  in  wondering  silence,  they 
chanted  the  Te  Deum,  the  Exaudiat,  and  the  Do- 
mme  salvum  fac  Regem.  Then,  amid  volleys  of 
musketry  and  shouts  of  Vive  le  Boi,  La  Salle 
planted  the  column  in  its  place,  and,  standing 
near  it,  proclaimed  in  a  loud  voice,  — 

"  In  the  name  of  the  most  high,  mighty,  invin- 
cible, and  victorious  Prince,  Louis  the  Great,  by 
the  grace  of  God  King  of  France  and  of  Navarre, 
Fourteenth  of  that  name,  I,  this  ninth  day  of 
April,  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty-two, 
in  virtue  of  the  commission  of  his  Majesty,  which 
I  hold  in  my  hand,  and  which  may  be  seen  by  all 
whom  it  may  concern,  have  taken,  and  do  now 
take,  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty  and  of  his  suc- 
cessors to  the  crown,  possession  of  this  country  of 
Louisiana,  the  seas,  harbors,  ports,  bays,  adjacent 
straits,  and  all  the  nations,  peoples,  provinces,  cities, 
towns,  villages,  mines,  minerals,  fisheries,  streams, 
and  rivers,  within  the  extent  of  the  said  Louisi- 
ana, from  the  mouth  of  the  great  river  St.  Louis, 
otherwise  called  the  Ohio,  ...  as  also  along  the 
river  Colbert,  or  Mississippi,  and  the  rivers  wliicb 
discharge  themselves  thereinto,  from  its  source  be- 


1C82.I  POSSESSION  TAKEN.  287 

yond  the  country  of  the  Nadouessioux  ...  as  far 
as  its  mouth  at  the  sea,  or  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and 
also  to  the  mouth  of  the  River  of  Palms,  upon  the 
assurance  we  have  had  from  the  natives  of  these 
countries,  that  we  are  the  first  Europeans  who 
have  descended  or  ascended  the  said  river  Col- 
bert; hereby  protesting  against  all  who  may  here- 
after undertake  to  invade  any  or  all  of  these 
aforesaid  countries,  peoples,  or  lands,  to  the  preju- 
dice of  the  rights  of  his  Majesty,  acquired  by  the 
consent  of  the  nations  dwelling  herein.  Of  which, 
and  of  all  else  that  is  needful,  I  hereby  take  to 
witness  those  who  hear  me,  and  demand  an  act  of 
the  notary  here  present."  ^ 

Shouts  of  Vive  le  Roi  and  volleys  of  musketry 
responded  to  his  words.  Then  a  cross  was  planted 
beside  the  column,  and  a  leaden  plate  buried  near 
it,  bearing  the  arms  of  France,  with  a  Latin 
inscription,  Ludomcus  Magnus  regnat.  The 
weather-beaten  voyagers  joined  their  voices  in  the 
grand  hymn  of  the  Vexilla  Regis :  — 

1  In  the  passages  omitted  above,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  the  Ohio  is 
mentioned  as  being  called  also  the  Olighin-  (Alleghany)  Sipou,  and  Chu- 
kagoua ;  and  La  Salle  declares  that  he  takes  possession  of  the  country 
with  the  consent  of  the  nations  dwelling  in  it,  of  whom  he  names  the 
Chaouanons  (Shawanoes),  luous,  or  Nadouessious  (Sioux),  Chikachas 
(Chickasaws),  Motantees  (?),  Illinois,  Mitchigamias,  Arkansas,  Natchez, 
and  Koroas.  This  alleged  consent  is,  of  course,  mere  farce.  If  there 
could  be  any  doubt  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  words  of  La  Salle,  as  re- 
corded in  the  Proces  Verbal  de  la  Prise  de  Possession  de  la  Louisiane,  it  would 
be  set  at  rest  by  Le  Clerc,  who  says :  "  Le  Sieur  de  la  Salle  prit  au  nom 
de  sa  Majeste  possession  de  ce  fleuve,  de  toutes  les  rivieres  quiy  entrent,  et  de 
tons  les  pays  qu'eUes  arrosent."  These  words  are  borrowed  from  the  report 
of  La  Salle  (see  Thomassy,  14).  A  copy  of  the  original  Proces  Verbal 
is  before  me.  It  bears  the  name  of  Jacques  de  la  Me'tairie,  Notary  of 
Fort  Frontenac,  who  was  one  of  the  party. 


288  SUCCESS    OF    LA    SALLE.  [1682. 

"  The  banners  of  Heaven's  King  advance, 
The  mystery  of  the  Cross  shines  forth ; " 

and  renewed  shouts  of  Vive  le  Boi  closed  the  cere- 
mony. 

On  that  day,  the  realm  of  France  received  on 
parchment  a  stupendous  accession.  The  fertile 
plains  of  Texas ;  the  vast  basin  of  the  Mississippi, 
from  its  frozen  northern  springs  to  the  sultry  bor- 
ders of  the  Gulf;  from  the  woody  ridges  of  the 
Alleghanies  to  the  bare  peaks  of  the  Eocky  Moun- 
tains,—  a  region  of  savannahs  and  forests,  sun- 
cracked  deserts,  and  grassy  prairies,  watered  by 
a  thousand  rivers,  ranged  by  a  thousand  warlike 
tribes,  passed  beneath  the  sceptre  of  the  Sultan  of 
Versailles;  and  all  by  virtue  of  a  feeble  human 
voice,  inaudible  at  half  a  mile. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

1682,  1683. 

ST.  LOUIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS. 

Louisiana.  —  Illness  of  La  Salle.  —  His  Colony  on  the  Illinois. 
—  Fort  St.  Louis.  —  Recall  of  Frontenac.  —  Le  Febvrb  db  la 
Barre.  —  Critical  Position  of  La  Salle.  —  Hostility  of  the 
New  Governor.  —  Triusiph  of  the  Adverse  Faction.  —  La 
Salle   sails   fob  France. 

Louisiana  was  the  name  bestowed  by  La  Salle 
on  the  new  domain  of  the  French  crown.  The 
rule  of  the  Bourbons  in  the  West  is  a  memory  of 
the  past,  but  the  name  of  the  Great  King  still  sur- 
vives in  a  narrow  corner  of  their  lost  empire. 
The  Louisiana  of  to-day  is  but  a  single  State  of 
the  American  republic.  The  Louisiana  of  La 
Salle  stretched  from  the  Alleghanies  to  the  Rocky 
Mountains ;  from  the  Rio  Grande  and  the  Gulf  to 
the  farthest  springs  of  the  Missouri.^ 

1  The  boundaries  are  laid  down  on  the  great  map  of  Franquelin,  made 
In  1684,  and  preserved  in  the  Depot  des  Cartes  of  the  Marine.  The  line 
runs  along  the  south  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  and  thence  follows  the  heads  of 
the  streams  flowing  into  Lake  Michigan.  It  then  turns  north-west,  and 
is  lost  in  the  vast  unknown  of  the  now  British  Territories.  On  the  south, 
it  is  drawn  by  the  heads  of  the  streams  flowing  into  the  Gulf,  as  far  west 
as  Mobile,  after  which  it  follows  the  shore  of  the  Gulf  to  a  little  south  of 
the  Rio  Grande ;  then  runs  west,  north-west,  and  finally  north,  along  the 
range  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

19 


290  ST.  LOUIS  OF  THE   ILLDsOIS.  [1682. 

La  Salle  had  written  his  name  in  history ;  but 
his  hard-earned  success  was  but  the  prelude  of  a 
harder  task.  Herculean  labors  lay  before  him,  if 
he  would  realize  the  schemes  with  which  his  brain 
was  pregnant.  Bent  on  accomplishing  them,  he 
retraced  his  course,  and  urged  his  canoes  upward 
against  the  muddy  current.  The  party  were  fam- 
ished. They  had  little  to  subsist  on  but  the  flesh 
of  alligators.  When  they  reached  the  Quinipissas, 
who  had  proved  hostile  on  their  way  down,  they 
resolved  to  risk  an  interview  with  them,  in  the 
hope  of  obtaining  food.  The  treacherous  savages 
dissembled,  brought  them  corn,  and  on  the  follow- 
ing night  made  an  attack  upon  them,  but  met 
with  a  bloody  repulse.  They  next  revisited  the 
Coroas,  and  found  an  unfavorable  change  in  their 
disposition  towards  them.  They  feasted  them,  in- 
deed, but  during  the  repast  surrounded  them 
with  an  overwhelming  force  of  warriors.  The 
French,  however,  kept  so  well  on  their  guard, 
that  their  entertainers  dared  not  make  an  attack 
and  suffered  them  to  depart  unmolested.^ 

And  now,  in  a  career  of  unwonted  success  and 
anticipated  triumph.  La  Salle  was  arrested  by  a 
fue  against  which  the  boldest  heart  avails  nothing. 
As  he  ascended  the  Mississippi,  he  was  seized  by 
a  dangerous  illness.  Unable  to  proceed,  he  sent 
forward  Tonty  to  Michillimackinac,  whence,  after 
despatching  news  of  their  discovery  to  Canada, 
he  was  to  return  to  the  Illinois.  La  Salle  him- 
self lay  helpless  at  Fort  Prudhomme,  the  palisade 

1  Tonty,  1684,  1693. 


1682]  ILLNESS   OF  LA   SALLE.  291 

work  whicli  his  men  had  built  at  the  Chickasaw 
Bluffs  on  their  way  down.  Father  Zenobe  Mem- 
bra attended  him ;  and,  at  the  end  of  July,  he 
was  once  more  in  a  condition  to  advance  by  slow 
movements  towards  Fort  Miami,  which  he  reached 
in  about  a  month. 

In  September,  he  rejoined  Tonty  at  Michilli- 
mackinac,  and  in  the  following  month  wrote  to  a 
friend  in  France  :  "  Though  my  discovery  is  made, 
and  I  have  descended  the  Mississippi  to  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  I  cannot  send  you  this  year  either  an  ac- 
count of  my  journey  or  a  map.  On  the  way  back, 
I  was  attacked  by  a  deadly  disease  which  kept  me 
in  danger  of  my  life  for  forty  days,  and  left  me 
so  weak  that  I  could  think  of  nothing  for  four 
months  after.  I  have  hardly  strength  enough 
now  to  write  my  letters,  and  the  season  is  so  far 
advanced  that  I  cannot  detain  a  single  day  this 
canoe  which  I  send  expressly  to  carry  them.  If  I 
had  not  feared  being  forced  to  winter  on  the  way, 
I  should  have  tried  to  get  to  Quebec  to  meet  the 
new  governor,  if  it  is  true  that  we  are  to  have 
one ;  but,  in  my  present  condition,  this  would  be 
an  act  of  suicide  on  account  of  the  bad  nourish- 
ment I  should  have  all  winter,  in  case  the  snow 
and  ice  stopped  me  on  the  way.  Besides,  my 
presence  is  absolutely  necessary  in  the  place  to 
which  I  am  going.  I  pray  you,  my  dear  sir,  to  give 
me  once  more  all  the  help  you  can.  I  have  great 
enemies,  who  have  succeeded  in  all  they  have 
undertaken.  I  do  not  pretend  to  resist  them,  but 
only  to  justify  myself,  so  that  I  can  pursue  by  sea 
the  plans  I  have  begun  here  by  land.'* 


292  ST.  LOUIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1682. 

This  was  what  he  had  proposed  to  himself  from 
the  first ;  that  is,  to  abandon  the  difficult  access 
through  Canada,  beset  with  enemies,  and  open  a 
way  to  his  western  domain  through  the  Gulf  and 
the  Mississippi.  This  was  the  aim  of  all  his  toil- 
some explorations.  Could  he  have  accomplished 
his  first  intention  of  building  a  vessel  on  the  Illi- 
nois and  descending  in  her  to  the  Gulf,  he  would 
have  been  able  to  defray  in  good  measure  the 
costs  of  the  enterprise  by  means  of  the  furs  and 
buffalo-hides  collected  on  the  way  and  carried  in 
her  to  France.  With  a  fleet  of  canoes,  this  was 
impossible ;  and  there  was  nothing  to  offset  the 
enormous  outlay  which  he  and  his  associates  had 
made.  He  meant,  as  we  have  seen,  to  found  on 
the  banks  of  the  Illinois  a  colony  of  French  and 
Indians  to  answer  the  double  purpose  of  a  bulwark 
against  the  Iroquois  and  a  place  of  storage  for  the 
furs  of  all  the  western  tribes ;  and  he  hoped  in  the 
following  year  to  secure  an  outlet  for  this  colony 
and  for  all  the  trade  of  the  valley  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, by  occupying  the  mouth  of  that  river  with 
a  fort  and  another  colony.  This,  too,  was  an 
essential  part  of  his  original  design. 

But  for  his  illness,  he  would  have  gone  to 
France  to  provide  for  its  execution.  Meanwhile, 
he  ordered  Tonty  to  collect  as  many  men  as  pos- 
sible, and  begin  the  projected  colony  on  the  banks 
of  the  Illinois.  A  report  soon  after  reached  him 
that  those  pests  of  the  wilderness,  the  Iroquois, 
were  about  to  renew  their  attacks  on  the  western 
tribes.     This  would  be  fatal  to  his  plans ;  and,  fol- 


1682.]  "STARVED  ROCK/'  293 

lowing  Tonty  to  the  Illinois^  he  rejoined  him  near 
the  site  of  the  great  town. 

The  cliff  called  "  Starved  Eock,"  now  pointed 
out  to  travellers  as  the  chief  natural  curiosity  of 
the  region,  rises,  steep  on  three  sides  as  a  castle 
wall,  to  the  height  of  a  hundred  and  twenty-five 
feet  above  the  river.  In  front,  it  overhangs  the 
water  that  washes  its  base  ;  its  western  brow  looks 
down  on  the  tops  of  the  forest  trees  below;  and 
on  the  east  lies  a  wide  gorge  or  ravine,  choked 
with  the  mingled  foliage  of  oaks,  walnuts,  and 
elms;  while  in  its  rocky  depths  a  little  brook 
creeps  down  to  mingle  with  the  river.  From 
the  trunk  of  the  stunted  cedar  that  leans  for- 
ward from  the  brink,  you  may  drop  a  plummet 
into  the  river  below,  where  the  cat-fish  and  the 
turtles  may  plainly  be  seen  gliding  over  the  wrin- 
kled sands  of  the  clear  and  shallow  current.  The 
cliff  is  accessible  only  from  behind,  where  a  man 
may  climb  up,  not  without  difficulty,  by  a  steep 
and  narrow  passage.  The  top  is  about  an  acre  in 
extent.  Here,  in  the  month  of  December,  La 
Salle  and  Tonty  began  to  entrench  themselves. 
They  cut  away  the  forest  that  crowned  the  rock, 
built  storehouses  and  dwellings  of  its  remains, 
dragged  timber  up  the  rugged  pathway,  and  en- 
circled the  summit  with  a  palisade.^ 

1  "  Starved  Rock  "  perfectly  answers,  in  every  respect,  to  the  indica- 
tions of  the  contemporary  maps  and  documents  concerning  "  Le  Rocher/' 
the  site  of  La  Salle's  fort  of  St.  Louis.  It  is  laid  down  on  several  con- 
temporary maps,  besides  the  great  map  of  La  Salle's  discoveries,  made 
in  1684.  They  all  place  it  on  the  south  side  of  the  river ;  whereas  Buf- 
falo Rock,  three  miles  above,  which  has  been  supposed  to  be  the  site  of 
the  fort,  is  on  the  north.     The  latter  is  crowned  by  a  plateau  of  great 


294  ST.  LOUIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1682, 

Thus  the  winter  passed,  and  meanwhile  the 
work  of  negotiation  went  prosperously  on.  The 
minds  of  the  Indians  had  been  already  prepared. 
In  La  Sallo  they  saw  their  champion  against  the 
Iroquois,  the  standing  terror  of  all  this  region. 
They  gathered  around  his  stronghold  like  the  timor- 
ous peasantry  of  the  middle  ages  around  the  rock- 
built  castle  of  their  feudal  lord.  From  the  wooden 
ramparts  of  St.  Louis,  —  for  so  he  named  his  fort, — 
high  and  inaccessible  as  an  eagle's  nest,  a  strange 
scene  lay  before  his  eye.  The  broad^  flat  valley  of 
the  Illinois  was  spread  beneath  him  like  a  map, 

extent,  is  but  sixty  feet  high,  is  accessible  at  many  points,  and  would  re- 
quire a  large  force  to  defend  it ;  whereas  La  Salle  chose  "  Le  Rocher," 
because  a  few  men  could  hold  it  against  a  multitude.  Charlevoix,  in  1721, 
describes  both  rocks,  and  says  that  the  top  of  Buffalo  Rock  had  been 
occupied  by  the  Miami  village,  so  that  it  was  known  as  Le  Fort  des  Miu- 
mis.  This  is  confirmed  by  Joutel,  who  found  the  Miamis  here  in  1687. 
Charlevoix  then  speaks  of  "  Le  Rocher,"  calling  it  by  that  name ;  says 
that  it  is  about  a  league  below,  on  the  left  or  south  side,  forming  a  sheer 
cliff,  very  high,  and  looking  like  a  fortress  on  the  border  of  the  river. 
He  saw  remains  of  palisades  at  the  top,  which,  he  thinks,  were  made  by 
the  Illinois  {Journal  Historique,  Let.  XXVII.),  though  his  countrymen  had 
occupied  it  only  three  years  before.  "  The  French  reside  on  the  rock 
(Le  Rocher),  which  is  very  lofty  and  impregnable."  —  Memoir  on  Western 
Indians,  1718,  in  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  IX.  890.  St.  Cosme,  passing  this  way 
in  1699,  mentions  it  as  "  Le  Vieux  Fort,"  and  says  that  it  is  "  a  rock 
about  a  hundred  feet  high  at  the  edge  of  the  river,  where  M.  de  la  Salle 
built  a  fort,  since  abandoned."  —  Journal  de  St.  Cosme.  Joutel,  who  was 
here  in  1687,  says,  "  Fort  St.  Louis  is  on  a  steep  rock,  about  two  hundred 
feet  high,  with  the  river  running  at  its  base."  He  adds  that  its  only  de- 
fences were  palisades.  The  true  height,  as  stated  above,  is  about  a  hun- 
dred and  twenty-five  feet. 

A  traditional  interest  also  attaches  to  this  rock.  It  is  said  that, 
in  the  Indian  wars  that  followed  the  assassination  of  Pontiac,  a  few 
years  after  the  cession  of  Canada,  a  party  of  Illinois,  assailed  by 
the  Pottawattamies,  here  took  refuge,  defying  attack.  At  lenglli,  they 
were  all  destroyed  by  starvation,  and  hence  the  name  of  '*  Starved 
Rock." 

For  other  proofs  concerning  this  locality,  see  ante,  p.  223. 


^{\Tft  caogan  e 


1682. J  LA   SALLE'S   COLONY.  295 

boimded  in  the  distance  by  its  low  wall  of  woody 
hills.  The  river  wound  at  his  feet  in  devious  chan- 
nels among  islands  bordered  with  lofty  trees ;  then, 
far  on  the  left,  flowed  calmly  westward  through  the 
vast  meadows,  till  its  glimmering  blue  ribbon  was . 
lost  in  hazy  distance. 

There  had  been  a  time,  and  that  not  remote,  when 
these  fair  meadows  were  a  waste  of  death  and 
desolation,  scathed  with  fire,  and  strewn  with  the 
ghastly  relics  of  an  Iroquois  victory.  Now  all  was 
changed.  La  Salle  looked  down  from  his  rock  on  a 
concourse  of  wild  human  life.  Lodges  of  bark  and 
rushes,  or  cabins  of  logs,  were  clustered  on  the  open 
plain  or  along  the  edges  of  the  bordering  forests. 
Squaws  labored,  warriors  lounged  in  the  sun,  naked 
children  whooped  and  gambolled  on  the  grass.  Be- 
yond the  river,  a  mile  and  a  half  on  the  left,  the 
banks  were  studded  once  more  with  the  lodges  of 
the  Illinois,  who,  to  the  number  of  six  thousand, 
had  returned,  since  their  defeat,  to  this  their  favorite 
dwelling-place.  Scattered  along  the  valley,  among 
the  adjacent  hills,  or  over  the  neighboring  prairie, 
were  the  cantonments  of  a  half-score  of  other  tribes, 
and  fragments  of  tribes,  gathered  under  the  pro- 
tecting segis  of  the  French :  Shawanoes  from  the 
Ohio,  Abenakis  from  Maine,  Miamis  from  the 
sources  of  the  Kankakee,  with  others  whose  barba- 
rous names  are   hardly  worth  the   record.^     Nor 

-  This  singular  extemporized  colony  of  La  Salle,  on  the  banks  of  the 
Ulinois,  is  laid  down  in  detail  on  the  great  map  of  La  Salle's  discover- 
ies, by  Jean  Baptiste  Franquelin,  finished  in  1684.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  this  part  of  the  work  is  composed  from  authentic  data  La  Salle 
himself,  besides  others  of  his  party,  came  down  from  the  Illinois  in  the 
autumn  of  1683  and  undoubtedly  supplied  the  young  engineer  with  ma- 


296  ST.  LOUIS   OF  THE   ILLINOIS.  [1682. 

were  these  La  Salle's  only  dependants.  By  the 
terms  of  his  patent,  he  held  seigniorial  rights  over 

terials.  The  various  Indian  villages,  or  cantonments,  are  all  indicated, 
with  tlie  number  of  warriors  belonging  to  each,  the  aggregate  correspond 
ing  very  nearly  with  that  of  La  Salle's  report  to  the  minister.  The  Illi- 
nois, properly  so  called,  are  set  down  at  1,200  warriors ;  the  Miamis,  at 
1,300  ;  the  Shawanoes,  at  200;  the  Ouiatenons  (Weas),at  500;  the  Pean- 
qhichia  (Piankishaw)  band,  at  160  ;  the  Pepikokia,  at  160  ;  the  Kilatica,  at 
300 ;  and  the  Ouabona,  at  70 ;  in  all,  3,880  warriors.  A  few  others,  prob- 
ably Abenakis,  lived  in  the  fort. 

The  Fort  St.  Louis  is  placed,  on  the  map,  at  the  exact  site  of  Starved 
Rock,  and  the  Illinois  village  at  the  place  where,  as  already  mentioned 
(see  p.  223),  Lidian  remains  in  great  quantities  are  yearly  ploughed  up. 
The  Shawanoe  camp,  or  village,  is  placed  on  the  south  side  of  the  river, 
behind  the  fort.  The  country  is  here  hilly,  broken,  and  now,  as  in  La 
Salle's  time,  covered  with  wood,  which,  however,  soon  ends  in  the  open 
prairie.  A  short  time  since,  the  remains  of  a  low,  irregular  earthwork  of 
considerable  extent  were  discovered  at  the  intersection  of  two  ravines, 
about  twenty-four  hundred  feet  behind,  or  south  of,  Starved  Rock.  The 
earthwork  follows  the  line  of  the  ravines  ou  two  sides.  On  the  east, 
there  is  an  opening,  or  gateway,  leading  to  the  adjacent  prairie.  The 
work  is  very  irregular  in  form,  and  shows  no  trace  of  the  civilized  en- 
gineer. In  the  stump  of  an  oak-tree  upon  it.  Dr.  Paul  counted  a  hundred 
and  sixty  rings  of  annual  growth.  The  village  of  the  Shawanoes 
(Cliaouenons),  on  Franquelin's  map,  corresponds  with  the  position  of  tliis 
earthwork.  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  Dr.  John  Paul,  and  Colo- 
nel D.  F.  Hitt,  the  proprietor  of  Starved  Rock,  for  a  plan  of  these  cu- 
rious remains  and  a  survey  of  the  neighboring  district.  I  must  also 
express  my  obligations  to  Mr.  W.  E.  Bowman,  photographer  at  Ottawa, 
for  views  of  Starved  Rock  and  other  features  of  the  neighboring 
scenery. 

An  interesting  relic  of  the  early  explorers  of  this  region  was  found  a 
few  years  ago  at  Ottawa,  six  miles  above  Starved  Rock,  in  the  shape  of  a 
small  iron  gun,  buried  several  feet  deep  in  the  drift  of  the  river.  It  con- 
sists of  a  welded  tube  of  iron,  about  an  inch  and  a  half  in  calibre,  strength- 
ened by  a  eeries  of  thick  iron  rings,  cooled  on,  after  the  most  ancient  as 
well  as  the  most  recent  method  of  making  cannon.  It  is  about  fourteen 
inches  long,  the  part  near  the  muzzle  having  been  burst  off.  The  con- 
struction is  very  rude.  Small  field-pieces,  on  a  similar  principle,  were 
used  in  the  fourteenth  century.  Several  of  them  may  be  seen  at  the 
Musee  d'Artillerie  at  Paris.  In  the  time  of  Louis  XIV.,  the  art  of  casting 
cannon  was  carried  to  a  high  degree  of  perfection.  The  gun  in  question 
may  have  been  made  by  a  French  blacksmith  on  the  spot,  A  far  less 
probable  supposition  is,  that  it  is  a  relic  of  some  unrecorded  visit  of  the 
Spaniards  ;  but  the  pattern  of  the  piece  would  have  been  antiquated,  even 
In  the  time  of  De  Soto. 


1682.]  LA   SALLE'S   COLONY.  297 

this  wild  domain ;  and  he  now  began  to  grant  it  out 
in  parcels  to  his  followers.  These,  however,  were 
as  yet  but  a  score ;  a  lawless  band,  trained  in  forest 
license,  and  marrying,  as  their  detractors  affirm,  a 
new  squaw  every  day  in  the  week.  This  was  after 
their  lord's  departure,  for  his  presence  imposed  a 
check  on  these  eccentricities. 

La  Salle,  in  a  memoir  addressed  to  the  Minister 
of  the  Marine,  reports  the  total  number  of  the  In- 
dians around  Fort  St.  Louis  at  about  four  thousand 
warriors,  or  twenty  thousand  souls.  His  diplomacy 
had  been  crowned  wdth  a  marvellous  success,  for 
which  his  thanks  w^ere  due,  first  to  the  Iroquois, 
and  the  universal  terror  they  inspired ;  next,  to  his 
own  address  and  unwearied  energy.  His  colony 
had  sprung  up,  as  it  were,  in  a  night;  but  might 
not  a  night  suffice  to  disperse  it  ? 

The  conditions  of  maintaining  it  were  twofold : 
first,  he  must  give  efficient  aid  to  his  savage 
colonists  against  the  Iroquois ;  secondly,  he  must 
supply  them  with  French  goods  in  exchange  for 
their  furs.  The  men,  arms,  and  ammunition  for 
their  defence,  and  the  goods  for  trading  with  them, 
must  be  brought  from  Canada,  until  a  better  and 
surer  avenue  of  supply  could  be  provided  through 
the  entrepot  which  he  meant  to  establish  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  Canada  was  full  of  his 
enemies ;  but,  as  long  as  Count  Frontenac  was  in 
power,  he  was  sure  of  support.  Count  Frontenac 
was  in  power  no  longer.  He  had  been  recalled  to 
France  through  the  intrigues  of  the  party  adverse 
to  La  Salle ;  and  Le  Febvre  de  la  Barre  reigned  in 
his  stead. 


298  ST.  LOUIS   OF  THE   ILLINOIS.  [1682, 

La  Barre  was  an  old  naval  officer  of  rank,  ad- 
vanced to  a  post  for  which  he  proved  himself 
notably  unfit.  If  he  was  without  the  arbitrary 
passions  which  had  been  the  chief  occasion  of  the 
recall  of  his  predecessor,  he  was  no  less  without 
his  energies  and  his  talents.  He  showed  a  weak- 
ness and  an  avarice  for  which  his  age  may  have 
been  in  some  measure  answerable.  He  was  no 
whit  less  unscrupulous  than  his  predecessor  in 
his  secret  violation  of  the  royal  ordinances  re- 
gulating the  fur- trade,  which  it  was  his  duty 
to  enforce.  Like  Frontenac,  he  took  advantage 
of  his  position  to  carry  on  an  illicit  traffic  with 
the  Indians ;  but  it  was  with  different  associates. 
The  late  governor's  friends  were  the  ncAV  gov- 
ernor's enemies ;  and  La  Salle,  armed  with  his 
monopolies,  was  the  object  of  his  especial  jeal- 
ousy.^ 

Meanwhile,  La  Salle,  buried  in  the  western 
wilderness,  remained  for  the  time  ignorant  of  La 
Barre's  disposition  towards  him,  and  made  an  effort 
to  secure  his  good-will  and  countenance.  He  wrote 
to  him  from  his  rock  of  St.  Louis,  early  in  the 
spring  of  1683,  expressing  the  hope  that  he  should 
have  from  him  the  same  support  as  from  Count 
Frontenac;  ^^ although,"  he  says,  "my  enemies  will 

1  The  royal  instructions  to  La  Barre,  on  his  assuming  the  govern- 
ment, dated  at  Versailles,  10  May,  1682,  require  liim  to  give  no  fartlier 
permission  to  make  journeys  of  discovery  towards  the  Sioux  and  the 
Mississippi,  as  his  Majesty  thinks  liis  subjects  better  employed  in  culti- 
vating the  land.  The  letter  adds,  however,  that  La  Salle  is  to  be  allowed 
to  continue  his  discoveries,  if  they  appear  to  be  useful.  The  same  in- 
structions are  repeated  in  a  letter  of  the  Minister  of  the  Marine  to  the 
new  iutondant  of  Canada,  De  Meules. 


I 


16&S.]  LA   SALLE  AND  LA  BARRE.  299 

try  to  influence  you  against  me."  His  attachment 
to  Frontenac,  he  pursues,  has  been  the  cause  of  all 
the  late  governor's  enemies  turning  against  him. 
He  then  recounts  his  voyage  down  the  Mississippi ; 
says  that,  with  twenty-two  Frenchmen,  he  caused 
all  the  tribes  along  the  river  to  ask  for  peace  : 
and  speaks  of  his  right  under  the  royal  patent  to 
build  forts  any^vhere  along  his  route,  and  grant 
out  lands  around  them,  as  at  Fort  Frontenac. 

"  My  losses  in  my  enterjD rises,"  he  continues, 
"  have  exceeded  forty  thousand  crowns.  I  am 
now  going  four  hundred  leagues  south-south-west 
of  this  place,  to  induce  the  Chickasaws  to  follow 
the  Shawanoes,  and  other  tribes,  and  settle,  like 
them,  at  St.  Louis.  It  remained  only  to  settle 
French  colonists  here,  and  this  I  have  already 
done.  I  hope  you  will  not  detain  them  as  coureiirs 
de  hois,  when  they  come  down  to  Montreal  to  make 
necessary  purchases.  I  am  aware  that  I  have  no 
right  to  trade  with  the  tribes  who  descend  to  Mon- 
treal, and  I  shall  not  permit  such  trade  to  my 
men ;  nor  have  I  ever  issued  licenses  to  that  effect, 
as  my  enemies  say  that  I  have  done."  ^ 

Again,  on  the  fourth  of  June  following,  he  writes 
to  La  Barre,  from  the  Chicago  portage,  complain- 
ing that  some  of  his  colonists,  going  to  Montreal 
for  necessary  supplies,  have  been  detained  by  his 
enemies,  and  begging  that  they  may  be  allowed  to 
return,  that  his  enterprise  may  not  be  ruined.  "  The 
Iroquois,"  he  pursues,  "  are  again  invading  the  coun- 

1  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  La  Barre,  Fort  St.  Lmiis,2  Avril,  1683.  The  above 
is  condensed  from  passages  in  the  original. 


800  ST.  LOUIS  OF  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1683 

try.  Last  year,  the  Miamis  were  so  alarmed  by 
them  that  they  abandoned  their  town  and  fled;  but 
at  my  retm^n  they  came  back,  and  have  been  in- 
duced to  settle  with  the  Illinois  at  my  fort  of 
St.  Louis.  The  Iroquois  have  lately  murdered 
some  families  of  their  nation,  and  they  are  all  in 
terror  again.  I  am  afraid  they  will  take  flight,  and 
so  prevent  the  Missouris  and  neighboring  tribes 
from  coming  to  settle  at  St.  Louis,  as  they  are 
about  to  do. 

"  Some  of  the  Hurons  and  French  tell  the  Mi- 
amis  that  I  am  keeping  them  here  for  the  Iroquois 
to  destroy.  I  pray  that  you  will  let  me  hear  from 
you,  that  I  may  give  these  people  some  assurances 
of  protection  before  they  are  destroyed  in  my  sight. 
Do  not  suffer  my  men  who  have  come  down  to  the 
settlements  to  be  longer  prevented  from  returning. 
There  is  great  need  here  of  reinforcements.  The 
Iroquois,  as  I  have  said,  have  lately  entered  the 
country ;  and  a  great  terror  prevails.  I  have  post- 
poned going  to  Michillimackinac,  because,  if  the 
Iroquois  strike  any  blow  in  my  absence,  the  Mi- 
amis  will  think  that  I  am  in  league  with  them; 
w^hereas,  if  I  and  the  French  stay  among  them,  they 
will  regard  us  as  protectors.  But,  Monsieur,  it  is  in 
vain  that  we  risk  our  lives  here,  and  that  I  exhaust 
my  means  in  order  to  fulfil  the  intentions  of  his 
Majesty,  if  all  my  measures  are  crossed  in  the 
settlements  below,  and  if  those  who  go  down  to 
bring  munitions,  without  which  we  cannot  defend 
ourselves,  are  detained  under  pretexts  trumped  up 
for  the  occasion.    If  I  am  prevented  from  bringing 


1683.^  LA   SALLE  AND  LA  BARRE.  301 

up  men  and  supplies,  as  I  am  allowed  to  do  by  the 
permit  of  Count  Frontenac,  then  my  patent  from 
the  king  is  useless.  It  would  be  very  hard  for  us, 
after  having  done  what  was  required,  even  before 
the  time  prescribed,  and  after  suffering  severe 
losses,  to  have  our  efforts  frustrated  by  obstacles 
got  up  designedly. 

"  I  trust  that,  as  it  lies  with  you  alone  to  prevent 
or  to  permit  the  return  of  the  men  whom  I  have  sent 
down,  you  will  not  so  act  as  to  thwart  my  plans.  A 
part  of  the  goods  which  I  have  sent  by  them  belong 
not  to  me,  but  to  the  Sieur  de  Tonty,  and  are  a  part 
of  his  pay.  Others  are  to  buy  munitions  indispen- 
sable for  our  defence.  Do  not  let  my  creditors  seize 
them.  It  is  for  their  advantage  that  my  fort,  full 
as  it  is  of  goods,  should  be  held  against  the  enemy. 
I  have  only  twenty  men,  with  scarcely  a  hundred 
pounds  of  powder;  and  I  cannot  long  hold  the 
country  without  more.  The  Illinois  are  very  capri- 
cious and  uncertain.  ...  If  I  had  men  enough  to 
send  out  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy,  I  would  have 
done  so  before  this ;  but  I  have  not  enough.  I 
trust  you  will  put  it  in  my  power  to  obtain  more, 
that  this  important  colony  may  be  saved."  ^ 

While  La  Salle  was  thus  writing  to  La  Barre, 
La  Barre  was  writing  to  Seignelay,  the  Marine 
and  Colonial  Minister,  decrying  his  correspondent's 

1  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  La  Barre,  Portage  de  Chicagou,  4  Juin,  1683.  The 
substance  of  the  letter  is  given  above,  in  a  condensed  form.  A  passage 
is  omitted,  in  which  La  Salle  expresses  his  belief  that  liis  vessel,  the 
'*  Griffin,"  had  been  destroyed,  not  by  Indians,  but  by  the  pilot,  who,  ag 
he  thinks,  had  been  induced  to  sink  her,  and  then,  with  some  of  the  crew, 
attempted  to  join  Du  Lhut  with  their  plunder,  but  were  captured  by 
Indians  on  the  Mississippi. 


302  ST.  LOUIS   OF  THE  ILLINOIS.  [1683. 

discoveries,  and  pretending  to  doubt  their  reality. 
"  The  Iroquois,"  he  adds,  "  have  sworn  his  [La 
Salle's]  death.  The  imprudence  of  this  man  is 
about  to  involve  the  colony  in  war."  ^  And  again 
he  wntes,  in  the  following  spring,  to  say  that  La 
Salle  was  with  a  score  of  vagabonds  at  Green  Bay, 
where  he  set  himself  up  as  a  king,  pillaged  his 
countrymen,  and  put  them  to  ransom,  exposed  the 
tribes  of  the  West  to  the  incursions  of  the  Iroquois, 
and  all  under  pretence  of  a  patent  from  his  Maj- 
esty, the  provisions  of  which  he  grossly  abused ; 
but,  as  his  privileges  would  expire  on  the  twelfth 
of  May  ensuing,  he  would  then  be  forced  to  come 
to  Quebec,  where  his  creditors,  to  whom  he  owed 
more  than  thirty  thousand  crowns,  were  anxiously 
awaitino;  him.^ 

Finally,  when  La  Barre  received  the  two  letters 
from  La  Salle,  of  which  the  substance  is  given 
above,  he  sent  copies  of  them  to  the  Minister 
Seignelay,  with  the  following  comment :  "  By  the 
copies  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle's  letters,  you  will 
perceive  that  his  head  is  turned,  and  that  he  has 
been  bold  enough  to  give  you  intelligence  of  a 
false  discovery,  and  that,  instead  of  returning  to 
the  colony  to  learn  what  the  king  wishes  him  to 
do,  he  does  not  come  near  me,  but  keeps  in  the 
backwoods,  five  hundred  leagues  off,  with  the 
idea  of  attracting  the  inhabitants  to  him,  and  build- 
ing   up    an   imaginary   kingdom   for   himself,   by 

1  Lettre  de  La  Barre  au  Ministre,  14  Nov.,  1682. 

2  Lettre  de  Tm  Barre  au  Ministre,  30  Avril,  1683w  La  Salle  had  spent 
the  winter,  not  at  Green  Bay,  as  this  slanderous  letter  declares,  but  in  tho 
Illinois  country. 


1683.J  LA   SALLE  AND  LA  BARRE.  303 

debaucliiiig  all  the  bankrupts  and  idlers  of  this 
country.  If  you  will  look  at  the  two  letters  I 
had  from  him,  you  can  judge  the  character  of  this 
personage  better  than  I  can.  Affairs  with  the  Iro- 
quois are  in  such  a  state  that  I  cannot  allow  hiin 
to  muster  all  their  enemies  together  and  put  him- 
self at  their  head.  All  the  men  who  brought  me 
news  from  him  have  abandoned  him,  and  say  not  a 
word  about  returning,  hut  sell  the  furs  they  have 
brought  as  if  they  were  their  own  ;  so  that  he  can- 
not hold  his  ground  much  longer."  ^  Such  calumnies 
had  their  effect.  The  enemies  of  La  Salle  had 
already  gained  the  ear  of  the  king;  and  he  had 
written  in  August,  from  Fontainebleau,  to  his  new 
governor  of  Canada :  "  I  am  convinced,  like  you, 
that  the  discovery  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  is  very 
useless,  and  that  such  enterprises  ought  to  be  pre- 
vented in  future,  as  they  tend  only  to  debauch  the 
inhabitants  by  the  hope  of  gain,  and  to  diminish 
the  revenue  from  beaver-skins."  ''^ 

In  order  to  understand  the  posture  of  affairs  at 
this  time,  it  must  be  remembered  that  Dutch  and 
English  traders  of  New  York  were  urging  on  the 
Iroquois  to  attack  the  western  tribes,  with  the  ob- 
ject of  gaining,  through  their  conquest,  the  control 
of  the  fur-trade  of  the  interior,  and  diverting  it 
from  Alontreal  to  Albany.  The  scheme  was  full 
of  danger  to  Canada,  which  the  loss  of  the  trade 
would  have  ruined.  La  Barre  and  his  associates 
were  greatly  alarmed  at  it.  Its  complete  success 
would  have  been  fatal  to  their  hopes  of  profit ;  but 

1  Lettre  de  La  Barre  au  Ministre,  4  Nov.,  1683. 

2  Lettre  du  Roy  a  La  Barre.  5  Aoiit,   1683. 


304  ST.   LOUIS  OF  THE   ILLINOIS.  [1683. 

they  nevertheless  wished  it  such  a  measure  of  suc- 
cess as  would  ruin  their  rival,  La  Salle.  Hence, 
no  little  satisfaction  mingled  with  their  anxiety, 
when  they  heard  that  the  Iroquois  were  again 
threatening  to  invade  the  Miamis  and  the  Illinois ; 
and  thus  La  Barre,  whose  duty  it  was  strenuously 
to  oppose  the  intrigue  of  the  English,  and  use 
every  effort  to  quiet  the  ferocious  bands  whom  they 
were  hounding  against  the  Indian  allies  of  the 
French,  was,  in  fact,  but  half-hearted  in  the  work. 
He  cut  off  La  Salle  from  all  supplies ;  detained  the 
men  whom  he  sent  for  succor;  and,  at  a  confer- 
ence with  the  Iroquois,  told  them  that  they  were 
welcome  to  plunder  and  kill  him.^ 

The  old  governor,  and  the  unscrupulous  ring 
with  which  he  was  associated,  now  took  a  step  to 
which  he  was  doubtless  emboldened  by  the  tone 
of  the  king's  letter,  in  condemnation  of  La  Salle's 
enterprise.  He  resolved  to  seize  Fort  Frontenac, 
the  property  of  La  Salle,  under  the  pretext  that 
the  latter  had  not  fulfilled  the  conditions  of  the 
grant,  and  had  not  maintained  a  sufficient  gar- 
rison.^    Two   of   his  associates.  La  Chesnaye  and 

1  M€moire  pour  rendre  compte  a  Monseigneur  le  Mmyuis  de  Seignelay  de 
rJ^tat  ou  le  Sieur  de  Lasalle  a  laiss€  le  Fort  Frontenac  pendant  le  temps  de  sa 
d^couverte.  On  La  Barre's  conduct,  see  Count  Frontenac  and  New 
France  under  Louis  XIV.  chap.  v. 

2  La  Salle,  when  at  Mackinaw,  on  his  way  to  Quebec,  in  1682,  had 
been  recalled  to  the  Illinois,  as  we  have  seen,  by  a  threatened  Iroquois 
invasion.  There  is  before  me  a  copy  of  a  letter  which  he  then  wrote  to 
Count  Frontenac,  begging  him  to  send  up  more  soldiers  to  the  fort,  at 
his  (La  Salle's)  expense.  Frontenac,  being  about  to  sail  for  France, 
gave  this  letter  to  his  newly  arrived  successor,  La  Barre,  who,  far 
from  complying  with  the  request,  withdrew  La  Salle's  soldiers  already 
at  the  fort,  and  then  made  its  defenceless  state  a  pretext  for  seizing  it. 
This  statement  is  made  in  the  memoir,  addressed  to  Seignelay,  before 
cited. 


1683.1  A  NEW  ALARM.  305 

Le  Ber,  armed  with  an  order  from  him,  went  up 
and  took  possession,  despite  the  remonstrances  of 
La  Salle's  creditors  and  mortgagees;  lived  on  La 
Salle's  stores,  sold  for  their  own  profit,  and  (it  is 
said)  that  of  La  Barre,  the  provisions  sent  by  the 
l^ing,  and  turned  in  the  cattle  to  pasture  on  the 
growing  crops.  La  Forest,  La  Salle's  lieutenant, 
was  told  that  he  might  retain  the  command  of  the 
fort,  if  he  would  join  the  associates ;  but  he  refused, 
and  sailed  in  the  autumn  for  France.^ 

Meanwhile,  La  Salle  remained  at  the  Illinois 
in  extreme  embarrassment,  cut  off  from  supplies, 
robbed  of  his  men  who  had  gone  to  seek  them,  and 
disabled  from  fulfilling  the  pledges  he  had  given  to 
the  surrounding  Indians.  Such  was  his  position, 
when  reports  came  to  Fort  St.  Louis  that  the  Iro- 
quois were  at  hand.  The  Indian  hamlets  were 
wild  with  terror,  beseeching  him  for  succor  which 
he  had  no  power  to  give.  Happily,  the  report 
proved  false.  No  Iroquois  appeared;  the  threat- 
ened attack  was  postponed,  and  the  summer  passed 
away  in  peace.  But  La  Salle's  position,  with  the 
governor  his  declared  enemy,  was  intolerable  and 
untenable ;  and  there  was  no  resource  but  in  the 
protection  of  the  court.  Early  in  the  autumn,  he 
left  Tonty  in  command  of  the  rock,  bade  farewell 
to  his  savage  retainers,  and  descended  to  Quebec, 
intending  to  sail  for  France. 

On  his  way,  he  met  the  Chevalier  de  Baugis.  an 
officer  of  the  king's  dragoons,  commissioned  by 

1  These  are  the  statements  of  the  memorial,  addressed  in  La  Salle's 
behalf,  to  the  minister,  Seignelay. 

20 


306  ST.  LOUIS  or  the  Illinois.  [1683. 

La  Barre  to  take  possession  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  and 
bearing  letters  from  the  governor,  ordering  La 
Salle  to  come  to  Quebec ;  a  superfluous  command- 
as  he  was  then  on  his  way  thither.  He  smothered 
his  wrath,  and  wrote  to  Tonty  to  receive  De  Baugis 
well.  The  chevalier  and  his  party  proceeded  to 
the  Illinois,  and  took  possession  of  the  fort ;  Dc 
Baugis  commanding  for  the  governor,  while  Tonty 
remained  as  representative  of  La  Salle.  The  two 
officers  could  not  live  in  harmony ;  but,  with  the 
return  of  spring,  each  found  himself  in  sore 
need  of  aid  from  the  other.  Towards  the  end 
of  March,  the  Iroquois  attacked  their  citadel,  and 
besieged  it  for  six  days,  but  at  length  withdrew, 
discomfited,  carrying  with  them  a  number  of  In- 
dian prisoners,  most  of  whom  escaped  from  their 
clutches.^ 

Meanwhile,  La  SaUe  had  sailed  for  France. 

*  Tonty,  1684, 1693;  Lettre  deLa  Barre  au  Ministre,bJuin,  1684 ;  Ihid.,  9 
JuHlet,  1684. 


CHAPTER   XXn. 

1680-1683. 

LA   SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HEMSELF. 

Difficulty  of  knowing  him.  —  His  Detractors.  — His  Letters.  — 
Vexations  of  his  Position.  —  His  Unfii-ness  for  Trade. — 
Risks  of  Correspondence.  —  His  Reported  Marriage,  —  Al- 
leged Ostentation.  —  Motives  of  Action.  —  Charges  of  Harsh- 
ness.—  Intrigues  against  him.  —  Unpopular  Manners. —  A 
Strange  Confession. — His  Strength  and  his  Weakness. — 
Contrasts  of  his   Character. 

We  have  seen  La  Salle  in  his  acts.  While  he 
crosses  the  sea,  let  us  look  at  him  in  himself.  Few 
men  knew  him,  even  of  those  who  saw  him  most. 
Reserved  and  self-contained  as  he  was,  with  little 
vivacity  or  gayety  or  love  of  pleasure,  he  was  a 
sealed  book  to  those  about  him.  His  daring  en- 
ergy and  endurance  were  patent  to  all ;  but  the 
motive  forces  that  urged  him,  and  the  influences 
that  wrought  beneath  the  surface  of  his  character, 
were  hidden  where  few  eyes  could  pierce.  His 
enemies  were  free  to  make  their  own  interpreta- 
tions, and  they  did  not  fail  to  use  the  opportunity. 

The  interests  arrayed  against  him  were  inces- 
santly at  work.  His  men  were  persuaded  to  desert 
and  rob  him ;  the  Iroquois  were  told  that  he  was 
arming  the  western  tribes  against  them ;  the  western 
tribes  were  told  that  he  was  betraying  them  to  the 


308       LA  SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF.    11680-88. 

Iroquois ;  his  proceedings  were  denounced  to  the 
court ;  and  continual  efforts  were  made  to  alienate 
his  associates.  They,  on  their  part,  sore  as  they 
were  from  disappointment  a,nd  loss,  were  in  a  mood 
to  listen  to  the  aspersions  cast  upon  him ;  and  they 
pestered  him  with  letters,  asking  questions,  de- 
manding explanations,  and  dunning  him  for  money. 
It  is  through  his  answers  that  we  are  best  able  to 
judge  him ;  and  at  times,  by  those  touches  of  na- 
ture which  make  the  whole  world  kin,  they  teach 
us  to  know  him  and  to  feel  for  him. 

The  main  charges  against  him  were  that  he  was 
a  crack-brained  schemer,  that  he  was  harsh  to  his 
men,  that  he  traded  where  he  had  no  right  to 
trade,  and  that  his  discoveries  were  nothing  but 
a  pretence  for  making  money.  No  accusations 
appear  that  touch  his  integrity  or  his  honor. 

It  was  hard  to  convince  those  who  were  always 
losing  by  him.  A  remittance  of  good  dividends 
would  have  been  his  best  answer,  and  would  have 
made  any  other  answer  needless ;  but,  instead  of 
bills  of  exchange,  he  had  nothing  to  give  but  ex- 
cuses and  explanations.  In  the  autumn  of  1680, 
he  wrote  to  an  associate  who  had  demanded  the 
long  deferred  profits :  "  I  have  had  many  misfor- 
tunes in  the  last  two  years.  In  the  autumn  of  *78, 
I  lost  a  vessel  by  the  fault  of  the  pilot ;  in  the  next 
summer,  the  deserters  I  told  you  about  robbed  me 
of  eight  or  ten  thousand  livres'  worth  of  goods.  In 
the  autumn  of  '79,  I  lost  a  vessel  worth  more  than 
ten  thousand  crowns ;  in  the  next  spring,  five  or 
six  rascals  stole  the  value  of  five  or  six  thousand 


l680-8a]  mS  MISFORTUNES.  309 

livre?  in  goods  and  beaver-skins,  at  tlie  Illinois, 
when  I  was  absent.  Two  other  men  of  mine,  car- 
rying furs  worth  four  or  five  thousand  livres,  were 
killed  or  drowned  in  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  the 
furs  were  lost.  Another  robbed  me  of  three 
thousand  livres  in  beaver-skins  stored  at  Michilli- 
mackinac.  This  last  spring,  I  lost  about  seventeen 
hundred  livres'  worth  of  goods  by  the  upsetting  of 
a  canoe.  Last  winter,  the  fort  and  buildings  at 
Niagara  were  burned  by  the  fault  of  the  com- 
mander; and,  in  the  spring,  the  deserters,  who 
passed  that  way,  seized  a  part  of  the  property  that 
remained,  and  escaped  to  New  York.  All  this 
does  not  discourage  me  in  the  least,  and  will  only 
defer  for  a  year  or  two  the  returns  of  profit  which 
you  ask  for  this  year.  These  losses  are  no  more 
my  fault  than  the  loss  of  the  ship  '  St.  Joseph '  was 
yours.  I  cannot  be  everywhere,  and  cannot  help 
making  use  of  the  people  of  the  country." 

He  begs  his  correspondent  to  send  out  an  agent 
of  his  own.  "  He  need  not  be  very  savant,  but  he 
must  be  faithful,  patient  of  labor,  and  fond  neither 
of  gambling,  women,  nor  good  cheer ;  for  he  will 
find  none  of  these  with  me.  Trusting  in  what  he 
will  write  you,  you  may  close  your  ears  to  what 
priests  and  Jesuits  tell  you. 

"After  having  put  matters  in  good  trim  for 
trade,  I  mean  to  withdraw,  though  I  think  it  will 
be  very  profitable  ;  for  I  am  disgusted  to  find  that 
I  must  always  be  making  excuses,  which  is  a  part  I 
cannot  play  successfully.  I  am  utterly  tired  of 
this  business ;  for  I  see  that  it  is  not  enough  to  put 


310  LA  SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF.  [1680 -S3. 

property  and  life  in  constant  peril,  but  that  it  re- 
quires more  pains  to  answer  envy  and  detraction 
than  to  overcome  the  difficulties  inseparable  from 
my  undertaking." 

And  he  makes  a  variety  of  proposals,  by  which 
he  hopes  to  get  rid  of  a  part  of  his  responsibility 
to  his  correspondent.  He  begs  him  again  to  send 
out  a  confidential  agent,  saying  that  for  his  part 
he  does  not  want  to  have  any  account  to  render, 
except  that  which  he  owes  to  the  court,  of  his  dis- 
coveries. He  adds,  strangely  enough  for  a  man 
burdened  with  such  liabilities,  "  I  have  neither  the 
habit  nor  the  inclination  to  keep  books,  nor  have  I 
anybody  with  me  who  knows  how."  He  says  to 
another  correspondent,  "  I  think,  like  you,  that 
partnerships  in  business  are  dangerous,  on  account 
of  the  little  practice  I  have  in  these  matters."  It 
is  not  surprising  that  he  wanted  to  leave  his  asso- 
ciates to  manage  business  for  themselves :  "  You 
know  that  this  trade  is  good ;  and,  with  a  trusty 
agent  to  conduct  it  for  you,  you  run  no  risk.  As 
for  me,  I  will  keep  the  charge  of  the  forts,  the 
command  of  posts  and  of  men,  the  management  of 
Indians  and  Frenchmen,  and  the  establishment  of 
the  colony,  which  will  remain  my  property,  leav- 
ing your  agent  and  mine  to  look  after  our  inter- 
ests, and  drawing  my  half  without  having  any 
hand  in  what  belongs  to  you." 

La  Salle  was  a  very  indifferent  trader ;  and  his 
heart  was  not  in  the  commercial  part  of  his  enter- 
prise. He  aimed  at  achievement,  and  thirsted  after 
greatness.      His   ambition  was  to   found  another 


168(>-«3.J  KISKS  OF  CORllESPONDENCE.  oil 

France  in  the  West ;  and,  if  he  meant  to  govern 
it  also,  —  as  without  doubt  he  did,  —  it  is  not 
a  matter  of  wonder  or  of  blame.  His  misfor- 
tune w^as  that,  in  the  pursuit  of  a  great  design,  he 
was  drawn  into  complications  of  business,  with 
which  he  was  iU  fitted  to  grapple.  He  had  not 
the  instinct  of  the  successful  merchant.  He  dared 
too  much,  and  often  dared  unwisely ;  attempted 
more  than  he  could  grasp ;  and  forgot,  in  his  san- 
guine anticipations,  to  reckon  with  enormous  and 
incalculable  risks. 

Except  in  the  narrative  parts,  his  letters  are 
rambling  and  unconnected,  which  is  natural 
enough,  written,  as  they  were,  at  odd  moments, 
by  camp-fires  and  among  Indians.  The  style  is 
crude  ;  and,  being  well  aware  of  this,  he  disliked 
writing,  especially  as  the  risk  was  extreme  that  his 
letters  would  miss  their  destination.  "  There  is  too 
little  good  faith  in  this  country,  and  too  many  peo- 
ple on  the  watch,  for  me  to  trust  anybody  mth 
what  I  wish  to  send  you.  Even  sealed  letters  are 
not  too  safe.  Not  only  are  they  liable  to  be  lost 
or  stopped  by  the  way,  but  even  such  as  escape 
the  curiosity  of  spies  lie  at  Montreal,  waiting  a 
Ionic  time  to  be  forwarded." 

Again,  he  writes :  "  I  cannot  pardon  myself 
for  the  stoppage  of  my  letters,  though  I  made 
every  effort  to  make  them  reach  you.  I  wrote  to 
you  in  '79  (in  August),  and  sent  my  letters  to  M. 
de  la  Forest,  who  gave  them  in  good  faith  to  my 
brother.  I  don't  know  what  he  has  done  with 
them.      I  wrote  you  another,  by  the  vessel  that 


312       LA  SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF     11680-83. 

was  lost  last  year.  I  sent  two  canoes,  by  two 
different  routes ;  but  the  wind  and  the  rain  were 
so  furious  that  they  wintered  on  the  way,  and 
I  found  my  letters  at  the  fort  on  my  return.  I 
now  send  you  one  of  them,  which  I  wrote  last  year 
to  M.  Thouret,  in  which  you  will  find  a  full  account 
of  what  passed,  from  the  time  when  we  left  the 
outlet  of  Lake  Erie  down  to  the  sixteenth  of  Au- 
gust, 1680.  What  preceded  was  told  at  full 
length  in  the  letters  my  brother  has  seen  fit  to 
intercept." 

This  brother  was  the  Sulpitian  priest,  Jean 
Cavelier,  who  had  been  persuaded  that  La  Salle's 
enterprise  would  be  ruinous,  and  therefore  set 
himself,  sometimes  to  stop  it  altogether,  and  some- 
times to  manage  it  in,  his  own  way.  "  His  conduct 
towards  me,"  says  La  Salle,  "  has  always  been  so 
strange,  through  the  small  love  he  bears  me,  that  it 
was  clear  gain  for  me  when  he  went  away  ;  since, 
while  he  stayed,  he  did  nothing  but  cross  all  my 
plans,  which  I  was  forced  to  change  every  mo- 
ment to  suit  his  caprice." 

There  was  one  point  on  which  the  interference 
of  his  brother  and  of  his  correspondents  was 
peculiarly  annoying.  They  thought  it  for  their 
Interest  that  he  should  remain  a  single  man ; 
whereas,  it  seems  that  his  devotion  to  his  purpose 
was  not  so  engrossing  as  to  exclude  more  tender 
subjects. 

"  I  am  told  that  you  have  been  uneasy  about 
my  pretended  marriage.  I  had  not  thought  about 
it  at  that  time ;  and  I  shall  not  make  any  engage- 


1680-83.J  CHARGED  WITH  OSTENTATION.  813 

ment  of  the  sort,  till  I  have  given  you  reason  to 
be  satisfied  with  me.  It  is  a  httle  extraordinary 
that  I  must  render  account  of  a  matter  which  is 
free  to  all  the  world. 

"  In  fine.  Monsieur,  it  is  only  as  an  earnest 
of  something  more  substantial  that  I  write  to  yon 
so  much  at  length.  I  do  not  doubt  that  you  will 
hereafter  change  the  ideas  about  me  which  some 
persons  wish  to  give  you,  and  that  you  will 
be  relieved  of  the  anxiety  which  all  that  has 
happened  reasonably  causes  you.  I  have  writ- 
ten this  letter  at  more  than  twenty  different 
times  ;  and  I  am  more  than  a  hundred  and  Mty 
leagues  from  where  I  began  it.  I  have  still  two 
hundred  more  to  get  over,  before  reaching  the  Illi- 
nois. I  am  taking  with  me  twenty-five  men  to  the 
relief  of  the  six  or  seven  who  remain  with  the  Sieur 
de  Tonty." 

This  was  the  journey  which  ended  in  that  scene 
of  horror  at  the  ruined  town  of  the  Illinois. 

To  the  same  correspondent,  pressing  hini  for 
dividends,  he  says  :  "  You  repeat  continually  that 
you  will  not  be  satisfied  unless  I  make  you  large 
returns  of  profit.  Though  I  have  reason  to  thank 
you  for  what  you  have  done  for  this  enterprise,  it 
seems  to  me  that  I  have  done  still  more,  since  I  have 
put  every  thing  at  stake  ;  and  it  would  be  hard  to 
reproach  me  either  with  foolish  outlays  or  with 
the  ostentation  which  is  falsely  imputed  to  me. 
Let  my  accusers  explain  what  they  mean.  Since  I 
have  been  in  this  country,  I  have  had  neither  ser- 
vants nor   clothes  nor  fare  which  did  not  savor 


314  LA   SALLE  PAINTED   BY  HIMSELF.  [1680-83. 

more  of  meanness  than  of  ostentation  ;  and  the 
moment  I  see  that  there  is  any  thing  with  which 
either  you  or  the  court  find  fault,  I  assure  you  that 
I  will  give  it  up  :  for  the  life  I  am  leading  has  no 
other  attraction  for  me  than  that  of  honor;  and 
the  more  danger  and  difficulty  there  is  in  under- 
takings of  this  sort,  the  more  worthy  of  honor  I 
think  they  are." 

His  career  attests  the  sincerity  of  these  words. 
They  are  a  momentary  betrayal  of  the  deep  en- 
thusiasm of  character  which  may  be  read  in  his 
life,  but  to  which  he  rarely  allowed  the  faintest 
expression. 

"  Above  all,"  he  continues,  "  if  you  want  me  to 
keep  on,  do  not  compel  me  to  reply  to  all  the  ques- 
tions and  fp.ncies  of  priests  and  Jesuits.  They  have 
more  leisure  than  I ;  and  I  am  not  subtle  enough  to 
anticipate  all  their  empty  stories.  I  could  easily 
give  you  the  information  you  ask ;  but  I  have  a 
right  to  expect  that  you  will  not  believe  all  you 
hear,  nor  require  me  to  prove  to  you  that  I  am  not 
a  madman.  That  is  the  first  point  to  which  you 
should  have  attended,  before  having  business  with 
me ;  and,  in  our  long  acquaintance,  either  you 
must  have  found  me  out,  or  else  I  must  have  had 
long  intervals  of  sanity." 

To  another  correspondent,  he  defends  himself 
against  the  charge  of  harshness  to  his  men  :  "  The 
facility  I  am  said  to  want  is  out  of  place  witli  this 
sort  of  people,  who  are  libertines,  for  the  most 
part ;  and  to  indulge  them  means  to  tolerate  blas- 
phemy, drunkenness,  lewdness,  and  a  license  in- 


1680-83.]  CHARACTER  OF  HIS  MEN.  315 

compatible  with  any  kind  of  order.  It  will  not  be 
found  that  I  have  in  any  case  whatever  treated 
any  man  harshly,  except  for  blasphemies  and  other 
such  crimes,  openly  committed.  These  I  cannot 
tolerate :  first,  because  such  compliance  would 
give  grounds  for  another  accusation,  much  more 
just ;  secondly,  because,  if  I  allowed  such  disor- 
ders to  become  habitual,  it  would  be  hard  to  keep 
the  men  in  subordination  and  obedience,  as  re- 
gards executing  the  work  I  am  commissioned  to 
do  ;  thirdly,  because  the  debaucheries,  too  common 
with  this  rabble,  are  the  source  of  endless  delays 
and  frequent  thieving ;  and,  finally,  because  I  am 
a  Christian,  and  do  not  want  to  bear  the  burden  of 
their  crimes. 

"  What  is  said  about  my  servants  has  not  even 
a  show  of  truth ;  for  I  use  no  servants  here,  and 
all  my  men  are  on  the  same  footing.  I  grant  that, 
as  those  who  have  lived  with  me  are  steadier  and 
give  me  no  reason  to  complain  of  their  behavior, 
I  treat  them  as  gently  as  I  should  treat  the  others, 
if  they  resembled  them ;  and,  as  those  who  were 
formerly  my  servants  are  the  only  ones  I  can  trust, 
I  speak  more  openly  to  them  than  to  the  rest,  who 
are  generally  spies  of  my  enemies.  The  twenty- 
two  men  who  deserted  and  robbed  me  are  not  to 
be  believed  on  their  word,  deserters  and  thieves 
as  they  are.  They  are  ready  enough  to  find  some 
pretext  for  their  crime  ;  and  it  needs  as  unjust  a 
judge  as  the  intendant  to  prompt  such  rascals  to 
enter  complaints  against  a  person  to  whom  he  had 
given  a  warrant  to   arrest  them.      But,  to  show 


316  LA  SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF.  L1680-83. 

the  falsity  of  these  charges,  Martin  Chartier, 
who  was  one  of  those  who  excited  the  rest  to  do 
as  they  did,  was  never  with  me  at  all ;  and  the  rest 
had  made  their  plot  before  seeing  me."  And  he 
proceeds  to  relate,  in  great  detail,  a  variety  of 
circumstances  to  prove  that  his  men  had  been 
instigated  first  to  desert,  and  then  to  slander  him ; 
adding,  "  Those  who  remain  with  me  are  the  first 
I  had,  and  they  have  not  left  me  for  six  years." 

"  I  have  a  hundred  other  proofs  of  the  bad  coun- 
sel given  to  these  deserters,  and  wnll  produce 
them  when  w^anted  ;  but  as  they  themselves  are 
the  only  witnesses  of  the  severity  they  complain 
of,  while  the  witnesses  of  their  crimes  are  unim- 
peachable, why  am  I  refused  the  justice  I  de- 
mand, and  why  is  their  secret  escape  connived  at  ? 

"  I  do  not  know  what  you  mean  by  having 
popular  manners.  There  is  nothing  special  in  my 
food,  clothing,  or  lodging,  which  are  all  the  same 
for  me  as  for  my  men.  How  can  it  be  that  I  do  not 
talk  with  them  ?  I  have  no  other  company.  M. 
de  Tonty  has  often  found  fault  with  me,  because  I 
stopped  too  often  to  talk  wuth  them.  You  do  not 
know  the  men  one  must  employ  here,  w^hen  you 
exhort  me  to  make  merry  with  them.  They  are 
incapable  of  that ;  for  they  are  never  pleased,  un- 
less one  gives  free  rein  to  their  drunkenness  and 
other  vices.  If  that  is  what  you  call  having  popular 
manners,  neither  honor  nor  inclination  would  let 
me  stoop  to  gain  their  favor  in  a  way  so  disreputa- 
ble ;  and,  besides,  the  consequences  would  be  dan- 
gerous, and  they  would  have  the  same  contempt 


1680-83.]  HIS  MANNEKS.  317 

for  me  that  they  have  for  all  who  treat  them  in 
this  fashion. 

"  You  write  me  that  even  my  friends  say  that 
I  am  not  a  man  of  popular  manners.  I  do  not 
know  what  friends  they  are.  I  know  of  none  in 
this  country.  To  all  appearance,  they  are  enemies, 
more  subtle  and  secret  than  the  rest.  I  make  no 
exceptions;  for  I  know  that  those  w^ho  seem  to 
give  me  support  do  not  do  it  out  of  love  for  me, 
but  because  they  are  in  some  sort  bound  in  honor, 
and  that  in  their  hearts  they  think  I  have  dealt 
ill  with  them.  M.  Plet  will  tell  you  what  he  has 
heard  about  it  himself,  and  the  reasons  they  have 
to  give.^  I  have  seen  it  for  a  long  time  ;  and  these 
secret  stabs  they  give  me  show  it  very  plainly 
After  that,  it  is  not  surprising  that  I  open  my  mind 
to  nobody,  and  distrust  everybody.  I  have  rear 
sons  that  I  cannot  write. 

"  For  the  rest.  Monsieur,  pray  be  well  assured 
that  the  information  you  are  so  good  as  to  give 
me  is  received  with  a  gratitude  equal  to  the  genu- 
ine friendship  from  which  it  proceeds ;  and,  how- 
ever unjust  are  the  charges  made  against  me,  I 
should  be  much  more  unjust  myself,  if  I  did  not 
feel  that  I  have  as  much  reason  to  thank  you  for 
telling  me  of  them  as  I  have  to  complain  of  others 
for  inventing  them. 

"  As  for  what  you  say  about  my  look  and  man- 
ner, I  myself  confess  that  you  are  not  far  from 

1  His  cousin,  rran9oi8  Plet,  was  in  Canada  in  1680,  where,  with  La 
Salle's  approval,  he  carried  on  the  trade  of  Fort  Frontenac,  in  order  to 
indemnify  himself  for  money  advanced.  La  Salle  always  speaks  of  liim 
with  esteem  and  gratitude. 


318       LA  SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HIMSELF.    [1680-83. 

right.  But  naturam  expellas  ;  and,  if  I  am  want- 
ing in  expansiveness  and  show  of  feehng  towards 
those  with  whom  I  associate,  it  is  only  through  a 
timidity  which  is  natural  to  me,  and  which  has 
made  me  leave  various  employments,  where,  vnthout 
it,  I  could  have  succeeded.  But,  as  I  judged  myself 
ill-fitted  for  them  on  account  of  this  defect,  I  have 
chosen  a  life  more  suited  to  my  solitary  disposi- 
tion ;  which,  nevertheless,  does  not  make  me  harsh 
to  my  people,  though,  joined  to  a  life  among  sav- 
ages, it  makes  me,  perhaps,  less  polished  and  com- 
plaisant than  the  atmosphere  of  Paris  requires. 
I  well  believe  that  there  is  self-love  in  this ;  and 
that,  knowing  how  little  I  am  accustomed  to  a 
more  polite  life,  the  fear  of  making  mistakes  makes 
me  more  reserved  than  I  like  to  be.  So  I  rarely 
expose  myself  to  conversation  with  those  in  whose 
company  I  am  afraid  of  making  blunders,  and  can 
hardly  help  making  them.  Abbe  Renaudot  knows 
with  what  repugnance  I  had  the  honor  to  appear 
before  Monseigneur  de  Conti ;  and  sometimes  it 
took  me  a  week  to  make  up  my  mind  to  go  to  the 
audience,  that  is,  when  I  had  time  to  think  about 
myself,  and  was  not  driven  by  pressing  business. 
It  is  much  the  same  with  letters,  which  I  never 
write  except  when  pushed  to  it,  and  for  the  same 
reason.  It  is  a  defect  of  which  I  shall  never  rid 
myself  as  long  as  I  live,  often  as  it  spites  me 
against  myself,  and  often  as  I  quarrel  with  myself 
about  it." 

Here  is  a  strange  confession  for  a  man  like  La 
Salle.     Without  doubt,  the  timidity  of  which  he 


IG80-83.]  HIS  DEFECTS  AS  A  LEADER.  319 

accuses  himself  had  some  of  its  roots  in  pride ;  but 
not  the  less  was  his  pride  vexed  and  humbled  by 
it.  It  is  surprising  that,  being  what  he  was,  he 
could  have  brought  himseK  to  such  an  avowal 
under  any  circumstances  or  any  pressure  of  dis 
tress.  Shyness ;  a  morbid  fear  of  committing 
himself  ;  an  incapacity  to  express,  and  much 
more  to  simulate  feeling,  —  a  trait  sometimes  seen 
in  those  with  whom  feeling  is  most  deep,  —  are 
strano^e  ino;redients  in  the  character  of  a  man 
who  had  grappled  so  dauntlessly  with  life  on  its 
harshest  and  rudest  side.  They  were  deplorable 
defects  for  one  in  his  position.  He  lacked  that 
sympathetic  power,  the  inestimable  gift  of  the 
true  leader  of  men,  in  which  lies  the  difference 
between  a  willing  and  a  constrained  obedience 
This  solitary  being,  hiding  his  shyness  under  a 
cold  reserve,  could  rouse  no  enthusiasm  in  his 
followers.  He  lived  in  the  purpose  which  he  had 
made  a  part  of  himself,  nursed  his  plans  in  secret, 
and  seldom  asked  or  accepted  advice.  He  trusted 
himself,  and  learned  more  and  more  to  trust  no 
others.  One  may  fairly  infer  that  distrust  was 
natural  to  him ;  but  the  inference  may  possibly  be 
wrong.  Bitter  experience  had  schooled  him  to  it ; 
for  he  lived  among  snares,  pitfalls,  and  intriguing 
enemies.  He  began  to  doubt  even  the  associates 
who,  under  representations  he  had  made  them 
in  perfect  good  faith,  had  staked  their  money 
on  his  enterprise,  and  lost  it,  or  were  likely  to  lose 
it.  They  pursued  him  with  advice  and  com- 
plaint,   and   half -believed    that   he    was  what   his 


320       LA  SALLE  PAINTED  BY  HLMSELF.     [1680-83. 

maligners  called  him,  a  visionary  or  a  madman. 
It  galled  him  that  they  had  suffered  for  their  trust 
in  him,  and  that  they  had  repented  their  trust. 
His  lonely  and  shadowed  nature  needed  the  mel- 
lowing sunshine  of  success,  and  his  whole  life  was 
a  fight  with  adversity. 

All  that  appears  to  the  eye  is  his  intrepid 
conflict  with  obstacles  without,  but  this,  perhaps, 
was  no  more  arduous  than  the  invisible  and  silent 
strife  of  a  nature  at  war  with  itself;  the  pride, 
aspiration,  and  bold  energy  that  lay  at  the  base  of 
his  character  battling  against  the  superficial  weak- 
ness that  mortified  and  angered  him.  In  such  a 
man,  the  effect  of  such  an  infirmity  is  to  concen- 
trate and  intensify  the  force  within.  In  one 
form  or  another,  discordant  natures  are  common 
enough ;  but  very  rarely  is  the  antagonism  so 
irreconcilable  as  in  him.  And  the  greater  the  an- 
tagonism, the  greater  the  pain.  There  are  those 
in  whom  the  sort  of  timidity  from  which  he  suf- 
fered is  matched  with  no  quality  that  strongly  re- 
volts against  it.  These  gentle  natures  may  at  least 
have  peace,  but  for  him  there  was  no  peace. 

Cavelier  de  La  Salle  stands  in  history  like  a 
statue  cast  in  iron ;  but  his  own  unwilling  pen  be- 
trays the  man,  and  reveals  in  the  stern,  sad  figure 
an  object  of  human  interest  and  pity.^ 

*  The  following  is  the  character  of  La  Salle,  as  drawn  by  his  friend, 
Abbe  Bernou,  in  a  memorial  to  the  minister  Seignelay  :  "  II  est  irreproch- 
able  dans  ses  moeurs,  regie  dans  sa  conduite,  et  quiveut  de  I'ordre  parmy 
Bes  gens.  II  est  savant,  judicieux,  politique,  vigilant,  infatlgable,  eobre, 
et  intrdpide.  II  entend  siiffisament  I'architecture  civile,  militaire,  et  na- 
vale  ainsy  que  I'agriculture ;  il  parle  ou  entend  quatre  ou  cinq  langues 


1680-83]  CONTRASTS   OF  HIS  CHARACTER.  321 

des  Sauvages,  et  a  beaucoup  de  f acilite  pour  apprendre  les  autres.  H  s^ait 
toutes  leurs  manieres  et  obtient  d'eux  tout  ce  qu'il  veut  par  son  adresse, 
par  son  eloquence,  et  parce  qu'il  est  beaucoup  estime  d'eux.  Dans  ses 
voyages  il  ne  fait  pas  meilleure  chore  que  le  moindre  de  ses  gens  et  se 
donne  plus  de  peine  que  pas  un  pour  les  encourager,  et  il  y  a  lieu  de  croire 
qu'avec  la  protection  de  Monseigneur  11  fondera  des  colonies  plus  con- 
siderables que  toutes  celles  que  les  Fran9ois  ont  e'tablies  jusqu'a  present." 
—  M€moire  pour  Monseigneur  le  Marquis  de  Seignelay,  1682  (Margry,  IL 
277). 

The  extracts  given  in  the  foregoing  chapter  are  from  La  Salle's  long 
letters  of  29  Sept.,  1680,  and  22  Aug.,  1682  (1681^ ).  Both  are  printed  iu 
the  second  volume  of  the  Margry  collection,  and  the  originals  of  both  are 
tn  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale.  The  latter  seems  to  have  been  writteu 
to  La  Salle's  friend,  Abbe  Bemou ;  and  the  former,  to  a  certain  M 
Ihouret. 


21 


CHAPTER  XXm. 

1684. 

A  NEW  ENTERPRISE. 

LiA  Sallb  at  Coukt.  —  His  Proposals.  —  Occupation  op  Louisiana. 
—  Invasion  of  Mexico.  —  Royal  Favor.  —  Preparation.  —  A 
Divided  Command.  —  Beaujeu  and  La  Salle.  —  Mental  Condi- 
tion of  La  Salle.  —  His  Farewell  to  his  Mother. 

When  La  Salle  reached  Paris,  he  went  to  his 
old  lodgings  in  Rue  de  la  Truanderie,  and,  it  is 
likely  enough,  thought  for  an  instant  of  the  ad- 
ventures and  vicissitudes  he  had  passed  since  he 
occupied  them  before.  Another  ordeal  awaited 
him.  He  must  confront,  not  painted  savages, 
with  tomahawk  and  knife,  but,  what  he  shrank 
from  more,  the  courtly  throngs  that  still  live  and 
move  in  the  pages  of  Sevigne  and  Saint-Simon. 

The  news  of  his  discovery  and  the  rumor  of  his 
schemes  were  the  talk  of  a  moment  among  the 
courtiers,  and  then  were  forgotten.  It  was  not 
so  with  their  master.  La  Salle's  friends  and  pa- 
trons did  not  fail  him.  A  student  and  a  recluse  in 
his  youth,  and  a  backwoodsman  in  his  manhood, 
he  had  what  was  to  him  the  formidable  honor  of 
an  interview  with  royalty  itself,  and  stood  with 
such  philosophy  as  he  could  command  before  the 
gilded  arm-chair,  where,  majestic  and  awful,  the 


ie84.J  LA  SALLE  AT  COURT.  323 

power  of  France  sat  embodied.  The  King  listened 
to  all  he  said ;  but  the  results  of  the  interview 
were  kept  so  secret  that  it  was  rumored  in  the 
ante-chambers  that  his  proposals  had  been  rejected.^ 

On  the  contrary,  they  had  met  with  more  than 
favor.  The  moment  was  opportune  for  La  Salle. 
The  king  had  long  been  irritated  against  the 
Spaniards,  because  they  not  only  excluded  his  sub- 
jects from  their  American  ports,  but  forbade  them 
to  enter  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Certain  Frenchmen 
who  had  sailed  on  this  forbidden  sea  had  been 
seized  and  imprisoned,  and  more  recently  a  small 
vessel  of  the  royal  navy  had  been  captured  for 
the  same  offence.  This  had  drawn  from  the  kinor 
a  declaration  that  every  sea  should  be  free  to 
all  his  subjects ;  and  Count  d'Estrees  was  sent  with 
a  squadron  to  the  Gulf,  to  exact  satisfaction  of  the 
Spaniards,  or  fight  them  if  they  refused  it.^  This 
was  in  time  of  peace.  War  had  since  arisen  be- 
tween the  two  crowns,  and  brought  with  it  the 
opportunity  of  settling  the  question  for  ever.  In 
order  to  do  so,  the  minister  Seignelay,  like  his 
father  Colbert,  proposed  to  establish  a  French 
port  on  the  Gulf,  as  a  permanent  menace  to  the 
Spaniards  and  a  basis  of  future  conquest.  It  was 
in  view  of  this  plan  that  La  Salle's  past  enter- 
prises had  been  favored ;  and  the  proposals  he  now 
made  were  in  perfect  accord  with  it. 

These  proposals  were  set  forth  in  two  memo- 

1  LeUres  de  I'AbU  Tronson,  8  Avril,  10  Avril,  1684  (Margry,  11.  354). 

2  Lettres  du  Roy  el  du  Ministre  sur  la  Navigation  du  Golfe  du  MexiguCf 
1669-1682  (Margry,  III.  3-14). 


324  A   NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [l684. 

rials.  The  first  of  them  states  that  the  late 
Monseigneur  Colbert  deemed  it  important  for  the 
service  of  his  Majesty  to  discover  a  port  in  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico ;  that  to  this  end  the  memorialist, 
La  Salle,  made  five  journeys  of  upwards  of  five 
thousand  leagues,  in  great  part  on  foot ;  and  trav- 
ersed more  than  six  hundred  leagues  of  unknown 
country,  among  savages  and  cannibals,  at  the  cost 
of  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  francs.  He  now 
proposes  to  return  by  way  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
and  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  countries 
he  has  discovered,  whence  great  benefits  may  be 
expected :  first,  the  cause  of  God  may  be  ad- 
vanced by  the  preaching  of  the  gospel  to  many 
Indian  tribes ;  and,  secondly,  great  conquests  may 
be  effected  for  the  glory  of  the  king,  by  the 
seizure  of  provinces  rich  in  silver  mines,  and  de- 
fended only  by  a  few  indolent  and  effeminate 
Spaniards.  The  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  pursues  the 
memorial,  binds  himself  to  be  ready  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  this  enterprise  vdthin  one  year  after 
his  arrival  on  the  spot ;  and  he  asks  for  this  pur- 
pose only  one  vessel  and  two  hundred  men,  with 
their  arms,  munitions,  pay,  and  maintenance. 
When  Monseigneur  shall  direct  him,  he  will  give 
the  details  of  what  he  proposes.  The  memorial 
then  describes  the  boundless  extent,  the  fertility 
and  resources  of  the  country  watered  by  the  river 
Colbert,  or  Mississippi ;  the  necessity  of  guarding 
it  against  foreigners,  who  will  be  eager  to  seize  it 
now  that  La  Salle's  discovery  has  made  it  known ; 
and  the  ease  with  which  it  may  be  defended  by 


1684.J  LA  SALLE'S  PEOPOSALS.  325 

one  or  two  forts  at  a  proper  distance  above  its 
mouth,  which  would  form  the  key  to  an  interior 
region  eight  hundred  leagues  in  extent.  "Should 
foreigners  anticipate  us/'  he  adds,  "  they  will 
complete  the  ruin  of  New  France,  which  they 
already  hem  in  by  their  establishments  of  Virginia, 
Pennsylvania,  New  England,  and  Hudson's  Bay.^ 

The  second  memorial  is  more  explicit.  The 
place,  it  says,  which  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  proposes 
to  fortify,  is  on  the  river  Colbert,  or  Mississippi, 
sixty  leagues  above  its  mouth,  where  the  soil  is 
very  fertile,  the  climate  very  mild,  and  whence  we, 
the  French,  may  control  the  continent;  since,  the 
river  being  narrow,  we  could  defend  ourselves  by 
means  of  fire-ships  against  a  hostile  fleet,  while  the 
position  is  excellent  both  for  attacking  an  enemy 
or  retreating  in  case  of  need.  The  neighboring 
Indians  detest  the  Spaniards,  but  love  the  French, 
having  been  won  over  by  the  kindness  of  the  Sieur 
de  la  Salle.  We  could  form  of  them  an  army  of 
more  than  fifteen  thousand  savages,  who,  supported 
by  the  French  and  Abenakis,  followers  of  the  Sieur 
de  la  Salle,  could  easily  subdue  the  province  of 
New  Biscay  (the  most  northern  province  of  Mex- 
ico), where  there  are  but  four  hundred  Spaniards, 
more  fit  to  work  the  mines  than  to  fight.  On  the 
north  of  New  Biscay  lie  vast  forests,  extending 
to  the  river  Seignelay^  (Ked  River),  which  is  but 

1  M^moire  du  S^  de  la  Salle,  pour  rendre  compte  a  Monseigneur  de  Seigne- 
lay  de  la  d€ccnwerte  qt'il  afaite par  I'ordre  de  sa  Majest€. 

2  This  name,  also  given  to  the  Illinois,  is  used  to  designate  Eed  Riyer 
on  the  map  of  Franquelin,  where  the  forests  abore  mentioned  are  repre- 
sented- 


326  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE  (1684. 

forty  or  fifty  leagues  from  the  Spnnisli  province. 
This  river  affords  the  means  of  attacking  it  to 
great  advantage. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  pursues  the  memorial,  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  offers,  if  the  war  with  Spain  con- 
tinues, to  undertake  this  conquest  with  two  hundred 
men  from  France.  He  will  take  on  his  way  fifty 
buccaneers  at  St.  Domingo,  and  direct  the  four 
thousand  Indian  warriors  at  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the 
Illinois  to  descend  the  river  and  join  him.  He 
will  separate  his  force  into  three  divisions,  and 
attack  at  the  same  time  the  centre  and  the  two 
extremities  of  the  province.  To  accomplish  this 
great  design,  he  asks  only  for  a  vessel  of  thirty 
guns,  a  few  cannon  for  the  forts,  and  power  to  raise 
in  France  two  hundred  such  men  as  he  shall  think 
fit,  to  be  armed,  paid,  and  maintained  six  months 
at  the  kino-'s  charo;e.  And  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle 
binds  himself,  if  the  execution  of  this  plan  is  pre- 
vented for  more  than  three  years,  by  peace  with 
Spain,  to  refund  to  his  Majesty  all  the  costs  of  the 
enterprise,  on  pain  of  forfeiting  the  government 
of  the  ports  he  will  have  established.' 

Such,  in  brief,  was  the  substance  of  this  sin- 
gular proposition.  And,  first,  it  is  to  be  observed 
that  it  is  based  on  a  geographical  blunder,  the 
nature  of  which  is  explained  by  the  map  of  La 
Salle's  discoveries  made  in  this  very  year.  Here 
the  river  Seignelay,  or  Red  River,  is  represented  as 
running  parallel  to  the  northern  border  of  Mexico, 

1  M^moire  du  S^-  de  la  Salle  sur  I'Entreprise  qu'il  a  propose  a  Monseigneut 
U  Marquis  de  Seignelay  sur  une  des  provinces  de  Mexique. 


1681J  LA   SALLE'S  PROPOSALS.  327 

and  at  no  great  distance  from  it;  the  region  now 
called  Texas  being  almost  entirely  suppressed. 
According  to  the  map,  New  Biscay  might  be  reached 
from  this  river  in  a  few  days ;  and,  after  crossing 
the  intervening  forests,  the  coveted  mines  of  Ste. 
Barbe,  or  Santa  Barbara,  would  be  within  striking 
distance.^  That  La  Salle  believed  in  the  possibility 
of  invading  the  Spanish  province  of  New  Biscay 
from  Red  River  there  can  be  no  doubt ;  neither 
can  it  reasonably  be  doubted  that  he  hoped  at  some 
future  day  to  make  the  attempt ;  and  yet  it  is  in- 
credible that  a  man  in  his  sober  senses  could  have 
proposed  this  scheme  with  the  intention  of  attempt- 
ing to  execute  it  at  the  time  and  in  the  manner 
which  he  indicates.^  This  memorial  bears  some 
indications  of  being  drawn  up  in  order  to  produce 
a  certain  effect  on  the  minds  of  the  king  and  the 
minister.  La  Salle's  immediate  necessity  was  to 
obtain  from  them  the  means  for  establishing  a  fort 

1  Both  the  memorial  and  the  map  represent  the  banks  of  Red  River 
as  inhabited  by  Lidians,  called  Terliquiquimechi,  and  known  to  the  Span- 
iards as  Indios  hravos,  or  Indios  de  guerra.  The  Spaniards,  it  is  added, 
were  in  great  fear  of  them,  as  they  made  frequent  inroads  into  Mexico. 
La  Salle's  Mexican  geography  was,  in  all  respects,  confused  and  erro- 
neous ;  nor  was  Seignelay  better  informed.  Indeed,  Spanish  jealousy 
placed  correct  information  beyond  their  reach. 

2  While  the  plan,  as  proposed  in  the  memorial,  was  clearly  imprac- 
ticable, the  subsequent  experience  of  the  French  in  Texas  tended  to 
prove  that  the  tribes  of  that  region  could  be  used  with  advantage  in  at- 
tacking the  Spaniards  of  Mexico,  and  that  an  inroad  on  a  comparatively 
small  scale  might  have  been  successfully  made  with  their  help.  In  1689, 
Tonty  actually  made  the  attempt,  as  we  shall  see,  but  failed,  from  the 
desertion  of  his  men.  In  1697,  the  Sieur  de  Louvigny  wrote  to  the  Min- 
ister of  the  Marine,  asking  to  complete  La  Salle's  discoveries,  and  invade 
Mexico  from  Texas.  Lettre  de  M.  de  Louvigny,  14  Oct.,  1697.  In  an 
unpublished  memoir  of  the  year  1700,  the  seizure  of  the  Mexican  mine^  is 
given  as  one  of  the  motives  of  the  colonization  of  Louisiana. 


328  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [1684 

and  a  colony  within  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi. 
This  was  essential  to  his  own  plans ;  nor  did  he  in 
the  least  exaggerate  the  value  of  such  an  establish- 
ment to  the  French  nation,  and  the  importance  of 
anticipating  other  powers  in  the  possession  of  it. 
But  he  thought  that  he  needed  a  more  glittering 
hire  to  attract  the  eyes  of  Louis  and  Seignelay ;  and 
thus,  it  may  be,  he  held  before  them,  in  a  definite 
and  tangible  form,  the  project  of  Spanish  conquest 
which  had  haunted  his  imagination  from  youth, 
trusting  that  the  speedy  conclusion  of  peace,  which 
actually  took  place,  would  absolve  him  from  the 
immediate  execution  of  the  scheme,  and  give  him 
time,  with  the  means  placed  at  his  disposal,  to 
mature  his  plans  and  prepare  for  eventual  action. 
Such  a  procedure  may  be  charged  with  indirect- 
ness; but  there  is  a  different  explanation,  which 
we  shall  suggest  hereafter,  and  which  implies  no 
such  reproach.^ 

1  Another  scheme,  with  similar  aims,  but  much  more  practicable,  was 
at  this  very  time  before  the  court.  Count  Penalossa,  a  Spanish  creole 
born  in  Peru,  had  been  governor  of  New  Mexico,  where  he  fell  into  a  dis- 
pute with  the  Inquisition,  which  involved  him  in  the  loss  of  property 
and  for  a  time  of  liberty.  Failing  to  obtain  redress  in  Spain,  he  re- 
nounced his  allegiance  in  disgust,  and  sought  refuge  in  France,  where,  in 
1682,  he  first  proposed  to  the  king  the  establishment  of  a  colony  of  French 
buccaneers  at  the  mouth  of  Rio  Bravo,  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  In 
January,  1684,  after  the  war  had  broken  out,  he  proposed  to  attack  the 
Spanish  town  of  Panuco,  with  twelve  hundred  buccaneers  from  St.  Do- 
mingo ;  then  march  into  the  interior,  seize  the  mines,  cor  quer  Durango, 
and  occupy  New  Mexico.  It  was  proposed  to  combine  his  plan  with  that 
of  La  Salle ;  but  the  latter,  who  had  an  interview  with  him,  expressed 
distrust,  and  showed  characteristic  reluctance  to  accept  a  colleague.  It 
is  extremely  probable,  however,  that  his  knowledge  of  Penalossa's  origi- 
nal proposal  had  some  influence  in  stimulating  him  to  lay  before  the 
court  proposals  of  his  own,  equally  attractive.  Peace  was  concluded 
before  the  plans  of  the  Spanish  adventurer  could  be  carried  into 
effect. 


1684.J  LA  BAKliE  REBUKED.  329 

Even  with  this  madcap  enterprise  lopped  off 
La  Salle's  scheme  of  Mississippi  trade  and  coloniza- 
tion, perfectly  sound  in  itself,  was  too  vast  for  an 
individual ;  above  all,  for  one  crippled  and  crushed 
with  debt.  While  he  grasped  one  link  of  the  great 
chain,  another,  no  less  essential,  escaped  from  his 
hand ;  while  he  built  up  a  colony  on  the  Missis- 
sippi, it  was  reasonably  certain  that  evil  would 
befall  his  distant  colony  of  the  Illinois. 

The  glittering  project  which  he  now  unfolded 
found  favor  in  the  eyes  of  the  king  and  the  minis- 
ter ;  for  both  were  in  the  flush  of  an  unparalleled 
success,  and  looked  in  the  future,  as  in  the  past, 
for  nothing  but  triumphs.  They  granted  more  than 
the  petitioner  asked,  as  indeed  they  well  might, 
if  they  expected  the  accomplishment  of  all  that 
he  proposed  to  attempt.  La  Forest,  La  Salle's  lieu- 
tenant, ejected  from  Fort  Frontenac  by  La  Barre, 
was  now  at  Paris;  and  he  was  despatched  to 
Canada,  empowered  to  reoccupy,  in  La  Salle's 
name,  both  Fort  Frontenac  and  Fort  St.  Louis 
of  the  Illinois.  The  king  himself  wrote  to  La 
Barre  in  a  strain  that  must  have  sent  a  cold  thrill 
through  the  veins  of  that  official.  "I  hear,"  he 
says,  ^^  that  you  have  taken  possession  of  Fort  Fron- 
tenac, the  property  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  driven 
away  his  men,  suffered  his  land  to  run  to  waste, 
and  even  told  the  Iroquois  that  they  might  seize 
him  as  an  enemy  of  the  colony."  He  adds,  that,  if 
this  is  true,  La  Barre  must  make  reparation  for  the 
wrong,  and  place  all  La  Salle's  property,  as  well 
as  his  men,  in  the  hands  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Forest, 


330  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [1684 

"  as  I  am  satisfied  that  Fort  Frontenac  was  not 
abandoned,  as  you  wrote  to  me  that  it  had  been."  ^ 
Four  days  later,  he  wrote  to  the  intend  ant  of 
Canada,  Meules,  to  the  effect  that  the  bearer.  La 
Forest,  is  to  suffer  no  impediment,  and  that  La 
Barre  is  to  surrender  to  him  without  reserve  all 
that  belongs  to  La  Salle.^  Armed  with  this  letter, 
La  Forest  sailed  for  Canada.^ 

A  chief  object  of  his  mission,  as  it  was  repre- 
sented to  Seignelay,  was,  not  only  to  save  the 
colony  at  the  Illinois  from  being  broken  up  by  La 
Barre,  but  also  to  collect  La  Salle's  scattered 
followers,  muster  the  savage  warriors  around  the 
rock  of  St.  Louis,  and  lead  the  whole  down  the 
Mississippi,  to  co-operate  in  the  attack  on  New 
Biscay.  If  La  Salle  meant  that  La  Forest  should 
seriously  attempt  to  execute  such  a  scheme,  then 
the  charges  of  his  enemies  that  his  brain  was 
turned  were  better  founded  than  he  would  have 
us  think. ^ 

1  Lettre  du  Roy  a  La  Barre,  Versailles,  10  Avril,  1684. 

2  Lettre  du  Roy  a  De  Meules,  Versailles,  14  Avril,  1684.  Seignelay  wroto 
to  De  Meules  to  the  same  effect. 

^  On  La  Forest's  mission,  —  M€moire  pour  representer  a  Monseigneur  le 
Marquis  de  Seignelay  la  n€cessit€  d^envoyer  le  S^-  de  la  Forest  en  diligence  a 
la  Nouvelle  France ;  Lettre  du  Roy  a  La  Barre,  14  Avril,  1684 ;  Ibid.,  31  Oct.^ 
1684. 

There  is  before  me  a  promissory  note  of  La  Salle  to  La  Forest,  of 
5,200  livres,  dated  at  Rochelle,  17  July,  1684.  This  seems  to  be  pay  due  to 
TjR  Forest,  who  had  served  as  La  Salle's  officer  for  nine  years.  A  memo- 
randum is  attached,  signed  by  La  Salle,  to  the  effect  that  it  is  his  wish 
that  La  Forest  reimburse  himself,  "  par  pr(f<frence,"  out  of  any  property 
of  his  (La  Salle's)  in  France  or  Canada. 

*  The  attitude  of  La  Salle,  in  this  matter,  is  incomprehensible.  In 
July,  La  Forest  was  at  Rochefort,  complaining  because  La  Salle  had 
ordered  him  to  stay  in  garrison  at  Fort  Frontenac.  Bcaujeu  a  Villennont. 
10  July,  1684.     This  means  an  abandonment  of  the  scheme  of  leading 


1684.]  PREPARATION.  331 

He  had  asked  for  two  vessels/  and  four  were 
given  to  him.  Agents  were  sent  to  Rochelle  and 
Rochefort  to  gather  recruits.  A  hundred  soldiers 
were  enrolled,  besides  mechanics  and  laborers ; 
and  thirty  volunteers,  including  gentlemen  and 
burghers  of  condition,  joined  the  expedition.  And, 
as  the  plan  was  one  no  less  of  colonization  than  of 
war,  several  families  embarked  for  the  new  land 
of  promise,  as  well  as  a  number  of  girls,  lured  by 
the  prospect  of  almost  certain  matrimony.  Nor 
were  missionaries  wanting.  Among  them  was  La 
Salle's  brother,  Cavelier,  and  two  other  priests  of 
St.  Sulpice.  Three  Recollets  were  added :  Zenobe 
Membre,  who  was  then  in  France,  Anastase  Douay, 
and  Maxime  Le  Clerc.  The  principal  vessel  was 
the  "  Joly,"  belonging  to  the  royal  navy,  and  car- 
rying thirty -six  guns.  Another  armed  vessel,  of 
six  guns,  was  added,  together  with  a  store-ship  and 
a  ketch. 

La  Salle  had  asked  for  sole  command  of  the  ex- 
pedition, with  a  subaltern  officer,  and  one  or  two 
pilots  to  sail  the  vessels  as  he  should  direct.  In- 
stead of  complying,  Seignelay  gave  the  command 
of  the  vessels  to  Beaujeu,  a  captain  of  the  royal 
navy,  whose  authority  was  restricted  to  their  man- 

the  warriors  at  the  rock  of  St.  Louis  down  the  Mississippi ;  but,  in  the 
next  month,  La  Salle  writes  to  Seignelay  that  he  is  afraid  La  Barre  will 
use  the  Iroquois  war  as  a  pretext  to  prevent  La  Forest  from  making  his 
journey  (to  the  Illinois),  and  that  in  this  case  he  will  himself  try  to  go 
up  the  Mississippi,  and  meet  the  Illinois  warriors  ;  so  that,  in  five  or  six 
months  from  the  date  of  the  letter,  the  minister  will  hear  of  his  depart>- 
ure  to  attack  the  Spaniards.  La  Salle  a  Seignelay,  Aout,  1684.  Either 
this  is  sheer  folly,  or  else  it  is  meant  to  delude  the  minister. 
^  M^moire  de  ce  qui  aura  est€  accords  au  Sieur  de  la  SdlU 


332  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  ^1684 

agement  at  sea,  while  La  Salle  was  to  prescribe  the 
route  they  were  to  take,  and  have  entire  control  of 
the  troops  and  colonists  on  land.^  This  arrange- 
ment displeased  both  parties.  Beaujeu,  an  old  and 
experienced  officer,  was  galled  that  a  civilian  should 
be  set  over  him,  and  he,  too,  a  burgher  lately 
ennobled ;  nor  was  La  Salle  the  man  to  soothe 
his  ruffled  spirit.  Detesting  a  divided  command, 
cold,  reserved,  and  impenetrable,  he  would  have 
tried  the  patience  of  a  less  excitable  colleague. 
Beaujeu,  on  his  part,  though  set  to  a  task  which 
he  disliked,  seems  to  have  meant  to  do  his  duty, 
and  to  have  been  willing  at  the  outset  to  make 
the  relations  between  himseK  and  his  unwelcome 
associate  as  agreeable  as  possible.  Unluckily,  La 
Salle  discovered  that  the  wife  of  Beaujeu  was  de- 
voted to  the  Jesuits.  We  have  seen  the  extreme 
distrust  with  which  he  regarded  these  guides  of  his 
youth,  and  he  seems  now  to  have  fancied  that  Beau- 
jeu was  their  secret  ally.  Possibly,  he  suspected  that 
information  of  his  movements  would  be  given  to 
the  Spaniards ;  more  probably,  he  had  undefined 
fears  of  adverse  machinations.  Granting  that  such 
existed,  it  was  not  his  interest  to  stimulate  them 
by  needlessly  exasperating  the  naval  commander. 
His  deportment,  however,  was  not  conciliating;  and 
Beaujeu,  prepared  to  dislike  him,  presently  lost 
temper.  While  the  vessels  still  lay  at  Rochelle ; 
while  all  was  bustle  and  preparation ;  while  stores, 
arms,  and  munitions  were  embarking ;  while  boys 

1  Lettre  du  Roy  a  La  Salle,  12  Avril,  1684 ;  M€moire  pour  servir  d'Tnsti-uc- 
tion  au  Sieur  de  Beaujeu,  14  Avril,  1084. 


1684.J  BEAUJEU  ASB  LA -SALLE.  333 

and  vagabonds  were  enlisting  as  soldiers  for  the 
expedition,  Beaujeu  was  venting  his  disgust  in  long 
letters  to  the  minister. 

"  You  have  ordered  me,  Monseigneur,  to  give  all 
possible  aid  to  this  undertaking,  and  I  shall  do  so 
to  the  best  of  my  power ;  but  permit  me  to  take 
great  credit  to  myself,  for  I  find  it  very  hard  to 
submit  to  the  orders  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  whom 
I  believe  to  be  a  man  of  merit,  but  who  has  no 
experience  of  war  except  with  savages,  and  who 
has  no  rank,  while  I  have  been  captain  of  a  ship 
thirteen  years,  and  have  served  thirty  by  sea 
and  land.  Besides,  Monseigneur,  he  has  told  me 
that,  in  case  of  his  death,  you  have  directed  that 
the  Sieur  de  Tonty  shall  succeed  him.  This,  in- 
deed, is  very  hard ;  for,  though  I  am  not  acquainted 
with  that  country,  I  should  be  very  dull,  if,  being 
on  the  spot,  I  did  not  know,  at  the  end  of  a  month, 
as  much  of  it  as  they  do.  I  beg,  Monseigneur,  that 
I  may  at  least  share  the  command  with  them ;  and 
that,  as  regards  war,  nothing  may  be  done  without 
my  knowledge  and  concurrence ;  for,  as  to  their 
commerce,  I  neither  intend  nor  desire  to  know  any 
thing  about  it." 

Seignelay  answered  by  a  rebuff,  and  told  him 
to  make  no  trouble  about  the  command.  This  in- 
creased his  irritation,  and  he  wrote :  "  In  my  last 
letter,  Monseigneur,  I  represented  to  you  the  hard- 
ship of  compelling  me  to  obey  M.  de  la  Salle,  who 
has  no  rank,  and  never  commanded  anybody  hut 
school-hoys ;  and  I  begged  you  at  least  to  divide 
the  command  between  us.     I  now,  MonseigneuPy 


334  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  L1684. 

take  the  liberty  to  say  that  I  will  obey  without 
repugnance,  if  you  order  me  to  do  so,  having  re- 
flected that  there  can  be  no  competition  between 
the  said  Sieur  de  la  Salle  and  me. 

"  Thus  far,  he  has  not  told  me  his  plan ;  and  he 
changes  his  mind  every  moment.  He  is  a  man  so 
suspicious,  and  so  afraid  that  one  will  penetrate 
his  secrets,  that  I  dare  not  ask  him  any  thing.  He 
says  that  M.  de  Parassy,  commissary's  clerk,  with 
whom  he  has  often  quarrelled,  is  paid  by  his  ene- 
mies to  defeat  his  undertaking ;  and  many  other 
things  with  which  I  will  not  trouble  you." 

"  He  pretends  that  I  am  only  to  command  the 
sailors,  and  have  no  authority  over  the  volunteer 
officers  and  the  hundred  soldiers  who  are  to  take 
passage  in  the  ^Joly;'  and  that  they  are  not  to 
recognize  or  obey  me  in  any  way  during  the 
voyage." 

"  He  has  covered  the  decks  with  boxes  and 
chests  of  such  prodigious  size  that  neither  the 
cannon  nor  the  capstan  can  be  worked." 

La  Salle  drew  up  a  long  list  of  articles,  defining 
the  respective  rights  and  functions  of  himself  and 
Beaujeu,  to  whom  he  presented  it  for  signature. 
Beaujeu  demurred  at  certain  military  honors  de- 
manded by  La  Salle,  saying  that,  if  a  marshal  of 
France  should  come  on  board  his  ship,  he  would 
have  none  left  to  offer  him.  The  point  was  re- 
ferred to  the  naval  intendant ;  and,  the  articles  of 
the  treaty  having  been  slightly  modified,  Beaujeu 
set  his  name  to  it.  "  By  this,"  he  says,  "  you  can 
judge  better  of  the  character  of  M  de  la  Salle  than 


1684 J  BEAUJEU  AND  LA  SALLE.  335 

by  all  I  can  say.  He  is  a  man  who  wants  smoke 
[form  and  ceremony].  I  will  give  him  his  fill  of 
it,  and,  perhaps,  more  than  he  likes. 

^'  I  am  bound  to  an  unknown  country,  to  seek 
what  is  about  as  hard  to  find  as  the  philosopher's 
stone.  It  vexes  me,  Monseigneur,  that  you  should 
have  been  involved  in  a  business  the  success  of 
which  is  very  uncertain.  M.  de  la  Salle  begins  to 
doubt  it  himself." 

While  Beaujeu  wrote  thus  to  the  minister,  he 
was  also  writing  to  Cabart  de  Yillermont,  one  of 
his  friends  at  Paris,  with  whom  La  Salle  was  also 
on  friendly  terms.  These  letters  are  lively  and 
entertaining,  and  by  no  means  suggestive  of  any 
secret  conspiracy.  He  might,  it  is  true,  have  been 
more  reserved  in  his  communications ;  but  he  be- 
trays no  confidence,  for  none  was  placed  in  him. 
It  is  the  familiar  correspondence  of  an  irritable  but 
not  ill-natured  veteran,  who  is  placed  in  an  annoying 
position,  and  thinks  he  is  making  the  best  of  it. 

La  Salle  thought  that  the  minister  had  been  too 
free  in  communicating  the  secrets  of  the  expedition 
to  the  naval  intendant  at  Rochefort,  and  through 
him  to  Beaujeu.  It  is  hard  to  see  how  Beaujeu 
was  to  blame  for  this ;  but  La  Salle  nevertheless 
fell  into  a  dispute  with  him.  "  He  could  hardly 
keep  his  temper,  and  used  expressions  which 
obliged  me  to  tell  him  that  I  cared  very  little 
about  his  affairs,  and  that  the  king  himself  would 
not  speak  as  he  did.  He  retracted,  made  excuses, 
and  we  parted  good  friends." 

"  I  do  not  like  his  suspiciousness.    I  think  him  a 


336  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [1684. 

good,  honest  Norman;  but  Normans  are  out  of 
fashion.  It  is  one  thhig  to-day,  another  to-morrow. 
It  seems  to  me  that  he  is  not  so  sure  about  his 
undertaking  as  he  was  at  Paris.  This  morning,  he 
came  to  see  me,  and  told  me  he  had  changed  his 
mind,  and  meant  to  give  a  new  turn  to  the  busi- 
ness, and  go  to  another  coast.  He  gave  very  poor 
reasons,  to  which  I  assented,  to  avoid  a  quarrel. 
I  thought,  by  what  he  said,  that  he  wanted  to  find 
a  scapegoat  to  bear  the  blame,  in  case  his  plan  does 
not  succeed  as  he  hopes.  For  the  rest,  I  think  him 
a  brave  man,  and  a  true  ;  and  I  am  persuaded  that, 
if  this  business  fails,  it  will  be  because  he  does  not 
know  enough,  and  will  not  trust  us  of  the  profes- 
sion. As  for  me,  I  shall  do  my  best  to  help  him, 
as  I  have  told  you  before ;  and  I  am  delighted  to 
have  him  keep  his  secret,  so  that  I  shall  not  have 
to  answer  for  the  result.  Pray  do  not  show  my 
letters,  for  fear  of  committing  me  with  him.  He  is 
too  suspicious  already,  and  never  was  Norman  so 
Norman  as  he,  which  is  a  great  hinderance  to 
business." 

Beaujeu  came  from  the  same  province,  and  calls 
himself  jocularly  un  hon  gros  Normand.  His  good- 
nature, however,  rapidly  gave  way  as  time  went  on. 
"  Yesterday,"  he  writes,  "  this  Monsieur  told  me 
that  he  meant  to  go  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  A  little 
while  ago,  as  I  said  before,  he  talked  about  going  to 
Canada.  I  see  nothing  certain  in  it.  It  is  not  that 
I  do  not  believe  that  all  he  says  is  true ;  but  not 
being  of  the  profession,  and  not  liking  to  betray  his 
ignorance,  he  is  puzzled  what  to  do. 


1684.]  BEAUJEU  AND  LA   SALLE.  337 

"  I  shall  go  straight  forward,  without  regarding 
a  thousand  whims  and  bagatelles.  His  continual 
suspicion  would  drive  anybody  mad  except  a  Nor- 
man like  me ;  but  I  shall  humor  him,  as  I  have 
always  done,  even  to  sailing  my  ship  on  dry  land, 
if  he  likes." 

A  few  days  later,  there  was  an  open  quarrel.  "  M. 
de  la  Salle  came  to  me,  and  said,  rather  haughtily 
and  in  a  tone  of  command,  that  I  must  put  provi- 
sions for  three  months  more  on  board  my  vessel. 
I  told  him  it  was  impossible,  as  she  had  more  lading 
already  than  anybody  ever  dared  to  put  in  her 
before.  He  would  not  hear  reason,  but  got  angry 
and  abused  me  in  good  French,  and  found  fault 
with  me  because  the  vessel  would  not  hold  his 
three  months'  provisions.  He  said  I  ought  to  have 
told  him  of  it  before.  '  And  how  would  you  have 
me  tell  you,'  said  I,  '  when  you  never  tell  me  what 
you  mean  to  do  ? '  We  had  still  another  quarrel. 
He  asked  me  where  his  officers  should  take  their 
meals.  I  told  him  that  they  might  take  them 
where  he  pleased ;  for  I  gave  myself  no  trouble  in 
the  matter,  having  no  orders.  He  answered  that 
they  should  not  mess  on  bacon,  while  the  rest  ate 
fowls  and  mutton.  I  said  that,  if  he  would  send 
fowls  and  mutton  on  board,  his  people  should  eat 
them ;  but,  as  for  bacon,  I  had  often  ate  it  myself. 
At  this,  lie  went  off  and  complained  to  M.  Dugue 
that  I  refused  to  embark  his  provisions,  and  told 
him  that  he  must  live  on  bacon.  I  excused  him 
as  not  knowing  how  to  behave  himself,  having 
spent  his  life  among  school-boy  brats  and  savages. 

22 


338  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [1684, 

Nevertheless,  I  ofered  to  him,  his  brother,  and  two 
of  his  friends,  seats  at  my  table  and  the  same  fare 
as  myself.  He  answered  my  civility  by  an  imperti- 
nence, saying  that  he  distrusted  people  who  offered 
so  much  and  seemed  so  obliging.  I  could  not  help 
telling  him  that  I  saw  he  was  brought  up  in  the 
provinces." 

This  was  touching  La  Salle  on  a  sensitive  point. 
Beaujeu  continues  :  ''  In  fact,  you  knew  him  better 
than  I;  for  I  always  took  him  for  a  gentleman 
{honnete  Jiomme).  I  see  now  that  he  is  any  thing 
but  that.  Pray  set  Abbe  Renaudot  and  M.  Morel 
right  about  this  man,  and  tell  them  he  is  not  what 
they  take  him  for.  Adieu.  It  has  struck  twelve : 
the  postman  is  just  going." 

Bad  as  was  the  state  of  things,  it  soon  grew 
worse.  Renaudot  wrote  to  La  Salle  that  Beaujeu 
was  writing  to  Villermont  every  thing  that  hap- 
pened, and  that  Villermont  showed  the  letters  to 
all  his  acquaintance.  Yillermont  was  a  relative  of 
the  Jesuit  Beschefer;  and  this  was  sufficient  to 
suggest  some  secret  machination  to  the  mind  of 
La  Salle.  Villermont's  fault,  however,  seems  to 
have  been  simple  indiscretion,  for  which  Beaujeu 
took  him  sharply  to  task.  "  I  asked  you  to  burn 
my  letters ;  and  I  cannot  help  saying  that  I  am 
angry  with  you,  not  because  you  make  known  my 
secrets,  but  because  you  show  letters  scrawled  in 
haste,  and  sent  off  without  being  even  read  over. 
M.  de  la  Salle  not  having  told  me  his  secret,  though 
M.  de  Seignelay  ordered  him  to  tell  me,  I  am  not 
obliged  to  keep  it,  and  have  as  good  a  right  as 


1684.]  BEAUJEU  AND  LA  SALLE.  339 

anybody  to  make  my  conjectures  on  what  I  read 
about  it  in  the  Gazette  de  Hollande.  Let  Abb^ 
Renaudot  glorify  M.  de  la  Salle  as  much  as  lie 
likes,  and  ma]?:e  him  a  Cortez,  a  Pizarro,  or  an  Al- 
magro  :  that  is  nothing  to  me ;  but  do  not  let  him 
speak  of  me  as  an  obstacle  in  his  hero's  way.  Let 
him  understand  that  I  know  how  to  execute  the 
orders  of  the  court  as  well  as  he." 

"You  ask  how  1  get  on  with  M.  de  la  Salle. 
Don't  you  know  that  this  man  is  impenetrable,  and 
that  there  is  no  knowing  what  he  thinks  of  one  ? 
He  told  a  person  of  note  w^hom  I  will  not  name 
that  he  had  suspicions  about  our  correspondence, 
as  well  as  about  Madame  de  Beaujeu's  devotion 
to  the  Jesuits.  His  distrust  is  incredible.  If  he 
sees  one  of  his  people  speak  to  the  rest,  he  suspects 
something,  and  is  gruff  with  them.  He  told  me 
himself  that  he  wanted  to  get  rid  of  M.  de  Tonty, 
who  is  in  America." 

La  Salle's  claim  to  exclusive  command  of  the 
soldiers  on  board  the  "  Joly  "  was  a  source  of  end- 
less trouble.  Beaujeu  declared  that  he  would  not 
set  sail  till  officers,  soldiers,  and  volunteers  had 
all  sworn  to  obey  him  when  at  sea,  at  which 
La  Salle  had  the  indiscretion  to  say,  "  If  I  am  not 
master  of  my  soldiers,  how  can  I  make  him 
[Beaujeu]  do  his  duty  in  case  he  does  not  want  to 
do  it  ? " 

Beaujeu  says  that  this  affair  made  a  great  noise 
among  the  officers  at  Rochefort,  and  adds :  "  There 
are  very  few  people  who  do  not  think  that  his 
brain   is    touched.     I  have  spoken  to  some  who 


340  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE  [1684 

have  known  him  twenty  years.  They  all  say  that 
he  was  always  rather  visionary." 

It  is  difficult  not  to  suspect  that  the  current 
belief  at  Rochefort  had  some  foundation ;  and 
that  the  deadly  strain  of  extreme  hardship,  pro- 
longed anxiety,  and  alternation  of  disaster  and 
success,  joined  to  the  fever  which  nearly  killed 
him,  had  unsettled  his  judgment  and  given  a 
morbid  development  to  his  natural  defects,  llis 
universal  suspicion,  which  included  even  the  stanch 
and  faithful  Henri  de  Tonty ;  his  needless  provo- 
cation of  persons  whose  good-will  was  necessary 
to  him ;  his  doubts  whether  he  should  sail  for 
the  Gulf  or  for  Canada,  when  to  sail  to  Canada 
would  have  been  to  renounce,  or  expose  to  almost 
certain  defeat,  an  enterprise  long  cherished  and 
definitely  planned,  —  all  point  to  one  conclusion. 
It  may  be  thought  that  his  doubts  were  feigned, 
in  order  to  hide  his  destination  to  the  last  mo- 
ment ;  but,  if  so,  he  attempted  to  blind  not  only 
his  ill  wishers,  but  his  mother,  whom  he  also  left 
in  uncertainty  as  to  his  route. 

Unless  we  assume  that  his  scheme  of  invading 
Mexico  was  thrown  out  as  a  bait  to  the  king,  it  is 
hard  to  reconcile  it  with  the  supposition  of  mental 
soundness.  To  base  so  critical  an  attempt  on  a 
geographical  conjecture,  which  rested  on  the 
slightest  possible  information,  and  was,  in  fact,  a 
total  error;  to  postpone  the  perfectly  sound  plan 
of  securing  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  to  a  wild 
project  of  leading  fifteen  thousand  savages  for  an 
unknown  distance_,  through  an  unknown  country^ 


1684.]  ILLUSIONS.  341 

to  attack  an  unknown  enemy,  was  something 
more  than  Quixotic  daring.  The  king  and  the 
minister  saw  nothing  impracticable  in  it,  for  they 
did  not  know  the  country  or  its  inhabitants. 
They  saw  no  insuperable  difficulty  in  mustering 
and  keeping  together  fifteen  thousand  of  the  most 
wayward  and  unstable  savages  on  earth,  split  into 
a  score  and  more  of  tribes,  some  hostile  to  each 
other  and  some  to  the  French ;  nor  in  the  problem 
of  feeding  such  a  mob,  on  a  march  of  hundreds  of 
miles ;  nor  in  the  plan  of  drawing  four  thousand 
of  them  from  the  Illinois,  nearly  two  thousand 
miles  distant,  though  some  of  these  intended  allies 
had  no  canoes  or  other  means  of  transportation, 
and  though,  travelling  in  such  numbers,  they 
would  infallibly  starve  on  the  way  to  the  rendez- 
vous. It  is  difficult  not  to  see  in  all  this  the 
chimera  of  an  overwrought  brain,  no  longer  able 
to  distinguish  between  the  possible  and  the  im- 
possible. 

Preparation  dragged  slowly  on ;  the  season  was 
growing  late ;  the  king  grew  impatient,  and  found 
fault  with  the  naval  intendant.  Meanwhile,  the 
various  members  of  the  expedition  had  all  gath- 
ered at  Kochelle.  Joutel,  a  fellow-townsman  of 
La  Salle,  returning  to  his  native  Rouen,  after  six- 
teen years  in  the  army,  found  all  astir  with  the 
new  project.  His  father  had  been  gardener  to 
Henri  Cavelier,  La  Salle's  uncle ;  and,  being  of  an 
adventurous  spirit,  he  volunteered  for  the  enter- 
prise, of  which  he  w^as  to  become  the  historian. 
With  La  Salle's  brother,  the  priest,  and  two  of  his 


342  A  NEW  ENTERPRISE.  [1684 

nephews,  one  of  whom  was  a  boy  of  fourteen, 
Joutel  set  out  for  Rochelle,  where  all  were  to 
embark  together  for  their  promised  land.^ 

La  Salle  wrote  a  parting  letter  to  his  mother  at 
Rouen : — 

"  RocHELLE,  18  July,  1684. 
"Madame  mt  Most  Honored  Mother, — 

"  At  last,  after  having  waited  a  long  time  for  a 
favorable  wind,  and  having  had  a  great  many  dif- 
ficulties to  overcome,  we  are  setting  sail  with  four 
vessels,  and  nearly  four  hundred  men  on  board. 
Everybody  is  well,  including  little  Colin  and  my 
nephew.  We  all  have  good  hope  of  a  happy  suc- 
cess. We  are  not  going  by  way  of  Canada,  but 
by  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  I  passionately  wish,  and 
60  do  we  all,  that  the  success  of  this  voyage  may 
contribute  to  your  repose  and  comfort.  Assuredly, 
I  shall  spare  no  effort  that  it  may ;  and  I  beg 
you,  on  your  part,  to  preserve  yourself  for  the  love 
of  us. 

"  You  need  not  be  troubled  by  the  news  from 
Canada,  which  are  nothing  but  the  continuation  of 
the  artifices  of  my  enemies.  I  hope  to  be  as  suc- 
cessful against  them  as  I  have  been  thus  far,  and 
to  embrace  you  a  year  hence  with  all  the  pleasure 
that  the  most  grateful  of  children  can  feel  with  so 
good  a  mother  as  you  have  always  been.  Pray 
let  this  hope,  which  shall  not  disappoint  you,  sup- 
port you  through  whatever  trials  may  happen,  and 
be  sure  that  you  will  always  find  me  with  a  heart 

1  Joutel,  Journal  Historique,  12. 


168-l.J  LA   SALLE'S   FAKEWELL.  343 

full  of  the  feelings  which  are  due  to  you.  Madame 
my  Most  Honored  Mother,  from  your  most  humble 
and  most  obedient  servant  and  son, 

"De  LA  Salle. 

*^  My  brother,  my  nephews,  and  all  the  others, 
greet  you,  and  take  their  leave  of  you." 

This  memorable  last  farewell  has  lain  for  two 
hundred  years  among  the  family  papers  of  the 
Caveliers.^ 

1  The  letters  of  Beaujeu  to  Seignelay  and  to  Cabart  de  Villermont, 
with  most  of  the  other  papers  on  which  tliis  cliapter  rests,  will  be  found 
in  Margry,  II.  354-471.  This  indefatigable  investigator  has  also  brought 
to  light  a  number  of  letters  from  a  brother  officer  of  Beaujeu,  Machaut- 
liougemont,  written  at  Rochefort,  just  after  the  departure  of  the  expedi- 
tion from  Rochelle,  and  giving  some  idea  of  the  views  there  entertained 
concerning  it.  He  says  :  "  L'on  ne  pent  pas  faire  plus  d'extravagances 
que  le  Sieur  de  la  Salle  n'en  a  fait  sur  toutes  ses  pre'tentions  de  com- 
mandement.  Je  plains  beaucoup  le  pauvre  Beaujeu  d'avoir  affaire  ^ 
une  humeur  si  saturnienne.  .  .  .  Je  le  croy  beaucoup  visioimau'e  .  .  . 
Beaujeu  a  une  sotte  commission." 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

1684,  1685. 

THE  VOYAGE. 

Disputes  with  Beaujeu.  —  St.  Domingo. — ^La  Sallk  attacked 
WITH  Fevek.  —  His  Desperate  Condition.  —  Thb  Gulf  of 
Mexico.  —  A  Vain  Search  and  a  Fatal  Error. 

The  four  ships  sailed  from  Rochelle  on  the 
twenty-fourth  of  July.  Four  days  after,  the  "Joly  *' 
broke  her  bowsprit,  by  design  as  La  Salle  fancied. 
They  all  put  back  to  Rochefort,  where  the  mis- 
chief was  quickly  repaired ;  and  they  put  to  sea 
again.  La  Salle,  and  the  chief  persons  of  the 
expedition,  with  a  crowd  of  soldiers,  artisans,  and 
women,  the  destined  mothers  of  Louisiana,  were 
all  on  board  the  "  Joly."  Beaujeu  wished  to  touch 
at  Madeira,  to  replenish  his  water-casks.  La  Salle 
refused,  lest  by  doing  so  the  secret  of  the  enter- 
prise might  reach  the  Spaniards.  One  Paget, 
a  Huguenot,  took  up  the  word  in  support  of 
Beaujeu.  La  Salle  told  him  that  the  afeir  was 
none  of  his ;  and,  as  Paget  persisted  with  increased 
warmth  and  freedom,  he  demanded  of  Beaujeu  if 
it  was  with  his  consent  that  a  man  of  no  rank 
spoke  to  him  in  that  manner.     Beaujeu  sustained 


1684.]  ST.  DOMINGO.  345 

the  Huguenot.  "That  is  enough,"  returned  La 
Salle,  and  withdrew  into  his  cabin.^ 

This  was  not  the  first  misunderstanding  ;  nor 
was  it  the  last.  There  was  incessant  chafing  be- 
tween the  two  commanders ;  and  the  sailors  of  the 
"  Joly ''  were  soon  of  one  mind  with  their  captain. 
When  the  ship  crossed  the  tropic,  they  made  ready 
a  tub  on  deck  to  baptize  the  passengers,  after  the 
villanous  practice  of  the  time ;  but  La  Salle  re- 
fused to  permit  it,  at  which  they  were  highly 
exasperated,  having  promised  themselves  a  bounti- 
ful ransom,  in  money  or  liquor,  from  their  victims. 
"Assuredly,"  says  Joutel,  "they  would  gladly 
have  killed  us  all." 

When,  after  a  wretched  voyage  of  two  months, 
the  ships  reached  St.  Domingo,  a  fresh  dispute 
occurred.  It  had  been  resolved  at  a  council  of 
officers  to  stop  at  Port  de  Paix ;  but  Beaujeu,  on 
pretext  of  a  fair  wind,  ran  by  that  place  in  the 
night,  and  cast  anchor  at  Petit  Goave,  on  the 
other  side  of  the  island.  La  Salle  was  extremely 
vexed ;  for  he  expected  to  meet  at  Port  de  Paix 
the  Marquis  de  Saint-Laurent,  lieutenant-general  of 
the  islands,  Begon,  the  intendant,  and  De  Cussy, 
governor  of  La  Tortue,  who  had  orders  to  supply 
him  with  provisions  and  give  him  all  possible  aid. 

The  "  Joly "  was  alone :  the  other  vessels  had 
lagged  behind.  She  had  more  than  fifty  sick  men 
on  board,  and  La  Salle  was  of  the  number.     He 

1  Lettre  (sans  nom  d'auteur)  €crite  de  St.  Domingue,  14  Nov.,  1684  (Mar- 
gry,  II.  492) ;  M€moire  autographe  de  l'Abh€  Jean  Cavelier  sur  h  Voyage  dz 
1684.    Compare  Joutel. 


346  THE  VOYAGE.  .  [1684 

sent  a  messenger  to  Saint-Laurent,  Begon,  and 
Ciissy,  begging  them  to  come  to  him;  ordered 
Joutel  1o  get  the  sick  ashore,  suffocating  as  they 
were  in  the  hot  and  crowded  ship ;  and  caused  the 
soldiers  to  be  landed  on  a  small  island  in  the  harbor. 
Scarcely  had  the  voyagers  sung  Te  Deuin  for  their 
safe  arrival,  when  two  of  the  lagging  vessels  ap- 
peared, bringing  tidings  that  the  third,  the  ketch 
"  St.  Fran9ois,"  had  been  taken  by  Spanish  buc- 
caneers. She  was  laden  with  provisions,  tools, 
and  other  necessaries  for  the  colony ;  and  the  loss 
was  irreparable.  Beaujeu  was  answerable  for  it; 
for,  had  he  anchored  at  Port  de  Paix,  it  would  not 
have  occurred.  The  lieutenant-general,  with  Begon 
and  Cussy,  who  presently  arrived,  plainly  spoke 
their  minds  to  him.^ 

La  Salle's  illness  increased.  "I  was  walking 
with  him  one  day,"  writes  Joutel,  "  when  he  was 
seized  of  a  sudden  with  such  a  weakness  that  he 
could  not  stand,  and  was  obliged  to  lie  down  on 
the  ground.  When  he  was  a  little  better,  I  led 
him  to  a  chamber  of  a  house  that  the  brothers  Du- 
haut  had  hired.  Here  we  put  him  to  bed,  and  in 
the  morning  he  was  attacked  by  a  violent  fever."  ^ 
"  It  was  so  violent  that,"  says  another  of  his  ship- 
mates, "  his  imagination  pictured  to  him  things 
equally  terrible  and  amazing."  ^  He  lay  delirious 
in  the  wretched  garret,  attended  by  his  brother, 
and  one  or  two  others  who  stood  faithful  to  him. 

1  M€moire  de  MM.  de  Saint-Laurens  et  B€gon  (Margry,  II.  499) ;  Joutol 
Journal  Historique,  28. 

2  Relation  de  Henri  Joutel  (Margry,  III.  98). 

8  Ijettre  {sans  nom  d'auteur),  14  Nov.,  lG8-i  (Margry  11.  496). 


1684.]  ILLNESS  OF  LA   SALLE.  347 

A  goldsmith  of  the  neighborhood,  moved  at  his  de- 
plorable condition,  offered  the  use  of  his  house ; 
and  Abbe  Cavelier  had  him  removed  thither.  But 
there  was  a  tavern  hard  by,  and  the  patient  was 
tormented  with  daily  and  nightly  riot.  At  the 
height  of  the  fever,  a  party  of  Beaujeu*s  sailors 
spent  a  night  in  singing  and  dancing  before  the 
house ;  and  says  Cavelier,  "  The  more  we  begged 
them  to  be  quiet,  the  more  noise  they  made."  La 
Salle  lost  reason  and  well-nigh  life ;  but  at  length 
his  mind  resumed  its  balance,  and  the  violence  of 
the  disease  abated.  A  friendly  Capucin  friar  of- 
fered him  the  shelter  of  his  roof ;  and  two  of  his 
men  supported  him  thither  on  foot,  giddy  with 
exhaustion  and  hot  with  fever.  Here  he  found 
repose,  and  was  slowly  recovering,  when  some  of 
his  attendants  rashly  told  him  the  loss  of  the  ketch 
"  St.  Frangois; "  and  the  consequence  was  a  critical 
return  of  the  disease.^ 

There  was  no  one  to  fill  his  place.  Beaujeu 
would  not ;  Cavelier  could  not.  Joutel,  the  gar- 
dener's son,  was  apparently  the  most  trusty  man 
of  the  company ;  but  the  expedition  was  virtually 
without  a  head.  The  men  roamed  on  shore,  and 
plunged  into  every  excess  of  debauchery,  contract- 
ing diseases  which  eventually  killed  them. 

Beaujeu,  in  the  extremity  of  ill-humor,  resumed 
his  correspondence  with  Seignelay.  "  But  for  the 
illness  of  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle,"  he  writes,  "  I 
could  not  venture  to  report  to  you  the  progress  of 

1  The  above  particulars  are  from  the  memoir  of  La  Salle's  brother, 
Abbe  Cavelier,  already  cited. 


348  THE   VOYAGE.  [1684 

our  voyage,  as  I  am  charged  only  with  the  naviga- 
tion, and  he  with  the  secrets ;  but  as  his  malady  has 
deprived  him  of  the  use  of  his  faculties,  both  of 
body  and  mind,  I  have  thought  myself  obliged  to 
acquaint  you  with  what  is  passing,  and  of  the 
condition  in  which  we  are." 

He  then  declares  that  the  ships  freighted  by  La 
Salle  were  so  slow  that  the  "  Joly  "  had  continually 
been  forced  to  wait  for  them,  thus  doubling  the 
length  of  the  voyage :  that  he  had  not  had  water 
enough  for  the  passengers,  as  La  Salle  had  not  told 
him  that  there  were  to  be  any  such  till  the  day 
they  came  on  board ;  that  great  numbers  were  sick, 
and  that  he  had  told  La  Salle  there  would  be 
trouble  if  he  filled  all  the  space  between  decks 
with  his  goods,  and  forced  the  soldiers  and  sailors 
to  sleep  on  deck;  that  he  had  told  him  he  would 
get  no  provisions  at  St.  Domingo,  but  that  he  in- 
sisted on  stopping;  that  it  had  always  been  so; 
that  whatever  he  proposed  La  Salle  w^ould  refuse, 
alleging  orders  from  the  king;  "  and  now,"  pursues 
the  ruffled  commander,  "  everybody  is  ill ;  and  he 
himself  has  a  violent  fever,  as  dangerous,  the  sur- 
geon tells  me,  to  the  mind  as  to  the  body." 

The  rest  of  the  letter  is  in  the  same  strain.  He 
says  that,  a  day  or  two  after  La  Salle's  illness  began, 
his  brother  Cavelier  came  to  ask  him  to  take 
charge  of  his  affairs,  but  that  he  did  not  wish  to 
meddle  with  them,  especially  as  nobody  knows 
any  thing  about  them,  and  as  La  Salle  has  sold 
some  of  the  ammunition  and  provisions ;  that  Cav- 
elier tells  him  that  he  thinks  his  brother  keeps  uo 


1684.]  COMPLAINTS  OF  BEAUJEU.  349 

accounts,  wishing  to  hide  his  affairs  from  every- 
body ;  that  he  learns  from  buccaneers  that  the 
entrance  of  the  Mississippi  is  very  shallow  and 
difficult,  and  that  this  is  the  worst  season  for  navi- 
gating the  Gulf ;  that  the  Spaniards  have  in  these 
seas  six  vessels  of  from  thirty  to  sixty  guns  each, 
besides  row-galleys ;  but  that  he  is  not  afraid,  and 
will  perish,  or  bring  back  an  account  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. "  Nevertheless,"  he  adds,  "  if  the  Sieur  do  la 
Salle  dies,  I  shall  pursue  a  course  different  from  that 
which  he  has  marked  out ;  for  I  do  not  approve 
his  plans." 

"  If,"  he  continues,  "you  permit  me  to  speak  my 
mind,  M.  de  la  Salle  ought  to  have  been  satisfied 
with  discovering  his  river,  without  undertaking  to 
conduct  three  vessels  with  troops  two  thousand 
leagues  through  so  many  different  climates,  and 
across  seas  entirely  unknown  to  him.  I  grant  that 
he  is  a  man  of  knowledge,  that  he  has  reading, 
and  even  some  tincture  of  navigation ;  but  there  is 
so  much  difference  between  theory  and  practice, 
that  a  man  who  has  only  the  former  will  always 
be  at  fault.  There  is  also  a  great  difference  be- 
tween conducting  canoes  on  lakes  and  along  a 
river,  and  navigating  ships  with  troops  on  distant 
oceans."  ^ 

While  Beaujeu  was  complaining  of  La  Salle,  his 
followers  were  deserting  him.  It  was  necessary 
to  send  them  on  board  ship,  and  keep  them  there ; 
for  there  were  French  buccaneers  at  Petit  Goave, 
who  painted  the  promised  land  in    such   dismal 

1  Lettre  de  Beaujeu  au  Ministre,  20  Oct.,  1684. 


350  THE  VOYAGE.  [1681. 

colors  that  many  of  the  adventurers  completely 
lost  heart.  Some,  too,  were  dying.  "  The  air  of 
this  place  is  bad,"  says  Joutel ;  "  so  are  the  fruits ; 
and  there  are  plenty  of  women  worse  than  either."  ^ 

It  was  near  the  end  of  November  before  La  Salle 
could  resume  the  voyage.  He  was  told  that  Beau- 
jeu  had  said  that  he  would  not  wait  longer  for  the 
store-sliip  "  Aimable,"  and  that  she  might  follow  as 
she  could. ^  Moreover,  La  Salle  was  on  ill  terms 
with  Aigron,  her  captain,  who  had  declared  that  he 
would  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  him.^  Fear- 
ing, therefore,  that  some  mishap  might  befall  her, 
he  resolved  to  embark  in  her  himself,  with  his 
brother  Cavelier,  Membre,  Douay,  and  others,  the 
trustiest  of  his  followers.  On  the  twenty-fifth, 
tiiey  set  sail ;  the  "  Joly "  and  the  little  frigate 
''  Belle "  following.  They  coasted  the  shore  of 
Cuba,  and  landed  at  the  Isle  of  Pines,  where  La 
Salle  shot  an  alligator,  which  the  soldiers  ate ;  and 
the  hunters  brought  in  a  wild  pig,  half  of  which 
he  sent  to  Beaujeu.  Then  they  advanced  to  Cape 
St.  Antoine,  where  bad  weather  and  contrary  winds 
long  detained  them.  A  load  of  cares  oppressed  the 
mind  of  La  Salle,  pale  and  haggard  with  recent 
illness,  wrapped  within  his  own  thoughts,  and  seek- 
ing sympathy  from  none. 

At  length,  they  entered  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  that 
forbidden  sea,  whence,  by  a  Spanish  decree,  dating 
from  the  reign  of  Philip  IT.,  all  foreigners  were 

*  Relation  de  Henri  Joutel  (Margry,  III.  105). 
^  M€moire  autographe  de  VAhb^  Jean  Cavelier. 
3  Lettre  de  Beaujeu  au  Ministre  20  Oct.,  1684. 


1685.]  A  VAIN  SEARCH.  351 

excluded  on  pain  of  extermination/  Not  a  man 
on  board  knew  the  secrets  of  its  perilous  naviga- 
tion. Cautiously  feeling  their  way,  they  held  a 
north-westerly  course,  till  on  the  twenty-eighth 
of  December  a  sailor  at  the  mast-head  of  the 
"Aimable"  saw  land.  La  Salle  and  all  the  pilots 
had  been  led  to  form  an  exaggerated  idea  of  the 
force  of  the  easterly  currents;  and  they  there- 
fore supposed  themselves  near  the  Bay  of  Appa- 
lache,  when,  in  fact,  they  were  much  farther 
westward. 

On  New  Year's  Day,  they  anchored  three  leagues 
from  the  shore.  La  Salle,  with  the  engineer  Minet, 
went  to  explore  it,  and  found  nothing  but  a  vast 
marshy  plain,  studded  with  clumps  of  rushes.  Two 
days  after  there  was  a  thick  fog,  and,  when  at  length 
it  cleared,  the  "Joly"  was  nowhere  to  be  seen. 
La  Salle,  in  the  "  Aimable,"  followed  closely  by  the 
little  frigate  "  Belle,"  stood  westward  along  the 
coast.  When  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  in 
1682,  he  had  taken  its  latitude,  but  unhappily 
could  not  determine  its  longitude ;  and  now  every 
eye  on  board  was  strained  to  detect  in  the  monoto- 
nous lines  of  the  low  shore  some  tokens  of  the  great 
river.  In  fact,  they  had  already  passed  it.  On 
the  sixth  of  January,  a  wide  opening  was  descried 
between  two  low  points  of  land ;  and  the  adjacent 
sea  was  discolored  with  mud.  "  La  Salle,"  writes 
his  brother  Cavelier,  "  has  always  thought  that  this 
was  the  Mississippi."    To  all  appearance,  it  was  the 

1  Letter  of  Don  Luis  de  Onis  to  the  Secretary  of  State  (American  State 
Papers,  XH.  27-31). 


352  THE  VOYAGE.  [1685. 

entrance  of  Galveston  Bay.^  But  why  did  he  not 
examine  it  ?  Joiitel  says  that  his  attempts  to  do 
80  were  frustrated  by  the  objections  of  the  pilot  of 
the  "Aimable,"  to  which,  with  a  facility  very  un- 
usual with  him,  he  suffered  himself  to  yield.  Ca- 
velier  declares,  on  the  other  hand,  that  he  would  not 
enter  the  opening  because  he  was  afraid  of  missing 
the  "  Joly."  But  he  might  have  entered  with  one 
of  his  two  vessels,  while  the  other  watched  outside 
for  the  absent  ship.  From  whatever  cause,  he  lay 
here  five  or  six  days,  waiting  in  vain  for  Beaujeu;^ 
till,  at  last,  thinking  that  he  must  have  passed  west- 
ward, he  resolved  to  follow.  The  ^^Aimable'*  and 
the  "  Belle  "  again  spread  their  sails,  and  coasted 
the  shores  of  Texas.  Joutel,  with  a  boat's  crew, 
tried  to  land,  but  the  sand-bars  and  breakers  re- 
pelled him.  A  party  of  Indians  swam  out  through 
the  surf,  and  were  taken  on  board ;  but  La  Salle 
could  learn  nothing  from  them,  as  their  language 
was  unknown  to  him.  Again,  Joutel  tried  to  land, 
and  again  the  breakers  repelled  him.  He  ap- 
proached as  near  as  he  dared,  and  saw  vast  plains 
and  a  dim  expanse  of  forest ;  buffalo  running  with 
their  heavy  gallop  along  the  shore,  and  deer  graz- 
ing on  the  marshy  meadows. 

Soon  after,  he  succeeded  in  landing  at  a  point 
somewhere  between  Matagorda  Island  and  Corpus 
Christi  Bay.  The  aspect  of  the  country  was  not 
cheering,  with  its  barren  plains,  its  reedy  marshes, 

1  "  La  hauteur  nous  a  fait  remarquer  .  .  .  que  ce  que  nous  avions  vu 
le  sixieme  Janvier  estoit  en  effetla  principale  entree  de  la  riviere  que  nous 
cherchions."  —  Lettre  de  La  Salle  au  Ministre,  4  Mars,  1086. 

2  M€moire  autographe  de  l'Abh€  Cavelier 


1685]  THE   SHORES    OF   TEXAS.  353 

its  interminable  oyster-beds,  and  broad  flats  of  mud 
bare  at  low  tide.  Joutel  and  his  men  sought  in 
vain  for  fresh  water ;  and,  after  shooting  some 
geese  and  ducks,  returned  to  the  "Aimable.'* 
Nothing  had  been  seen  of  Beaujeu  and  the  "  Joly ; " 
the  coast  was  trending  southward ;  and  La  Salle, 
convinced  that  he  must  have  passed  the  missing 
ship,  turned  to  retrace  his  course.  He  had  sailed 
but  a  few  miles,  when  the  wind  failed,  a  fog 
covered  the  sea,  and  he  was  forced  to  anchor  op- 
posite one  of  the  openings  into  the  lagoons  north 
of  Mustang  Island.  At  length,  on  the  nineteenth, 
there  came  a  faint  breeze :  the  mists  rolled  away 
before  it,  and  to  his  great  joy  he  saw  the  "  Joly  " 
approaching. 

/^  His  joy,"  sa^^s  Joutel,  "  was  short."  Beaujeu's 
lieutenant.  Aire,  came  on  board  to  charge  him  with 
having  caused  the  separation,  and  La  Salle  retorted 
by  throwing  the  blame  on  Beaujeu.  Then  came 
a  debate  as  to  their  position.  The  priest  Esman- 
ville  was  present,  and  reports  that  La  Salle  seemed 
greatly  perplexed.  He  had  more  cause  for  per- 
plexity than  he  knew ;  for,  in  his  ignorance  of  the 
longitude  of  the  Mississippi,  he  had  sailed  more 
than  four  hundred  miles  beyond  it. 

Of  this,  he  had  not  the  faintest  suspicion.  In 
full  sight  from  his  ship  lay  a  reach  of  those  vast 
lagoons,  which,  separated  from  the  sea  by  narrow 
strips  of  land,  line  this  coast  with  little  interrup- 
tion from  Galveston  Bay  to  the  Rio  Grande.  The 
idea  took  possession  of  him  that  the  Mississippi 
discharged  itself  into  these  lagoons,  and  thence 

23 


354  THE.  VOYAGE.  [1686 

made  its  way  to  the  sea  througli  the  various  open- 
ings he  had  seen  along  the  coast,  chief  among 
which  was  that  he  had  discovered  on  the  sixth, 
about  fifty  leagues  from  the  place  where  he 
now  was.^ 

Yet  he  was  full  of  doubt  as  to  what  he  should 
do.  Four  days  after  rejoining  Beaujeu,  he  wrote 
him  the  strange  request  to  land  the  troops,  that 
he  "  might  fulfil  his  commission ; "  that  is,  that 
he  might  set  out  against  the  Spaniards.^  More 
than  a  week  passed,  a  gale  had  set  in,  and  noth- 
ing was  done.  Then  La  Salle  wrote  again,  inti- 
mating some  doubt  as  to  whether  he  was  really 
at  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Mississippi,  and  say- 
ing that,  being  sure  that  he  had  passed  the  prin- 
cipal mouth,  he  was  determined  to  go  back  to 
look  for  it.^  Meanwhile,  Beaujeu  was  in  a  state 
of  great  irritation.  The  weather  was  stormy,  and 
the  coast  was  dangerous.     Supplies  were  scanty ; 

1  "Depuis  que  nous  avions  quitt^  cette  riviere  qu'il  croyoit  infaillible- 
ment  estre  le  fleuve  Colbert  [Mississippi]  nous  avions  fait  environ  45 
lieues  ou  50  au  plus." —  Cavelier,  M^moire.  This,  taken  in  connection  with 
the  statement  of  La  Salle,  that  this  "  principale  entree  de  la  riviere  que 
nous  cherchions  "  was  twenty-five  or  thirty  leagues  north-east  from  the 
entrance  of  the  Bay  of  St.  Louis  (Matagorda  Bay),  shows  that  it  can 
have  been  no  other  than  the  entrance  of  Galveston  Bay,  mistaken  by  him 
for  the  chief  outlet  of  the  Mississippi.  It  is  evident  that  he  imagint'd 
Galveston  Bay  to  form  a  part  of  the  chain  of  lagoons  from  which  it  it> 
in  fact,  separated.  He  speaks  of  these  lagoons  as  "  une  espece  de  baye 
fort  longue  et  fort  large,  dans  laquelle  le  fleuve  Colbert  se  d€charge."  He 
adds  that,  on  his  descent  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  in  1682,  he  had  been 
deceived  in  supposing  that  this  expanse  of  salt  water,  where  no  shore 
was  in  sight,  was  the  open  sea.  Lettre  de  La  Salle  au  Ministre,  4  Mars 
1085.  Galveston  Bay  and  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  differ  little  m 
latitude,  though  separated  by  about  five  and  a  half  degrees  of  hmgitude. 

2  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  Beaujeu,  23  Jan.,  1085  (Margry,  II.  520). 

^  This  letter  is  dated,  "  De  I'emboucheure  d'une  riviere  que  je  a'cris 
cstre  une  des  descharges  du  Mississipy  "  (Margry,  11.  528). 


1685.J  PERPLEXITY  OF  LA  SALLE.  355 

and  La  Salle's  soldiers,  still  crowded  in  the 
"Joly,"  were  consuming  the  provisions  of  the 
ship.  Beaujeu  gave  vent  to  his  annoyance,  and 
La  Salle  retorted  in  the  same  strain. 

According  to  Joutel,  he  urged  the  naval  com- 
mander to  sail  back  in  search  of  the  river;  and 
Beaujeu  refused,  unless  La  Salle  should  give  the 
soldiers  provisions.  La  Salle,  he  adds,  offered  to 
supply  them  with  rations  for  fifteen  days ;  and 
Beaujeu  declared  this  insufficient.  There  is 
reason,  however,  to  believe  that  the  request  was 
neither  made  by  the  one  nor  refused  by  the  other 
so  positively  as  here  appears. 


CHAPTEB  XXV. 

1685. 

LA  SALLE  IN  TEXAS. 

A  Party  op  Exploration.  —  "Wreck  op  the  "  Aimable."  —  Landing 
OP  THE  Colonists.  —  A  Forlorn  Position.  —  Indian  Neigh- 
bors. —  Friendly  Advances  of  Beadjeu.  —  His  Departure.  — 
A   Fatal  Discovery. 

Impatience  to  rid  himself  of  his  colleague  and 
command  alone  no  doubt  had  its  influence  on  the 
judgment  of  La  Salle.  He  presently  declared 
that  he  would  land  the  soldiers,  and  send  them 
along  shore  till  they  came  to  the  principal  outlet 
of  the  river.  On  this,  the  engineer  Minet 
took  up  the  word,  expressed  his  doubts  as  to 
whether  the  Mississippi  discharged  itself  into  the 
lagoons  at  all,  represented  that,  even  if  it  did,  the 
soldiers  would  be  exposed  to  great  risks,  and  gave 
as  his  opinion  that  all  should  reimbark  and  con- 
tinue the  search  in  company.  The  advice  was 
good,  but  La  Salle  resented  it  as  coming  from  one 
in  whom  he  recognized  no  right  to  give  it.  "  He 
treated  me,"  complains  the  engineer,  "  as  if  I  were 
the  meanest  of  mankind."  * 

1  Relation  de  Minet;  Lettre  de  Minet  a  Seignelay,  6  July,  1685  (MarglV- 
II.  691.  602). 


1685.]  LANDING  OF  LA  SALLE.  357 

He  persisted  in  his  purpose,  and  sent  Joiitel  and 
Moranget  with  a  party  of  soldiers  to  explore  the 
coast.  They  made  their  way  north-eastward  along 
the  shore  of  Matagorda  Island  till  they  were 
stopped  on  the  third  day  by  what  Joutel  calls 
a  river,  but  which  was  in  fact  the  entrance  of 
Matagorda  Bay.  Here  they  encamped,  and  tried 
to  make  a  raft  of  driftwood.  "  The  difficulty 
was/'  says  Joutel,  "  our  great  number  of  men,  and 
the  few  of  them  who  were  fit  for  any  thing  except 
eating.  As  I  said  before,  they  had  all  been  caught 
by  force  or  surprise,  so  that  our  company  was 
L*ke  Noah's  ark,  which  contained  animals  of  all 
sorts."  Before  their  raft  was  finished,  they  des- 
cried to  their  great  joy  the  ships  which  had  fol- 
lowed them  along  the  coast.^ 

La  Salle  landed,  and  announced  that  here  was 
the  western  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the 
place  to  which  the  king  had  sent  him.  He  said 
further  that  he  would  land  all  his  men,  and  bring 
the  "Aimable"  and  the  "Belle"  to  the  safe  har- 
borage within.  Beaujeu  remonstrated,  alleging 
the  shallowness  of  the  water  and  the  force  of  the 
currents ;  but  his  remonstrance  was  vain/'^ 

The  Bay  of  St.  Louis,  now  Matagorda  Bay, 
forms  a  broad  and  sheltered  harbor,  accessible 
from  the  sea  by  a  narrow  passage,  obstructed  by 
sand-bars  and  by  the  small  island  now  called 
Pelican   Island.     Boats   were   sent  to  sound  and 

1  Joutel,  Journal  Historique,  68;  Relation  (Margry,  III.  143-146).    Com- 
pare Journal  d'Esmanville  (Margry,  11.  610). 
^  Relation  de  Minet  (Margry,  11.  691  J. 


358  LA  SALLE   IN  TEXAS.  [1685, 

buoy  out  the  channel,  and  this  was  successfully 
accomplished  on  the  sixteenth  of  February.  The 
''  Aimable "  was  ordered  to  enter ;  and,  on  the 
twentieth,  she  weighed  anchor.  La  Salle  was  on 
shore  watching  her.  A  party  of  men,  at  a  little 
distance,  were  cutting  down  a  tree  to  make  a 
canoe.  Suddenly,  some  of  them  ran  towards  him 
with  terrified  faces,  crying  out  that  they  had  been 
set  upon  by  a  troop  of  Indians,  who  had  seized 
their  companions  and  carried  them  off.  La  Salle 
ordered  those  about  him  to  take  their  arms,  and 
at  once  set  out  in  pursuit.  He  overtook  the  In- 
dians, and  opened  a  parley  with  them ;  but,  when 
he  wished  to  reclaim  his  men,  he  discovered  that 
they  had  been  led  away  during  the  conference 
to  the  Indian  camp,  a  league  and  a  half  distant. 
Among  them  was  one  of  his  lieutenants,  the 
young  Marquis  de  la  Sablonniere.  He  was  deeply 
vexed,  for  the  moment  was  critical ;  but  the  men 
must  be  recovered,  and  he  led  his  followers  in 
haste  towards  the  camp.  Yet  he  could  not  refrain 
from  turning  a  moment  to  watch  the  "  Aimable,'* 
as  she  neared  the  shoals;  and  he  remarked  with 
deep  anxiety  to  Joutel,  who  was  with  him,  that  if 
she  held  that  course  she  would  soon  be  aground. 

They  hurried  on  till  they  saw  the  Indian  huts. 
About  fifty  of  them,  oven-shaped,  and  covered 
with  mats  and  hides,  were  clustered  on  a  rising 
ground,  with  their  inmates  gathered  among  and 
around  them.  As  the  French  entered  the  camp, 
there  was  the  report  of  a  cannon  from  the  sea- 
ward.     The   startled   savages   dropped   flat   with 


I685.J  WRECK  OF  THE  "AIMABLE."  359 

terror.  A  different  fear  seized  La  Salle,  for  he 
knew  that  the  shot  was  a  signal  of  disaster. 
Looking  back,  he  saw  the  "  Aimable  "  furling  her 
sails,  and  his  heart  sank  with  the  conviction  that 
she  had  struck  upon  the  reef.  Smothering  his 
distress,  —  she  was  laden  with  all  the  stores  of  the 
colony,  —  he  pressed  forward  among  the  filthy 
wigwams,  whose  astonished  inmates  swarmed 
about  the  band  of  armed  strangers,  staring  be- 
tween curiosity  and  fear.  La  Salle  knew  those 
with  whom  he  was  dealing,  and,  without  cere- 
mony, entered  the  chief's  lodge  with  his  followers. 
The  crowd  closed  around  them,  naked  men  and 
half-naked  women,  described  by  Joutel  as  of  sin- 
gular ugliness.  They  gave  buffalo  meat  and  dried 
porpoise  to  the  unexpected  guests,  but  La  Salle, 
racked  with  anxiety,  hastened  to  close  the  inter- 
view ;  and,  having  without  difficulty  recovered  the 
kidnapped  men,  he  returned  to  the  beach,  leaving 
with  the  Indians,  as  usual,  an  impression  of  good- 
will and  respect. 

When  he  reached  the  shore,  he  saw  his  worst 
fears  realized.  The  "  Aimable  "  lay  careened  over 
on  the  reef,  hopelessly  aground.  Little  remained 
but  to  endure  the  calamity  with  firmness,  and  to 
save,  as  far  as  might  be,  the  vessel's  cargo.  This 
was  no  easy  task.  The  boat  which  hung  at  her  stern 
had  been  stove  in,  —  it  is  said,  by  design.  Beau- 
jeu  sent  a  boat  from  the  "  Joly,"  and  one  or  more 
Indian  pirogues  were  procured.  La  Salle  urged 
on  his  men  with  stern  and  patient  energy ;  a  quan- 
tity of  gunpowder  and  flour  was  safely  landed  ;  but 


360  LA   SALLE  IN  TEXAS.  [1685. 

now  the  wind  blew  fresh  from  the  sea,  the  waves 
began  to  rise,  a  storm  came  on,  the  vessel,  rocking 
to  and  fro  on  the  sand-bar,  opened  along  her  side, 
the  ravenous  waves  were  strewn  with  her  treasures  ; 
and,  when  the  confusion  was  at  its  height,  a  troop 
of  Indians  came  down  to  the  shore,  greedy  for 
plunder.  The  drum  was  beat ;  the  men  were 
called  to  arms ;  La  Salle  set  his  trustiest  followers 
to  guard  the  gunpowder,  in  fear,  not  of  the  Indians 
alone,  but  of  his  own  countrymen.  On  that  lam- 
entable night,  the  sentinels  walked  their  rounds 
through  the  dreary  bivouac  among  the  casks,  bales, 
and  boxes  which  the  sea  had  jdelded  up ;  and 
here,  too,  their  fate-hunted  chief  held  his  drearier 
vigil,  encompassed  with  treachery,  darkness,  and 
the  storm. 

Not  only  La  Salle,  but  Joutel  and  others  of  his 
party,  believed  that  the  wreck  of  the  "  Aimable  " 
was  intentional.  Aigron,  who  commanded  her,  had 
disobeyed  orders  and  disregarded  signals.  Though 
he  had  been  directed  to  tow  the  vessel  through  the 
channel,  he  went  in  under  sail ;  and,  though  little 
else  was  saved  from  the  wreck,  his  personal  prop- 
erty, including  even  some  preserved  fruits,  was  all 
landed  safely.  He  had  long  been  on  ill  terms  with 
La  Salle.^ 

1  Proces  Verbal  du  Sietir  de  la  Salle  sur  le  Naufrage  de  la  Flute  l' Aima- 
ble ;  Lettre  de  La  Salle  a  Seifjnelay,  4  Mars,  1685  ;  Lettre  de  Beanjeu  a  Seigne- 
lay,  sans  date.  Beaujeu  did  his  best  to  save  the  cargo.  The  loss  included 
nearly  all  the  provisions,  60  barrels  of  wine,  4  cannon,  1,620  balls,  400 
grenades,  4,000  pounds  of  iron,  5,000  pounds  of  lead,  most  of  the  tools, 
a  forge,  a  mill,  cordage,  boxes  of  arms,  nearly  all  the  medicines,  and 
most  of  the  baggage  of  the  soldiers  and  coloniets.  Aigron  returned  to 
France  in  the  "  Joly,"  and  was  thrown  into  prison,  "  comme  il  paroist 
clairement  que  cet  accident  est  arrive'  par  sa  faute."  —  Seignelay  au  Sieur 
Arrmd,  22  Juillet,  1685  (Margry.  II.  604K 


1685.1  WRECK  OF  THE   "AIMABLE."  361 

All  La  Salle's  company  were  now  encamped  on 
the  sands  at  the  left  side  of  the  inlet  where  the 
"  Aimable  "  was  wrecked.*  "  They  were  all,"  says 
the  engineer  Minet,  "  sick  with  nausea  and  dysen- 
tery. Five  or  six  died  every  day,  in  consequence 
of  brackish  water  and  bad  food.  There  was  no 
grass,  but  plenty  of  rushes  and  plenty  oi  oysters. 
There  was  nothing  to  make  ovens,  so  that  they 
had  to  eat  flour  saved  from  the  wreck,  boiled  into 
messes  of  porridge  with  this  brackish  water.  Along 
the  shore  were  quantities  of  uprooted  trees  and 
rotten  logs,  thrown  up  by  the  sea  and  the  lagoon.'' 
Of  these,  and  fragments  of  the  wreck,  they  made  a 
sort  of  rampart  to  protect  their  camp ;  and  here, 
among  tents  and  hovels,  bales,  boxes,  caskh,  spars, 
dismounted  cannon,  and  pens  for  fowls  and  swine, 
were  gathered  the  dejected  men  and  homesick 
women  who  were  to  seize  New  Biscay,  and  hold 
for  France  a  region  large  as  half  Europe.  The 
Spaniards,  whom  they  were  to  conquer,  were  they 
knew  not  where.  They  knew  not  where  they  were 
themselves ;  and,  for  the  fifteen  thousand  Indian 
allies  who  were  to  have  joined  them,  they  found 
two  hundred  squahd  savages,  more  like  enemies 
than  friends. 

In  fact,  it  was  soon  made  plain  that  these  their 
neighbors  wished  them  no  good.  A  few  days 
after   the   wreck,  the   prairie  was   seen   on   fire. 

1  A  map,  entitled  Entree  du  Lac  <m  on  a  laiss€  le  S^-  de  la  Salle,  made 
bj  the  engineer  Minet,  and  preserved  in  the  Archives  de  la  Marine,  rep- 
resents the  entrance  of  Matagorda  Bay,  the  camp  of  La  Salle  on  the 
left,  Indian  camps  on  the  borders  of  the  bay,  the  "  Belle  "  at  anchor 
within,  the  "  Aimable  "  stranded  at  the  entrance,  and  the  *  Joly"  an- 
chored in  the  open  sea. 


362  LA  SALLE  IN   TEXAS.  [1685. 

As  the  smoke  and  flame  rolled  towards  them  be- 
fore the  wind,  La  Salle  caused  all  the  grass  about 
the  camp  to  be  cut  and  carried  away,  and  especially 
around  the  spot  where  the  powder  was  placed.  The 
danger  was  averted ;  but  it  soon  became  known  that 
the  Indians  had  stolen  a  number  of  blankets  and 
other  articles,  and  carried  them  to  their  wigwams. 
Unwilling  to  leave  his  camp,  La  Salle  sent  his 
nephew  Moranget  and  several  other  volunteers, 
with  a  party  of  men,  to  reclaim  them.  They  went 
up  the  bay  in  a  boat,  landed  at  the  Indian  camp, 
and,  with  more  mettle  than  discretion,  marched  into 
it,  sword  in  hand.  The  Indians  ran  off,  and  the  rash 
adventurers  seized  upon  several  canoes  as  an  equiv- 
alent for  the  stolen  goods.  Not  knowing  how  to 
manage  them,  they  made  slow  progress  on  their  way 
back,  and  were  overtaken  by  night  before  reaching 
the  French  camp.  They  landed,  made  a  fire,  placed 
a  sentinel,  and  lay  down  on  the  dry  grass  to  sleep. 
The  sentinel  followed  their  example,  when  sud- 
denly they  were  awakened  by  the  war-whoop  and 
a  shower  of  arrows.  Two  volunteers,  Oris  and 
Desloges,  were  killed  on  the  spot;  a  third,  named 
Gayen,  was  severely  wounded ;  and  young  Moran- 
get received  an  arrow  through  the  arm.  He  leaped 
up  and  fired  his  gun  at  the  vociferous  but  invisible 
foe.  Others  of  the  party  did  the  same,  and  the 
Indians  fled. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Beaujeu  prepared  to 
return  to  France.  He  had  accomplished  his  mis- 
sion, and  landed  his  passengers  at  what  La  Salle 
assured  him  to  be  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Missis- 


1686.]  BEAUJEU  AND  LA   SALLE.  363 

sippi.  His  ship  was  in  danger  on  this  exposed  and 
perilous  coast,  and  he  was  anxious  to  find  shelter. 
For  some  time  past,  his  relations  with  La  Salle  had 
been  amicable,  and  it  was  agreed  between  them 
that  Beaujeu  should  stop  at  Galveston  Bay,  the 
supposed  chief  mouth  of  the  Mississippi ;  or,  failing 
to  find  harborage  here,  that  he  should  proceed  to 
Mobile  Bay,  and  wait  there  till  April,  to  hear  from 
his  colleague.  Two  days  before  the  wreck  of  the 
"  Aimable,"  he  wrote  to  La  Salle  :  "  I  wish  with  all 
my  heart  that  you  would  have  more  confidence  in 
me.  For  my  part,  I  will  always  make  the  first 
advances ;  and  I  will  follow  your  counsel  whenever 
I  can  do  so  without  risking  my  ship.  I  will  come 
back  to  this  place,  if  you  want  to  know  the  results 
of  the  voyage  I  am  going  to  make.  If  you  wish, 
I  will  go  to  Martinique  for  provisions  and  rein- 
forcements. In  fine,  there  is  nothing  I  am  not 
ready  to  do :    you  have  only  to  speak.'* 

La  Salle  had  begged  him  to  send  ashore  a  num- 
ber of  cannon  and  a  quantity  of  iron,  stowed  in 
the  "  Joly,"  for  the  use  of  the  colony;  and  Beaujeu 
replies :  "  I  wish  very  much  that  I  could  give  you 
your  iron,  but  it  is  impossible  except  in  a  harbor ;  for 
it  is  on  my  ballast,  and  under  your  cannon,  my  spare 
anchors,  and  all  my  stowage.  It  would  take  three 
days  to  get  it  out,  which  cannot  be  done  in  this 
place,  where  the  sea  runs  like  mountains  when  the 
slightest  wind  blows  outside.  I  would  rather  come 
back  to  give  it  lo  you,  in  case  you  do  not  send  the 
'  Belle '  to  Baye  du  St.  Esprit  [Mobile  Bay]  to  get 
it.  ...  I  beg  you  once  more  to  consider  the  offer 


364  LA  SALLE  IN  TEXAS.  11686. 

I  make  you  to  go  to  Martinique  to  get  pro\^sions 
for  your  people.  I  will  ask  the  intendant  for  them 
in  your  name  ;  and,  if  they  are  refused,  I  will  take 
them  on  my  own  account."  ^ 

To  this  La  Salle  immediately  replied :  "  I  received 
with  singular  pleasure  the  letter  you  took  the  trou- 
ble to  write  me ;  for  I  found  in  it  extraordinary 
proofs  of  kindness  in  the  interest  you  take  in  the 
success  of  an  affair  which  I  have  the  more  at  heart, 
as  it  involves  the  glory  of  the  king  and  the  honor  of 
Monseigneur  de  Seignelay.  I  have  done  my  part 
towards  a  perfect  understanding  between  us,  and 
have  never  been  wanting  in  confidence ;  but,  even 
if  I  could  be  so,  the  offers  you  make  are  so  obliging 
that  they  would  inspire  complete  trust."  He  never- 
theless declines  them ;  assuring  Beaujeu  at  the 
same  time  that  he  has  reached  the  place  he  sought, 
and  is  in  a  fair  way  of  success,  if  he  can  but  have 
the  cannon,  cannon-balls,  and  iron  stowed  on  board 
the  "  Joly."  2 

Directly  after  he  writes  again,  "  I  cannot  help 
conjuring  you  once  more  to  try  to  give  us  the 
iron."  Beaujeu  replies :  "  To  show  you  how  ar- 
dently I  wish  to  contribute  to  the  success  of  your 
undertaking,  I  have  ordered  your  iron  to  be  got 
out,  in  spite  of  my  officers  and  sailors,  who  tell  me 
that  I  endanger  my  ship  by  moving  every  thing 
in  the  depth  of  the  hold  on  a  coast  like  this,  where 
the  seas  are  like  mountains.  I  hesitated  to  dis- 
turb my  stowage,  not  so  much  to  save  trouble  as 

1  Lettre  de  Beaujeu  a  La  Salle,  18  F^v.,  1685  (Margry,  II.  642). 

2  T^ttre  de  La  Salle  a  Beaujeu,  18  F^v.,  1685  (Margry,  11.  646^. 


1685. J  DEPARTURE  OE   BEAUJEU.  365 

because  no  ballast  is  to  be  got  hereabout;  and 
I  have  therefore  had  six  cannon,  from  my  lower 
deck  battery,  let  down  into  the  hold  to  take  the 
place  of  the  iron."  And  he  again  urges  La  Salle 
to  accept  his  offer  to  bring  provisions  to  the  colo- 
nists from  Martinique. 

On  the  next  day,  the  "  Aimable  "  was  wrecked. 
Beaujeu  remained  a  fortnight  longer  on  the  coast, 
and  then  told  La  Salle  that,  being  out  of  wood, 
water,  and  other  necessaries,  he  must  go  to  Mobile 
Bay  to  get  them.  Nevertheless,  he  lingered  a  week 
more,  repeated  his  offer  to  bring  supplies  from 
Martinique,  which  La  Salle  again  refused,  and  at 
last  set  sail  on  the  twelfth  of  March,  after  a  leave- 
taking  which  was  courteous  on  both  sides.^ 

La  Salle  and  his  colonists  were  left  alone. 
Several  of  them  had  lost  heart,  and  embarked  for 
home  with  Beaujeu.  Among  these  was  Minet,  the 
engineer,  who  had  fallen  out  with  La  Salle,  and 
who,  when  he  reached  France,  was  imprisoned  for 
deserting  him.  Even  his  brother,  the  priest  Jean 
Cavelier  had  a  mind  to  abandon  the  enterprise,  but 
was  persuaded  at  last  to  remain,  along  with  his 
nephew,  the  hot-headed  Moranget,  and  the 
younger  Cavelier,  a  mere  school-boy.  The  two 
Recollet  friars,  Zenobe  Membre  and  Anastase 
Douay,  the  trusty  Joutel,  a  man  of  sense  and 
observation,  and  the  Marquis  de  la  Sablonniere,  a 
debauched  noble  whose  patrimony  was  his  sword, 
were  now  the  chief  persons  of  the  forlorn  com- 

*  The  whole  of  this  correspondence  between  Beaujeu  and  La  Salle 
^11  be  found  in  Margry,  II. 


366  LA  SALLE  IN  TEXAS.  [1686. 

pany.  The  rest  were  soldiers,  raw  and  undisci- 
plined, and  artisans,  most  of  whom  knew  nothing 
of  their  vocation.  Add  to  these  the  miserable 
families  and  the  infatuated  young  women  who  had 
come  to  tempt  fortune  in  the  swamps  and  cane- 
brakes  of  the  Mississippi. 

La  Salle  set  out  to  explore  the  neighborhood. 
Joutel  remained  in  command  of  the  so-called  fort. 
He  was  beset  with  wily  enemies,  and  often  at 
night  the  Indians  would  crawl  in  the  grass  around 
his  feeble  stockade,  howling  like  wolves ;  but  a  few 
shots  would  put  them  to  flight.  A  strict  guard 
was  kept ;  and  a  wooden  horse  was  set  in  the  en- 
closure, to  punish  the  sentinel  who  should  sleep  at 
his  post.  They  stood  in  daily  fear  of  a  more 
formidable  foe,  and  once  they  saw  a  sail,  which 
they  doubted  not  was  Spanish ;  but  she  happily 
passed  without  discovering  them.  They  hunted 
on  the  prairies,  and  speared  fish  in  the  neighbor- 
ing pools.  On  Easter  Day,  the  Sieur  le  Gros,  one 
of  the  chief  men  of  the  company,  went  out  after 
the  service  to  shoot  snipes;  but,  as  he  walked 
barefoot  through  the  marsh,  a  snake  bit  him,  and 
he  soon  after  died.  Two  men  deserted,  to  starve 
on  the  prairie,  or  to  become  savages  among  sav- 
ages. Others  tried  to  escape,  but  were  caught; 
and  one  of  them  was  hung.  A  knot  of  despe- 
radoes conspired  to  kill  Joatel ;  but  one  of  them 
betrayed  the  secret,  and  the  plot  was  crushed. 

La  Salle  returned  from  his  exploration,  but  his 
return  brought  no  cheer.  He  had  been  forced  to 
renounce  the  illusion  to  which  he  had   clung   so 


1685.J  COKDUCT   OF  BEAUJEU.  367 

long,  aud  was  convinced  at  last  that  lie  was  not  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  The  wreck  of  the 
"  Aimable "  itself  was  not  pregnant  with  conse- 
quences so  disastrous 

Note.  —  The  conduct  of  Beaujeu,  hitherto  judged  chiefly  by  the 
printed  narrative  of  Joutel,  is  set  in  a  new  and  more  favorable  light  by 
his  correspondence  with  La  Salle.  Whatever  may  have  been  their  mu- 
tual irritation,  it  is  clear  that  the  naval  commander  was  anxious  to 
discharge  his  duty  in  a  manner  to  satisfy  Seignelay,  aud  that  he  may 
be  wholly  acquitted  of  any  sinister  design.  When  he  left  La  Salle 
on  the  twelfth  of  ^March,  he  meant  to  sail  in  search  of  the  Bay  of  Mo- 
bile (Baye  du  St.  Esprit),  partly  because  he  hoped  to  find  it  a  safe  har- 
bor, where  he  could  get  La  Salle's  cannon  out  of  the  hold  and  find 
ballast  to  take  their  place,  and  partly  to  get  a  supply  of  wood  and 
water,  of  which  he  was  in  extreme  need.  He  told  La  Salle  that  he 
would  wait  there  till  the  middle  of  April,  in  order  that  he  (La  Salle) 
might  send  the  "  Belle  "  to  receive  the  cannon ;  but  on  this  point  there 
was  no  definite  agreement  between  them.  Beaujeu  was  ignorant  of  the 
position  of  the  bay,  which  he  thought  much  nearer  than  it  actually  was. 
After  trying  two  days  to  reach  it,  the  strong  head-winds  and  the  discon- 
tent of  his  crew  induced  him  to  bear  away  for  Cuba  ;  and,  after  an 
encounter  with  pirates  and  various  adventures,  he  reached  France  about 
the  first  of  July.  He  was  coldly  received  by  Seignelay,  who  wrote  to 
the  intendant  at  Rochelle  :  "  His  Majesty  has  seen  what  you  wrote 
about  the  idea  of  the  Sieur  de  Beaujeu,  that  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  is  not 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  He  seems  to  found  this  belief  on  such 
weak  conjectures  that  no  great  attention  need  be  given  to  his  account, 
especially  as  this  man  has  been  prejudiced  from  the  first  against  La  Salle's 
enterprise."  Lettre  de  Seignelay  a  Arnold,  22  Juillet,  1685  (Margry,  II.  604). 
The  minister  at  the  same  time  warns  Beaujeu  to  say  nothing  in  dispar- 
agement of  the  enterprise,  under  pain  of  the  king's  displeasure. 

The  narrative  of  the  engineer,  Minet,  sufficiently  explains  a  curious 
map,  made  by  him,  as  he  says,  not  on  the  spot,  but  on  the  voyage  home- 
ward, and  still  preserved  in  the  Archives  Scientifiques  de  la  Marine.  This 
map  includes  two  distinct  sketches  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi 
The  first,  which  corresponds  to  that  made  by  Franquelin  in  1684,  is  enti- 
tled "  Embouchure  de  la  Riviere  comme  M.  de  la  Salle  la  marque  dans 
sa  Carte."  The  second  bears  the  words,  "  Costes  et  Lacs  par  la  Hauteur 
de  sa  Riviere,  comme  nous  les  avons  trouves."  These  "  Costes  et  Lacs  " 
are  a  rude  representation  of  the  lagoons  of  Matagorda  Bay  and  its 
neighborhood,  into  which  the  Mississippi  is  made  to  discharge,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  belief  of  La  Salle.  A  portion  of  the  coast-line  is  drawn 
from  actual,  though  superficial,  observation  The  rest  is  merely  con- 
jectural 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

1685-1687. 

ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS. 

The  Fort.  —  Misery  and  Dejection.  —  Energy  op  La  Salle.  — 
His  Journey  of  Exploration. —  Adventures  and  Accidents.  — 
The  Buffalo.  — Duhaut.  —  Indian  Massacre.  —  Return  of  La 
Salle.  —  A  New  Calamity.  —  A  Desperate  Resolution.  —  De- 
parture FOR  Canada.  —  Wreck  of  the  "Belle."  —  Marriage. 
—  Sedition.  —  Adventures  of  La  Salle's  Party.  —  The  Cenis.  - 
The  Camanches.  —  The  Only  Hope.  —  The  Last  Farewell. 

Of  what  avail  to  plant  a  colony  by  the  mouth 
of  a  petty  Texan  river  ?  The  Mississippi  was  the 
life  of  the  enterprise,  the  condition  of  its  growth 
and  of  its  existence.  Without  it,  all  was  futile 
and  meaningless ;  a  folly  and  a  ruin.  Cost  what  it 
might,  the  Mississippi  must  be  found. 

But  the  demands  of  the  hour  were  imperative. 
The  hapless  colony,  cast  ashore  like  a  wreck  on 
the  sands  of  Matagorda  Bay,  must  gather  up  its 
shattered  resources,  and  recruit  its  exhausted 
strength,  before  it  essayed  anew  its  pilgrim- 
age to  the  ''  fatal  river."  La  Salle  during  his 
explorations  had  found  a  spot  which  he  thought 
well  fitted  for  a  temporary  establishment.  It 
was  on  the  river  which  he  named  the  La 
Vache,*  now  the  Lavaca,  which  enters  the  head  of 

A  Called  by  Joutel  Riviere  aux  Boeufs. 


1686.]  GLOOMY  PEOSPECTS.  369 

Matagorda  Bay;  and  thither  he  ordered  all  the 
women  and  children,  and  most  of  the  men,  to 
remove ;  while  the  rest,  thirty  in  number,  re- 
mained with  Joutel  at  the  fort  near  the  mouth  of 
the  bay.  Here  they  spent  their  time  in  hunting, 
fishing,  and  squaring  the  logs  of  drift-wood  which 
the  sea  washed  up  in  abundance,  and  which  La 
Salle  proposed  to  use  in  building  his  new  station 
on  the  Lavaca.  Thus  the  time  passed  till  mid- 
summer, when  Joutel  received  orders  to  abandon 
his  post,  and  rejoin  the  main  body  of  the  colonists. 
To  this  end,  the  little  frigate  "  Belle  "  was  sent 
down  the  bay.  She  was  a  gift  from  the  king  to 
La  Salle,  who  had  brought  her  safely  over  the 
bar,  and  regarded  her  as  a  mainstay  of  his  hopes. 
She  now  took  on  board  the  stores  and  some  of  the 
men,  while  Joutel  with  the  rest  followed  along 
shore  to  the  post  on  the  Lavaca.  Here  he  found 
a  state  of  thino-s  that  was  far  from  cheerino*. 
Crops  had  been  sown,  but  the  drought  and  the 
cattle  had  nearly  destroyed  them.  The  colonists 
were  lodged  under  tents  and  hovels ;  and  the  only 
solid  structure  was  a  small  square  enclosure  of 
pickets,  in  which  the  gunpowder  and  the  brandy 
were  stored.  The  site  was  good,  a  rising  ground 
b}^  the  river ;  but  there  was  no  wood  within  the 
distance  of  a  league,  and  no  horses  or  oxen  to 
drag  it.  Their  work  must  be  done  by  men. 
Some  felled  and  squared  the  timber;  and  others 
dragged  it  by  main  force  over  the  matted  grass  of 
the  prairie,  under  the  scorching  Texan  sun.  The 
gun-carriages  served  to  make  the  task  somewhat 

24 


370  ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS.  [1685. 

easier ;  yet  tlie  strongest  men  soon  gave  out  under 
it.  Joutel  went  down  to  the  first  fort,  made  a  raft 
and  brought  op  the  timber  collected  there,  which 
proved  a  most  seasonable  and  useful  supply.  Pali- 
sades and  buildings  began  to  rise.  The  men 
labored  without  spirit,  yet  strenuously ;  for  they 
labored  under  the  eye  of  La  Salle.  The  carpen- 
ters brought  from  Rochelle  proved  worthless ;  and 
he  himself  made  the  plans  of  the  work,  marked 
out  the  tenons  and  mortises,  and  directed  the 
whole.^ 

Death,  meanwhile,  made  withering  havoc  among 
his  followers ;  and  under  the  sheds  and  hovels 
that  shielded  them  from  the  sun  lay  a  score  of 
wretches  slowly  wasting  away  with  the  diseases 
contracted  at  St.  Domingo.  Of  the  soldiers  en- 
listed for  the  expedition  by  La  Salle's  agents, 
many  are  affirmed  to  have  spent  their  lives  in 
bearorino-  at  the  church  doors  of  Rbchefort,  and 
were  consequently  incapable  of  discipline.  It  was 
impossible  to  prevent  either  them  or  the  sailors 
from  devouring  persimmons  and  other  wild  frmts 
to  a  destructive  excess.  Nearly  all  fell  ill ;  and, 
before  the  summer  had  passed,  the  graveyard  had 
more  than  thirty  tenants.^  The  bearing  of  La 
Salle  did  not  aid  to  raise  the  drooping  spirits  of 
his  followers.  The  results  of  the  enterprise  had 
been  far  different  from  his  hopes ;  and,  after  a 
season  of  flattering  promise,  he  had  entered  again 

1  Joutel,  Jmrnal  Htstoriqm,  108;  Relation  (Margry,  III.  174) ;  Proc^ 
Verbal  fait  au  posts  de  St.  Louis,  le  18  Avril,  1686. 

2  Joutel,  Journal  Historiqtie,  109.     Le  Clerc,  who  was  not  present,  says 
a  hundred 


1686.J  ENERGY  OF  LA   SALLE.  371 

on  those  dark  and  obstructed  paths  which  seemed 
his  destined  way  of  life.  The  present  was  beset 
with  trouble ;  the  future,  thick  with  storms.  The 
consciousness  quickened  his  energies ;  but  it  made 
him  stern,  harsh,  and  often  unjust  to  those  be- 
neath him. 

Joutel  was  returning  to  camp  one  afternoon 
with  the  master-carpenter,  when  they  saw  game ; 
and  the  carpenter  went  after  it.  He  was  never 
seen  again.  Perhaps  he  was  lost  on  the  prairie, 
perhaps  killed  by  Indians.  He  knew  little  of  his 
trade,  but  they  nevertheless  had  need  of  him.  Le 
Gros,  a  man  of  character  and  intelligence,  suffered 
more  and  more  from  the  bite  of  the  snake  re- 
ceived in  the  marsh  on  Easter  Day.  The  injured 
limb  was  amputated,  and  he  died.  La  Salle's 
brother,  the  priest,  lay  ill;  and  several  others 
among  the  chief  persons  of  the  colony  were  in  the 
same  condition. 

Meanwhile,  the  work  was  urged  on.  A  large 
building  was  finished,  constructed  of  timber, 
roofed  with  boards  and  raw  hides,  and  divided  into 
apartments  for  lodging  and  other  uses.  La  Salle 
gave  the  new  establishment  his  favorite  name 
of  Fort  St.  Louis,  and  the  neighboring  bay  was 
also  christened  after  the  royal  saint.^  The  scene 
was  not  without  its  charms.  Towards  the  south- 
east stretched  the  bay  with  its  bordering  mead- 
ows ;  and  on  the  north-east  the  Lavaca  ran  along 

*  The  Bay  of  St.  Loiiis,  St.  Bernard's  Bay,  or  Matagorda  Bay,  —  for 
it  has  borne  all  these  names,  —  was  also  called  Espiritu  Santo  Bay  by 
the  Spaniards,  m  common  with  several  other  bays  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
An  adjoining  bay  still  retains  the  name. 


372  ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS.  [1685 

the  base  of  green  declivities.  Around,  far  and 
near,  rolled  a  sea  of  prairie,  with  distant  forests, 
dim  in  the  summer  haze.  At  times,  it  was  dotted 
with  the  browsing  buffalo,  not  yet  scared  from 
their  wonted  pastures ;  and  the  grassy  swells  were 
spangled  with  the  flowers  for  which  Texas  is  re- 
nowned, and  which  now  form  the  gay  ornaments 
of  our  gardens. 

And  now,  the  needful  work  accomplished,  and 
the  colony  in  some  measure  housed  and  fortified, 
its  indefatigable  chief  prepared  to  renew  his  quest 
of  the  "  fatal  river,"  as  Joutel  repeatedly  calls  it. 
Before  his  departure,  he  made  some  preliminary 
explorations,  in  the  course  of  which,  according  to 
the  report  of  his  brother  the  priest,  he  found  evi- 
dence that  the  Spaniards  had  long  before  had  a 
transient  establishment  at  a  spot  about  fifteen 
leagues  from  Fort  St.  Louis. ^ 

It  was  the  last  day  of  October  when  La  Salle 
set  out  on  his  great  journey  of  exploration.  His 
brother  Cavelier,  who  had  now  recovered,  accom- 

1  Cavelier,  in  his  report  to  the  minister,  says  :  "  We  reached  a  large 
village,  enclosed  with  a  kind  of  wall  made  of  clay  and  sand,  and  forti- 
fied with  little  towers  at  intervals,  where  we  found  the  arms  of  Spain 
engraved  on  a  plate  of  copper,  with  the  date  of  1588,  attached  to  a 
stake.  The  inhabitants  gave  us  a  kind  welcome,  and  showed  us  some 
hammers  and  an  anvil,  two  small  pieces  of  iron  cannon,  a  small  brass 
culverin,  some  pike-heads,  some  old  sword-blades,  and  some  books  of 
Spanish  comedy  ;  and  thence  they  guided  us  to  a  little  hamlet  of  fisher- 
men, about  two  leagues  distant,  where  they  showed  us  a  second  stake, 
also  with  the  arms  of  Spain,  and  a  few  old  chimneys.  All  this  con- 
vinced us  that  the  Spaniards  had  formerly  been  here."  —  Cavelier,  Rela- 
tion du  Voyage  que  mon  frere  entreprit  pour  d^convrir  I'embonchure  dujlenve  de 
Missisipy.  The  above  is  translated  from  the  original  draft  of  Cavelier, 
which  is  in  my  possession.  It  was  addressed  to  the  colonial  ministor, 
after  the  death  of  La  Salle.  The  statement  concerning  the  Spaniards 
needs  confirmation. 


1685.1  LIFE  AT  THE  FORT.  373 

panied  him  with  fifty  men ;  and  five  cannon-shot 
from  the  fort  saluted  them  as  they  departed.  They 
were  hghtly  equipped;  but  some  of  them  wore 
corselets  made  of  staves,  to  ward  off  arrows.  De- 
scending the  Lavnca,  they  pursued  their  course 
eastward  on  foot  along  the  margin  of  the  bay, 
while  Joutel  remained  in  command  of  the  fort. 
It  was  two  leagues  above  the  mouth  of  the  river ; 
and  in  it  were  thirty -four  persons,  including  three 
Recollet  friars,  a  number  of  women  and  girls  from 
Paris,  and  two  young  orphan  daughters  of  one 
Talon,  a  Canadian,  who  had  lately  died.  Their 
live-stock  consisted  of  some  hogs  and  a  htter  of 
eight  pigs,  which,  as  Joutel  does  not  forget  to  in- 
form us,  passed  their  time  in  wallowing  in  the  ditch 
of  the  palisade ;  a  cock  and  hen,  with  a  young 
family ;  and  a  pair  of  goats,  which,  in  a  temporary 
dearth  of  fresh  meat,  were  sacrificed  to  the  needs 
of  the  invalid  Abbe  Cavelier.  Joutel  suffered  no 
man  to  lie  idle.  The  blacksmith,  having  no  anvil, 
was  supplied  with  a  cannon  as  a  substitute.  Lodg- 
ings were  built  for  the  women  and  girls,  and 
separate  lodgings  for  the  men.  A  small  chapel 
was  afterwards  added,  and  the  whole  was  fenced 
with  a  palisade.  At  the  four  corners  of  the  house 
were  mounted  eight  pieces  of  cannon,  which,  in 
the  absence  of  balls,  were  loaded  with  bags  of 
bullets.^  Between  the  palisades  and  the  stream 
lay  a  narrow  strip  of  marsh,  the  haunt  of  countless 

1  Compare  Joutel  with  the  Spanish  account  in  Carta  en  que  se  da  noto- 
da  de  un  viaje  hecho  a  la  Bahia  de  Espiritu  Santo  y  dela  poblacion  que  tenian 
ahi  hs  Franceses ;  Coleccion  de  Varios  Documentos,  25. 


374  ST.  LOUIS  or  TEXAS.  [1685 

birds  ;  and  at  a  little  distance  it  deepened  into  pools 
full  of  fish.  All  the  surrounding  prairies  swarmed 
with  game,  —  buffalo,  deer,  hares,  turkeys,  ducks, 
geese,  swans,  plover,  snipe,  and  grouse.  The  river 
supplied  the  colonists  with  turtles,  and  the  bay 
with  oysters.  Of  these  last,  they  often  found  more 
than  they  wanted ;  for  when,  in  their  excursions; 
they  shoved  their  log  canoes  into  the  water,  wading 
shoeless  through  the  deep,  tenacious  mud,  the  sharp 
shells  would  cut  their  feet  like  knives ;  "  and  what 
was  worse,"  says  Joutel,  "  the  salt  water  came  into 
the  gashes,  and  made  them  smart  atrociously." 

He  sometimes  amused  himself  wdth  shooting  alli- 
gators. "  I  never  spared  them  when  I  met  them 
near  the  house.  One  day  I  killed  an  extremely  large 
one,  which  was  nearly  four  feet  and  a  half  in  girth, 
and  about  tw^enty  feet  long."  He  describes  with 
accuracy  that  curious  native  of  the  south-western 
plains,  the  "horned  frog,"  which,  deceived  by  its 
uninviting  appearance,  he  erroneously  supposed  to 
be  venomous.  "  We  had  some  of  our  animals 
bitten  by  snakes ;  among  the  others,  a  bitch  that  had 
belonged  to  the  deceased  Sieur  le  Gros.  She  was 
bitten  in  the  jaw  when  she  was  with  me  as  I  was 
fishing  by  the  shore  of  the  bay.  I  gave  her  a  little 
theriac  \_an  antidote  then  in  vogue'],  which  cured 
her,  as  it  did  one  of  our  sows,  which  came  home 
one  day  with  her  head  so  swelled  that  she  could 
hardly  hold  it  up.  Thinking  it  must  be  some  snake 
that  had  bitten  her,  I  gave  her  a  dose  of  the  theriac 
mixed  with  meal  and  water."  The  patient  began 
to  mend  at  once.     "  I  killed  a  good  many  rattle- 


1685.J  THE  BUFFALO.  375 

snakes  by  means  of  the  aforesaid  bitch,  for,  when 
she  saw  one,  she  would  bark  around  him,  sometimes 
for  a  half  hour  together,  till  I  took  my  gun  and  shot 
him.  I  often  found  them  in  the  bushes,  making  a 
noise  with  their  tails.  When  I  had  killed  them, 
our  hogs  ate  them.''  He  devotes  many  pages  to 
the  plants  and  animals  of  the  neighborhood,  most 
of  w^hich  may  easily  be  recognized  from  his  de- 
scription. 

With  the  buffalo,  which  he  calls  "  our  daily 
bread,"  his  experiences  were  many  and  strange. 
Being,  like  the  rest  of  the  party,  a  novice  in  the 
art  of  shooting  them,  he  met  with  many  disap- 
pointments. Once,  having  mounted  to  the  roof  of 
the  large  house  in  the  fort,  he  saw  a  dark  moving 
object  on  a  swell  of  the  prairie  three  miles  off ;  and, 
rightly  thinking  that  it  was  a  herd  of  buffalo,  he 
set  out  with  six  or  seven  men  to  try  to  kill  some  of 
them.  After  a  while,  he  discovered  two  bulls  lying 
in  a  hollow ;  and,  signing  to  the  rest  of  his  party 
to  keep  quiet,  he  made  his  approach,  gun  in  hand. 
The  bulls  presently  jumped  up,  and  stared  through 
their  manes  at  the  intruder.  Joutel  fired.  It  was 
a  close  shot;  but  the  bulls  merely  shook  their 
shaggy  heads,  w^heeled  about,  and  galloped  heavily 
away.  The  same  luck  attended  him  the  next  day. 
''  We  saw  plenty  of  buffalo.  I  approached  several 
bands  of  them,  and  fired  again  and  again,  but  could 
not  make  one  of  them  fall."  He  had  not  yet 
learned  that  a  buffalo  rarely  falls  at  once,  un- 
less hit  in  the  spine.  He  continues :  ''  I  was  not 
discouraged ;  and  after  approaching  several  more 


376  ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS.  [1G85 

bands,  —  which  was  hard  work,  because  I  had  to 
crawl  on  the  ground,  so  as  not  to  be  seen,  —  I 
found  myself  in  a  herd  of  five  or  six  thousand, 
but,  to  my  great  vexation,  I  could  not  bring  one 
of  them  dowm.  They  all  ran  off  to  the  right  and 
left.  It  Avas  near  night,  and  I  had  killed  nothing. 
Though  I  was  very  tired,  I  tried  again,  approached 
another  band,  and  fired  a  number  of  shots,  but 
not  a  buffalo  would  fall.  The  skin  was  off  my 
knees  with  crawling.  At  last,  as  I  was  going 
back  to  rejoin  our  men,  I  saw  a  buffalo  lying  on 
the  ground.  I  went  towards  it,  and  saw  that  it 
was  dead.  I  examined  it,  and  found  that  the 
bullet  had  gone  in  near  the  shoulder.  Then  I 
found  others  dead  like  the  first.  I  beckoned  the 
men  to  come  on,  and  we  set  to  work  to  cut  up  the 
meat;  a  task  w^hich  was  new  to  us  all."  It  w^ould 
be  impossible  to  w^ite  a  more  true  and  character- 
istic sketch  of  the  experience  of  a  novice  in 
shooting  buffalo  on  foot.  A  few  days  after,  he 
went  out  again,  with  Father  Anastase  Douay,  ap- 
proached a  bull,  fired,  and  broke  his  shoulder.  The 
bull  hobbled  off  on  three  legs.  Douay  ran  in  his 
cassock  to  head  him  back,  w^hile  Joutel  reloaded  his 
gun ;  upon  which,  the  enraged  beast  butted  at  the 
missionary,  and  knocked  him  down.  He  very  nar- 
rowly escaped  with  his  life.  "  There  was  another 
missionary,"  pursues  Joutel,  "  named  Father  Max- 
ime  Le  Clerc,  w^ho  was  very  well  fitted  for  such  an 
undertaking  as  ours,  because  he  was  equal  to  any 
thing,  even  to  butchering  a  buffalo ;  and,  as  I  said 
before  that  every  one  of  us  must  lend  a  hand,  be- 


1686  1  KETUEN  OF  DUHAUT.  377 

cause  we  were  too  few  for  anybody  to  be  waited 
upon,  I  made  the  women,  girls,  and  children  do 
their  part,  as  well  as  him ;  for,  as  they  all  wanted 
to  eat,  it  was  fair  that  they  all  should  work/ 
He  had  a  scaffolding  built  near  the  fort,  and  set 
them  to  smoking  buffalo  meat,  against  a  day  of 
scarcity/ 

Thus  the  time  passed  till  the  middle  of  January  ; 
when,  late  one  evening,  as  all  were  gathered  in 
the  principal  building,  conversing  perhaps,  or 
smoking,  or  playing  at  cards,  or  dozing  by  the  fire 
in  homesick  dreams  of  France,  a  man  on  guard 
came  in  to  report  that  he  had  heard  a  voice  from 
the  river.  They  all  went  down  to  the  bank,  and 
descried  a  man  in  a  canoe,  who  called  out,  "  Dom- 
inic !  "  This  was  the  name  of  the  younger  of  the 
two  brothers  Duhaut,  who  was  one  of  Joutel's  fol- 
lowers. As  the  canoe  approached,  they  recog- 
nized the  elder,  who  had  gone  with  La  Salle  on  his 
journey  of  discovery,  and  who  was  perhaps  the 
greatest  villain  of  the  company.  Joutel  was 
much  perplexed.  La  Salle  had  ordered  him  to 
admit  nobody  into  the  fort  without  a  pass  and  a 
watchword.  Duhaut,  when  questioned,  said  that 
he  had  none,  but  told  at  the  same  time  so  plaus- 
ible a  story  that  Joutel  no  longer  hesitated  to  re- 
ceive him.  As  La  Salle  and  his  men  were  pursu- 
ing their  march  along  the  prairie,  Duhaut,  who 
was  in  the  rear,  had  stopped  to  mend  his  mocca- 

*  For  the  above  incidents  of  life  at  Fort  St.  Louis,  see  Joutel,  Relation 
(Margry,  III.  185-218,  passm).  The  printed  condensation  of  the  narra- 
tive omits  most  of  these  particulars. 


378  ST.  LOUIS   OF  TEXAS.  [1686 

sins,  and,  when  he  tried  to  overtake  the  party,  had 
lost  his  way,  mistaking  a  buffalo-path  for  the  trail 
of  his  companions.  At  night,  he  fired  his  gun  as 
a  signal,  but  there  was  no  answering  shot.  Seeing 
no  hope  of  rejoining  them,  he  turned  back  for  the 
fort,  found  one  of  the  canoes  which  La  Salle  had 
hidden  at  the  shore,  paddled  by  night  and  lay 
close  by  day,  shot  turkeys,  deer,  and  buffalo  for 
food,  and,  having  no  knife,  cut  the  meat  with  a 
sharp  flint,  till  after  a  month  of  excessive  hard- 
ship he  reached  his  destination.  As  the  inmates 
of  Fort  St.  Louis  gathered  about  the  weather- 
beaten  wanderer,  he  told  them  dreary  tidings. 
The  pilot  of  the  "  Belle,"  such  was  his  story,  had 
gone  wdth  five  men  to  sound  along  the  shore,  by 
order  of  La  Salle,  who  was  then  encamped  in  the 
neighborhood  with  his  party  of  explorers.  The 
boat's  crew,  being  overtaken  by  the  night,  had 
rashly  bivouacked  on  the  beach,  without  setting 
a  guard ;  and,  as  they  slept,  a  band  of  Indians  had 
rushed  in  upon  them,  and  butchered  them  all.  La 
Salle,  alarmed  by  their  long  absence,  had  searched 
along  the  shore,  and  at  length  found  their  bodies 
scattered  about  the  sands  and  half-devoured  by 
wolves.^  Well  would  it  have  been,  if  Duhaut  had 
shared  their  fate. 

1  Joutel,  Relation  (Margry,  III.  206).  Compare  Le  Clerc,  II.  206 
Cavelier,  alwa>  s  disposed  to  exaggerate,  says  that  ten  men  were  killed. 
La  Salle  had  previously  had  encounters  with  the  Indians,  and  punished 
them  severely  for  the  trouble  they  had  given  his  men.  Le  Clerc  says  of 
the  principal  fight,  "  Several  Indians  were  wounded,  a  few  were  killed 
and  others  made  prisoners ;  one  of  wliom,  a  girl  of  three  or  four  years 
was  baptized,  and  died  a  few  days  after,  as  the  first-fruit  of  this  missioD, 
and  a  sure  conquest  sent  to  Ueaven." 


1686.J  RETURN  OF  LA  SALLE.  379 

Weeks  and  months  dragged  on,  when,  at  the 
end  of  March,  Joutel,  chancing  to  mount  on  the 
roof  of  one  of  the  buildings,  saw  seven  or  eight 
men  approaching  over  the  prairie.  He  went  out 
to  meet  them  with  an  equal  number,  well  armed ; 
and,  as  he  drew  near,  recognized,  with  mixed  joy 
and  anxiety.  La  Salle  and  some  of  those  who  had 
gone  with  him.  His  brother  Cavelier  was  at  his 
side,  with  his  cassock  so  tattered  that,  says  Joutel, 
''  there  was  hardly  a  piece  left  large  enough  to 
wrap  a  farthing's  worth  of  salt.  He  had  an  old 
cap  on  his  head,  having  lost  his  hat  by  the  way. 
The  rest  were  in  no  better  plight,  for  their  shirts 
were  all  in  rags.  Some  of  them  carried  loads  of 
meat,  because  M.  de  la  Salle  was  afraid  that  we 
might  not  have  killed  any  buffalo.  We  met  with 
great  joy  and  many  embraces.  After  our  greet- 
ings were  over,  M.  de  la  Salle,  seeing  Duhaut, 
asked  me  in  an  angry  tone  how  it  was  that  I  had 
received  this  man  who  had  abandoned  him.  I  told 
him  how  it  had  happened,  and  repeated  Duhaut's 
story.  Duhaut  defended  himself,  and  M.  de  la 
Salle's  anger  was  soon  over.  We  went  into  the 
house,  and  refreshed  ourselves  with  some  bread 
and  brandy,  as  there  was  no  wine  left."  ^ 

La  Salle  and  his  companions  told  their  story. 
Tliey  had  wandered  on  through  various  savage 
tribes,  with  whom  they  had  more  than  one  en- 
counter, scattering  them  like  chaff  by  the  terror 
of  their  fire-arms.  At  length,  they  found  a  more 
friendly   band,   and   learned   much   touching   the 

1  Joutel,  Relation  (Margry,  III.  219). 


380  ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS.  [1686. 

Spaniard?,  who,  they  were  told,  were  universally 
hated  by  the  tribes  of  that  country.  It  would  be 
easy,  said  their  informants,  to  gather  a  host  of 
warriors  and  lead  them  over  the  Rio  Grande ;  but 
La  Salle  was  in  no  condition  for  attempting  con- 
quests, and  the  tribes  in  whose  alliance  he  had 
trusted  had,  a  few  days  before,  been  at  blows  with 
him.  The  invasion  of  New  Biscay  must  be  post- 
poned to  a  more  propitious  day.  Still  advanc- 
ing, he  came  to  a  large  river,  which  he  at  first 
mistook  for  the  Mississippi ;  and,  building  a  fort  of 
palisades,  he  left  here  several  of  his  men.^  The 
fate  of  these  unfortunates  does  not  appear.  He 
now  retraced  his  steps  towards  Fort  St.  Louis,  and, 
as  he  approached  it,  detached  some  of  his  men  to 
look  for  his  vessel,  the  "  Belle,"  for  whose  safety, 
since  the  loss  of  her  pilot,  he  had  become  very 
anxious. 

On  the  next  day,  these  men  appeared  at  the 
fort,  with  downcast  looks.  They  had  not  found 
the  "  Belle "  at  the  place  where  she  had  been 
ordered  to  remain,  nor  were  any  tidings  to  be 
heard  of  her.  From  that  hour,  the  conviction  that 
she  was  lost  possessed  the  mind  of  La  Salle. 

Surrounded  as  he  was,  and  had  always  been, 
with  traitors,  the  belief  now  possessed  him  that 
her  crew  had  abandoned  the  colony,  and  made  sail 

*  Cavelier  says  that  he  actually  reached  the  Mississippi ;  but,  on  the 
one  hand,  the  ahbe  did  not  know  whetlier  the  river  in  question  was  the 
Mississippi  or  not ;  and,  on  the  other,  he  is  somewhat  inclined  to  men- 
dacity. Le  Clerc  says  tliat  La  Salle  thought  he  had  found  the  river. 
According  to  the  Proces  Verbal  of  18  April,  1680,  "  il  y  arriva  le  13 
Fevrier."  Joutel  says  that  La  Salle  told  him  "  qu'il  n'avoit  point  trour(S 
sa  riviere." 


1686.]  LA   SALLE   FALLS  IT.L.  381 

for  the  West  Indies  or  for  France,  The  loss  was 
incalculable.  He  had  relied  on  this  vessel  to 
transport  the  colonists  to  the  Mississippi,  as  soon 
as  its  exact  position  could  be  ascertained ;  and, 
thinking  her  a  safer  place  of  deposit  than  the  fort, 
he  had  put  on  board  of  her  all  his  papers  and 
personal  baggage,  besides  a  great  quantity  of 
stores,  ammunition,  and  tools.^  In  truth,  she  was 
of  the  last  necessity  to  the  unhappy  exiles,  and 
their  only  resource  for  escape  from  a  position 
which  was  fast  becoming  desperate. 

La  Salle,  as  his  brother  tells  us,  fell  danger- 
ously ill ;  the  fatigues  of  his  journey,  joined  to 
the  effects  upon  his  mind  of  this  last  disaster, 
having  overcome  his  strength,  though  not  his 
fortitude.  "  In  truth,"  writes  the  priest,  "  after 
the  loss  of  the  vessel  which  deprived  us  of  our 
only  means  of  returning  to  France,  we  had  no 
resource  but  in  the  firm  guidance  of  my  brother, 
whose  death  each  of  us  would  have  regarded  as 
his  own."  ^ 

La  Salle  no  sooner  recovered  than  he  embraced 
a  resolution  which  could  be  the  offspring  only  of 
a  desperate  necessity.  He  determined  to  make 
his  way  by  the  Mississippi  and  the  Illinois  to 
Canada,  whence  he  might  bring  succor  to  the 
colonists,  and  send  a  report  of  their  condition  to 
France.  The  attempt  was  beset  with  uncertain- 
ties and  dangers.     The  Mississippi  was  first  to  be 

1  Proces  Verbal  fait  au  paste  de  St.  Louis,  le  18  Avril,  1686. 
^  Cavelier,  Relation  du  Voyage  pour  d€couvrir  I' Embouchure  du  Fleum  de 
Missisipy. 


382  ST.  LOmS  of  TEXAS.  [1686. 

found,  then  followed  through  all  the  perilous 
monotony  of  its  interminable  windings  to  a  goal 
which  was  to  be  but  the  starting-point  of  a  new 
and  not  less  arduous  journey.  Cavelier,  his 
brother,  Moranget,  his  nephew,  the  friar  Anastase 
Douay,  and  others  to  the  number  of  twenty,  were 
chosen  to  accompany  him.  Every  corner  of  the 
magazine  was  ransacked  for  an  outfit.  Joutel 
generously  gave  up  the  better  part  of  his  ward- 
robe to  La  Salle  and  his  two  relatives.  Duhaut, 
who  had  saved  his  baggage  from  the  wreck  of  the 
"  Aimable,"  was  required  to  contribute  to  the  ne- 
cessities of  the  party ;  and  the  scantily  furnished 
chests  of  those  who  had  died  were  used  to  supply 
the  wants  of  the  living.  Each  man  labored  with 
needle  and  awl  to  patch  his  failing  garments,  or 
supply  their  place  with  buffalo  or  deer  skins.  On 
the  twenty-second  of  April,  after  Mass  and  prayers 
in  the  chapel,  they  issued  from  the  gate,  each 
bearing  his  pack  and  his  weapons,  some  with 
kettles  slung  at  their  backs,  some  with  axes,  some 
with  gifts  for  Indians.  In  this  guise,  they  held 
their  way  in  silence  across  the  prairie ;  while 
anxious  eyes  followed  them  from  the  palisades  of 
St.  Louis,  whose  inmates,  not  excepting  Joutel 
himself,  seem  to  have  been  ignorant  of  the  extent 
and  difficulty  of  the  undertaking.^ 

i  Joutel,  Journal  Historique,  140 ;  Anastase  Douay  in  Le  Clerc,  II.  303 ; 
Cavelier,  Relation.  The  date  is  from  Douay.  It  does  not  appear,  from 
his  narrative,  that  they  meant  to  go  further  than  the  Illinois.  Cavelier 
Bays  tliat,  after  resting  here,  they  were  to  go  to  Canada.  Joutel  Bup- 
posed  that  they  would  go  only  to  the  Illinois  La  Salle  seems  to  haye 
been  even  more  reticent  than  usual. 


1686.1  WRECK  OF  THE  "BELLE."  383 

"  On  May  Day,"  Ite  writes,  "  at  about  two  in  the 
afternoon,  as  I  was  walking  near  the  house,  I 
heard  a  voice  from  the  river  below,  crying  out 
several  times.  Qui  vive  ?  Knowing  that  the  Sieur 
Barbier  had  gone  that  way  with  two  canoes  to  hunt 
buffalo,  I  thought  that  it  might  be  one  of  these 
canoes  coming  back  with  meat,  and  did  not  think 
much  of  the  matter  till  I  heard  the  same  voice 
again.  I  answered,  Versailles,  which  was  the 
password  I  had  given  the  Sieur  Barbier,  in  case  he 
should  come  back  in  the  night.  But,  as  I  was 
going  towards  the  bank,  I  heard  other  voices 
which  I  had  not  heard  for  a  lono;  time.  I  recoo;- 
nized  among  the  rest  that  of  M.  Chefdeville, 
which  made  me  fear  that  some  disaster  had  hap- 
pened. I  ran  down  to  the  bank,  and  my  first 
greeting  was  to  ask  what  had  become  of  the 
•^  Belle."  They  answered  that  she  was  wrecked 
on  the  other  side  of  the  bay,  and  that  all  on  board 
were  drowned  except  the  six  who  were  in  the 
canoe ;  namely,  the  Sieur  Chefdeville,  the  Marquis 
de  la  Sablonniere,  the  man  named  Teissier,  a 
soldier,  a  girl,  and  a  little  boy."  ^ 

From  the  young  priest  Chefdeville,  Joutel 
learned  the  particulars  of  the  disaster.  Water  had 
failed  on  board  the  "  Belle ;  "  a  boat's  crew  of  five 
men  had  gone  in  quest  of  it ;  the  wind  rose,  their 
boat  was  swamped,  and  they  were  all  drowned. 
Those  who  remained  had  now  no  means  of  going 
ashore  ;  but,  if  they  had  no  water,  they  had  wine 
and  brandj'  in  abundance,  and  Teissier,  the  master 

1  Joutel,  Relation  ^Margry,  III.  226) 


384  ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS.  [1686. 

of  the  vessel,  was  drunk  every  day.  After  a 
while,  they  left  their  moorings,  and  tried  to  reach 
the  fort ;  but  they  were  few,  weak,  and  unskilful. 
A  violent  north  wind  drove  them  on  a  sand-bar. 
Some  of  them  were  drowned  in  trying  to  reach 
land  on  a  raft.  Others  were  more  successful ;  and, 
after  a  long  delay,  they  found  a  stranded  canoe,  in 
which  they  made  their  way  to  St.  Louis,  bringing 
with  them  some  of  La  Salle's  papers  and  baggage 
saved  from  the  wreck. 

These  multiplied  disasters  bore  hard  on  the 
spirits  of  the  colonists;  and  Joutel,  hke  a  good 
commander  as  he  was,  spared  no  pains  to  cheer 
them.  "  We  did  what  we  could  to  amuse  our- 
selves and  drive  away  care.  I  encouraged  our 
people  to  dance  and  sing  in  the  evenings ;  for, 
when  M.  de  la  Salle  was  among  us,  pleasure  was 
often  banished.  Now  there  is  no  use  in  being 
melancholy  on  such  occasions.  It  is  true  that  M. 
de  la  Salle  had  no  great  cause  for  merry-making, 
after  all  his  losses  and  disa23pointments ;  but  his 
troubles  made  others  suffer  also.  Though  he  had 
ordered  me  to  allow  to  each  person  only  a  certain 
quantity  of  meat  at  every  meal,  I  observed  this 
rule  only  when  meat  was  rare.  The  air  here  is 
very  keen,  and  one  has  a  great  appetite.  One 
must  eat  and  act,  if  he  wants  good  health  and 
spirits.  I  speak  from  experience ;  for  once,  when 
I  had  ague  chills,  and  was  obliged  to  keep  the 
house  with  nothing  to  do,  I  was  dreary  and  down- 
hearted. On  the  contrary,  if  I  was  busy  with 
hunting  or  any  thing  else,  I  wa^  not  so  dull  by  half. 


1686.  J  MATRIMONY.  385 

So  I  tried  to  keep  the  people  as  busy  as  possible. 
I  set  them  to  making  a  small  cellar  to  keep  meat 
fresh  in  hot  weather;  but,  when  M.  de  la  Salle 
came  back,  he  said  it  was  too  small.  As  he 
always  wanted  to  do  every  thing  on  a  grand  scale, 
he  prepared  to  make  a  large  one,  and  marked  out 
the  plan."  This  plan  of  the  large  cellar,  like 
more  important  undertakings  of  its  unhappy  pro- 
jector, proved  too  extensive  for  execution,  the 
colonists  being  engrossed  by  the  daily  care  of 
keeping  themselves  alive. 

A  gleam  of  hilarity  shot  for  an  instant  out  of 
the  clouds.  The  young  Canadian,  Barbier,  usually 
conducted  the  hunting-parties;  and  some  of  the 
women  and  girls  often  went  out  with  them,  to  aid 
in  cutting  up  the  meat.  Barbier  became  en- 
amoured of  one  of  the  girls ;  and,  as  his  devotion 
to  her  was  the  subject  of  comment,  he  asked 
Joutel  for  leave  to  marry  her.  The  commandant, 
after  due  counsel  with  the  priests  and  friars, 
vouchsafed  his  consent,  and  the  rite  was  duly 
solemnized ;  whereupon,  fired  by  the  example,  the 
Marquis  de  la  Sablonniere  begged  leave  to  marry 
another  of  the  girls.  Joutel,  the  gardener's  son, 
concerned  that  a  marquis  should  so  abase  him- 
self, and  anxious  at  the  same  time  for  the  morals 
of  the  fort,  which  La  Salle  had  especially  com- 
mended to  his  care,  not  only  flatly  refused,  but,  in 
the  plenitude  of  his  authority,  forbade  the  lovers 
all  farther  intercourse. 

Father  Zenobe  Membre,  Superior  of  the  mission, 
gave   imwilling   occasion   for   further   merriment. 

25 


386  ST.  LOUIS  or  texas.  [icse 

These  worthy  friars  were  singularly  unhappy  in 
their  dealings  with  the  buffalo,  one  of  which,  it 
may  be  remembered,  had  already  knocked  down 
Father  Anastase.  Undeterred  by  his  example.  Fa- 
ther Zenobe  one  day  went  out  with  the  hunters, 
carrying  a  gun  like  the  rest.  Joutel  shot  a  buffalo, 
which  was  making  off,  badly  wounded,  when  a 
second  shot  stopped  it,  and  it  presently  lay 
down.  The  father  superior  thought  it  was  dead ; 
and,  without  heeding  the  warning  shout  of  Joutel, 
he  approached,  and  pushed  it  with  the  butt  of 
his  gun.  The  bull  sprang  up  with  an  effort  of  ex- 
piring fury,  and,  in  the  words  of  Joutel,  "  trampled 
on  the  father,  took  the  skin  off  his  face  in  several 
places,  and  broke  his  gun,  so  that  he  could  hardly 
manage  to  get  away,  and  remained  in  an  almost 
helpless  state  for  more  than  three  months.  Bad 
as  the  accident  was,  he  was  laughed  at  neverthe- 
less for  his  rashness." 

The  mishaps  of  the  friars  did  not  end  here. 
Father  Maxime  Le  Clerc  was  set  upon  by  a  boar 
belonging  to  the  colony.  "  I  do  not  know,"  says 
Joutel,  "  what  spite  the  beast  had  against  him, 
whether  for  a  beating  or  some  other  offence ;  but, 
however  this  may  be,  I  saw  the  father  running  and 
crying  for  help,  and  the  boar  running  after  him.  I 
went  to  the  rescue,  but  could  not  come  up  in  time. 
The  father  stooped  as  he  ran,  to  gather  up  his  cas- 
BOck  from  about  his  legs ;  and  the  boar,  which  ran 
faster  than  he,  struck  him  in  the  arm  with  his 
tusks,  so  that  some  of  the  nerves  were-  torn.    Thus, 


1686.J  DISCONTENT.  387 

all  three  of  our  good  Eecollet  fathers  were  near 
being  the  victims  of  animals."  ^ 

In  spite  of  his  efforts  to  encourage  them,  the 
followers  of  Joutel  were  fast  losing  heart.  Father 
Maxime  Le  Clerc  kept  a  journal,  in  which  he  set 
down  various  charges  against  La  Salle.  Joutel 
got  possession  of  the  paper,  and  burned  it  on  the 
urgent  entreaty  of  the  friars,  who  dreaded  what 
might  ensue,  should  the  absent  commander  become 
aware  of  the  aspersions  cast  upon  him.  The  elder 
Duhaut  fomented  the  rising  discontent  of  the  col- 
onists, played  the  demagogue,  told  them  that  La 
Salle  would  never  return,  and  tried  to  make  him- 
self their  leader.  Joutel  detected  the  mischief, 
and,  with  a  lenity  which  he  afterwards  deeply 
regretted,  contented  himself  with  a  rebuke  to  the 
offender,  and  words  of  reproof  and  encouragement 
to  the  dejected  band. 

He  had  caused  the  grass  to  be  cut  near  the  fort,  so 
as  to  form  a  sort  of  playground ;  and  here,  one  even- 
ing, he  and  some  of  the  party  were  trying  to  amuse 
themselves,  when  they  heard  shouts  from  beyond 
the  river,  and  Joutel  recognized  the  voice  of  La 
Salle.  Hastening  to  meet  him  in  a  wooden  canoe, 
he  brought  him  and  his  party  to  the  fort.  Twenty 
men  had  gone  out  with  him,  and  eight  had  re- 
turned. Of  the  rest,  four  had  deserted,  one  had 
been  lost,  one  had  been  devoured  by  an  alligator ; 
and  the  rest,  giving  out  on  the  march,  had  prob- 
ably perished  in  attempting  to  regain  the  fort. 
The  travellers  told  of  a  rich  country,  a  wild  and 

1  Joutel,  Relation  (Margry,  HI.  244,  246). 


388  ST.  LOUIS   OF  TEXAS.  [leSQ 

beautiful  landscape,  —  woods,  rivers,  groves,  and 
prairies ;  but  all  availed  nothing,  and  the  acqui- 
sition of  five  horses  was  but  an  indifferent  return 
for  the  loss  of  twelve  men. 

After  leaving  the  fort,  they  had  journeyed  to- 
wards the  north-east,  over  plains  green  as  an  eme- 
rald with  the  young  verdure  of  April,  till  at  length 
they  saw,  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  the  boundless 
prairie  alive  with  herds  of  buffalo.  The  animals 
were  in  one  of  their  tame  or  stupid  moods ;  and 
they  killed  nine  or  ten  of  them  without  the  least 
difficulty,  drying  the  best  parts  of  the  meat.  They 
crossed  the  Colorado  on  a  raft,  and  reached  the 
banks  of  another  river,  where  one  of  the  party, 
named  Hiens,  a  German  of  Wiirtemberg,  and  an 
old  buccaneer,  was  mired  and  nearly  suffocated  in 
a  mud-hole.  Unfortunately,  as  will  soon  appear, 
he  managed  to  crawl  out ;  and,  to  console  him,  the 
river  was  christened  with  his  name.  The  party 
made  a  bridge  of  felled  trees,  on  which  they  crossed 
in  safety.  La  Salle  now  changed  their  course,  and 
journeyed  eastward,  when  the  travellers  soon  found 
themselves  in  the  midst  of  a  numerous  Indian  popu- 
lation, where  they  were  feasted  and  caressed  with- 
out measure.  At  another  village,  they  were  less 
fortunate.  The  inhabitants  were  friendly  by  day 
and  hostile  by  night.  They  came  to  attack  the 
French  in  their  camp,  but  withdrew,  daunted  by 
the  menacing  voice  of  La  Salle,  who  had  heard 
them  approaching  through  the  cane-brake. 

La  Salle's  favorite  Shawanoe  hunter,  Nika,  who 
nad  followed  him  from  Canada  to  France,  and  from 


1686.]  ADVENTUEES   OF   THE   TRAVELLERS.  389 

France  to  Texas,  was  bitten  by  a  rattlesnake ;  and, 
though  he  recovered,  the  accident  detained  the 
party  for  several  days.  At  length,  they  resumed 
their  journey,  but  were  stopped  by  a  river,  called  by 
Douay  "  La  Riviere  des  Malheurs."  La  Salle  and 
Cavelier,  with  a  few  others,  tried  to  cross  on  a  raft, 
which,  as  it  reached  the  channel,  was  caught  by  a  cur- 
rent of  marvellous  swiftness.  Douay  and  Moranget, 
watchino;  the  transit  from  the  edo;e  of  the  cane- 
brake,  beheld  their  commander  swept  down  the 
stream,  and  vanishing,  as  it  were,  in  an  instant. 
All  that  day  they  remained  with  their  compan- 
ions on  the  bank,  lamenting  in  despair  for  the 
loss  of  their  guardian  angel,  for  so  Douay  calls 
La  Salle.^  It  was  fast  growing  dark,  when,  to  their 
unspeakable  relief,  they  saw  him  advancing  with 
his  party  along  the  opposite  bank,  having  suc- 
ceeded, after  great  exertion,  in  guiding  the  raft  to 
land.  How  to  rejoin  him  was  now  the  question. 
Douay  and  his  companions,  who  had  tasted  no 
food  that  day,  broke  their  fast  on  two  young  eagles 
which  they  knocked  out  of  their  nest,  and  then 
spent  the  night  in  rueful  consultation  as  to  the 
means  of  crossing  the  river.  In  the  morning,  they 
waded  into  the  marsh,  the  friar  with  his  breviary 
in  his  hood,  to  keep  it  dry,  and  hacked  among  the 
canes  till  they  had  gathered  enough  to  make  an- 
other raft ;  on  which,  profiting  by  La  Salle's  expe- 
rience, they  safely  crossed,  and  rejoined  him 

1  "  Ce  flat  une  desolation  extreme  pour  nous  tons  qui  desesperions  de 
revoir  jamais  nostre  Ange  tutelaire,  le  Sieur  de  la  Salle.  .  .  .  Tout  le 
jour  se  passa  en  pleiurs  et  en  larmes."  —  Douay  in  Le  Clerc  II.  316. 


390  ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS.  11686. 

Next,  they  became  entangled  in  a  cane-brake, 
where  La  Salle,  as  usual  with  him  in  such  cases, 
took  the  lead,  a  hatchet  in  each  hand,  and  hewed 
out  a  path  for  his  followers.  They  soon  reached 
the  villages  of  the  Cenis  Indians,  on  and  near  the 
river  Trinity,  a  tribe  then  jDOwerf  ul,  but  long  since 
extinct.  Nothing  could  surpass  the  friendliness 
of  their  welcome.  The  chiefs  came  to  meet  them, 
bearing  the  calumet,  and  followed  by  warriors  in 
shirts  of  embroidered  deer-skin.  Then  the  whole 
village  swarmed  out  like  bees,  gathering  around 
the  visitors  with  offerings  of  food  and  all  that  was 
precious  in  their  eyes.  La  Salle  was  lodged  with 
the  great  chief;  but  he  compelled  his  men  to 
encamp  at  a  distance,  lest  the  ardor  of  their  gallan- 
try might  give  occasion  of  offence.  The  lodges  of 
the  Cenis,  forty  or  fifty  feet  high,  and  covered  with 
a  thatch  of  meadow-grass,  looked  like  huge  bee- 
hives. Each  held  several  families,  whose  fire  was 
in  the  middle,  and  their  beds  around  the  circum- 
ference. The  spoil  of  the  Spaniards  was  to  be 
seen  on  all  sides :  silver  lamps  and  spoons,  swords, 
old  muskets,  money,  clothing,  and  a  bull  of  the  Pope 
dispensing  the  Spanish  colonists  of  new  Mexico 
from  fasting  during  summer.^  These  treasures,  as 
well  as  their  numerous  horses,  were  obtained  by 
the  Cenis  from  their  neighbors  and  allies,  the 
Camanches,  that  fierce  prairie  banditti  who  then, 
as  now,  scourged  the  Mexican  border  with  their 
bloody  forays.  A  party  of  these  wild  horsemen 
was  in  the  village.     Douay  was  edified  at  seeing 

1  Douaj  in  Le  Clerc,  II.  321 ;  Cavelier,  Relation. 


1G86.]  THE  CAMANCHES.  391 

them  make  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  imitation  of 
the  neophytes  of  one  of  the  Spanish  missions. 
They  enacted,  too,  the  ceremony  of  the  Mass ;  and 
one  of  them,  in  his  rude  way,  drew  a  sketch  of  a 
picture  he  had  seen  in  some  church  which  he  had 
pillaged,  wherein  the  friar  plainly  recognized  the 
Virgin  weeping  at  the  foot  of  the  cross.  They 
invited  the  French  to  join  them  on  a  raid  into 
New  Mexico ;  and  they  spoke  with  contempt,  as 
their  tribesmen  will  speak  to  this  day,  of  the 
Spanish  Creoles,  saying  that  it  would  be  easy  to 
conquer  a  nation  of  cowards  who  make  people 
walk  before  them  wdth  fans  to  cool  them  in  hot 
weather.^ 

Soon  after  leaving  the  Cenis  villages,  both  La 
Salle  and  his  nephew,  Moranget,  were  attacked 
by  fever.  This  caused  a  delay  of  more  than  two 
months,  during  which  the  party  seem  to  have  re- 
mained encamped  on  the  Neches,  or  possibly  the 
Sabine.  When  at  length  the  invalids  had  recovered 
sufficient  strength  to  travel,  the  stock  of  ammunition 
was  nearly  spent,  some  of  the  men  had  deserted, 
and  the  condition  of  the  travellers  was  such  that 
there  seemed  no  alternative  but  to  return  to  Fort 
St.  Louis.  This  they  accordingly  did,  greatly  aided 
in  their  march  by  the  horses  bought  from  the  Cenis, 
and  suffering  no  very  serious  accident  by  the  way, 
excepting  the  loss  of  La  Salle's  servant,  Dumesnil, 
who  was  seized  by  an  alligator  while  attempting  to 
cross  the  Colorado. 

The  temporary  excitement  caused  among  the  col- 

1  Douay  in  Le  Clerc,  II.  324  325. 


392  ST.  LODIS   OF  TEXAS.  11686 

onists  by  their  return  soon  gave  place  to  a  dejection 
bordering  on  despair.  "  This  pleasant  land/'  writes 
Cavelier,  "  seemed  to  us  an  abode  of  weariness  and 
a  perpetual  prison."  Flattering  themselves  with 
the  delusion,  common  to  exiles  of  every  kind,  that 
they  were  objects  of  solicitude  at  home,  they  watched 
daily,  with  straining  eyes,  for  an  approacliing  sail 
Ships,  indeed,  had  ranged  the  coast  to  seek  them, 
but  with  no  friendly  intent.  Their  thoughts  dwelt^ 
with  unspeakable  yearning,  on  the  France  they 
had  left  behind,  which,  to  their  longing  fancy,  was 
pictured  as  an  unattainable  Eden.  Well  might 
they  des23ond ;  for  of  a  hundred  and  eighty  colonists, 
besides  the  crew  of  the  "  Belle,"  less  than  forty-five 
remained.  The  weary  precincts  of  Fort  St.  Louis, 
with  its  fence  of  rigid  palisades,  its  area  of  tram- 
pled earth,  its  buildings  of  weather-stained  tim- 
ber, and  its  well-peopled  graveyard  without,  were 
hateful  to  their  sight.  La  Salle  had  a  heavy  task 
to  save  them  from  despair.  His  composure,  his 
unfailing  equanimity,  his  words  of  encouragement 
and  cheer,  were  the  breath  of  life  to  this  forlorn 
company  ;  for,  though  he  could  not  impart  to  minds 
of  less  adamantine  temper  the  audacity  of  hope 
with  which  he  still  clung  to  the  final  accomplish- 
ment of  his  purposes,  the  contagion  of  his  hardi- 
hood touched,  nevertheless,  the  drooping  spirits  of 
his  followers.^ 

The  journey  to   Canada  was  clearly  their  only 

1  "L'egalite  d'huraeur  du  Chef  rassuroit  tout  le  monde;  et  il  trouvoit 
des  resources  a  tout  par  son  esprit  qui  relevoit  les  esperances  les  plus 
abatues."  —  Joutel,  Journal  Historique,  152. 

"  II  seroit  difficile  de  trouver  dans  I'Histoire  un  courage  plus  intrepide 


1687.J  THE  LAST  HOPE.  393 

hope;  and,  after  a  brief  rest.  La  Salle  prepared 
to  renew  the  attempt.  He  proposed  that  Joutel 
should  this  time  be  of  the  party;  and  should 
proceed  from  Quebec  to  France,  with  his  brother 
Cavelier,  to  solicit  succors  for  the  colony,  while 
he  himself  returned  to  Texas.  A  new  obstacle  was 
presently  interposed.  La  Salle,  whose  constitution 
seems  to  have  suffered  from  his  long  course  of 
hardships,  was  attacked  in  November  with  hernia. 
Joutel  offered  to  conduct  the  party  in  his  stead ;  but 
La  Salle  replied  that  his  own  presence  was  indis- 
pensable at  the  Illinois.  He  had  the  good  fortune 
to  recover,  within  four  or  five  weeks,  sufficiently  to 
undertake  the  journey ;  and  all  in  the  fort  busied 
themselves  in  preparing  an  outfit.  In  such  straits 
were  they  for  clothing,  that  the  sails  of  the  ''  Belle  " 
were  cut  up  to  make  coats  for  the  adventurers. 
Christmas  came,  and  was  solemnly  observed.  There 
was  a  midnight  Mass  in  the  chapel,  where  Membre, 
Cavelier,  Douay,  and  their  priestly  brethren,  stood 
before  the  altar,  in  vestments  strangely  contrasting 
with  the  rude  temple  and  the  ruder  garb  of  the  wor- 
shippers. And  as  Membre  elevated  the  consecrated 
wafer,  and  the  lamps  burned  dim  through  the  clouds 
of  incense,  the  kneeling  group  drew  from  the  daily 
miracle  such  consolation  as  true  Catholics  alone 
can  know.  When  Twelfth  Night  came,  all  gath- 
ered in  the  haU,  and  cried,  after  the  jovial  old 
custom,  "  The  King  drinks,''  with  hearts,  perhaps, 

et  plus  invincible  que  celuy  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle  dans  les  evenemens  con- 
traires  ;  il  ne  fixt  jamais  abatu,  et  il  esperoit  toujours  avec  le  secours  du 
Ciel  de  venir  a  bout  de  son  entreprise  malgre  teas  les  obstacles  qui  se 
prcsentoient."  —  Douay  in  Le  Clerc,  11.  327. 


394  ST.  LOUIS  OF  TEXAS.  [1687 

as  cheerless  as  their  cups,  which  were  filled  with 
cold  water. 

On  the  morrow,  the  band  of  adventurers  mustered 
for  the  fatal  journey.^  The  five  horses,  bought  by 
La  Salle  of  the  Indians,  stood  in  the  area  of  the  fort, 
packed  for  the  march ;  and  here  was  gathered  the 
wretched  remnant  of  the  colony,  those  who  were 
to  go  and  those  who  were  to  stay  behind.  These 
latter  were  about  twenty  in  all :  Barbier,  who  was  to 
command  in  the  place  of  Joutel ;  Sablonniere,  who, 
despite  his  title  of  Marquis,  was  held  in  great  con- 
tempt;^ the  friars,  Membre  and  Le  Clerc,^  and  the 
priest,  Chefdeville,  besides  a  surgeon,  soldiers,  labor- 
ers, seven  women  and  girls,  and  several  children, 
doomed,  in  this  deadly  exile,  to  wait  the  issues  of 
the  journey,  and  the  possible  arrival  of  a  tardy 
succor.  La  Salle  had  made  them  a  last  address, 
delivered,  we  are  told,  with  that  winning  air 
which,  though  alien  from  his  usual  bearing,  seems 
to  have  been  at  times  a  natural  expression  of  this 
unhappy  man.^     It  was  a  bitter  parting,  one  of 

^  I  follow  Douay's  date,  who  makes  the  day  of  departure  the  seventh 
of  January,  or  the  day  after  Twelfth  Night.  Joutel  thinks  it  was  the 
twelfth  of  January,  but  professes  uncertainty  as  to  all  his  dates  at  this 
time,  as  he  lost  his  notes. 

2  He  had  to  be  kept  on  short  allowance,  because  he  was  in  the  habit 
of  bargaining  away  every  thing  given  to  him.  He  had  squandered  the 
little  that  belonged  to  him  at  St.  Domingo,  in  amusements  "  indignes  de 
sa  naissance,"  and  in  consequence  was  suffering  from  diseases  which 
disabled  him  from  walking.     Proces  Verbal,  18  Avril,  1686. 

3  Maxime  le  Clerc  was  a  relative  of  the  author  of  U Ltablissement  de 
la  Foi. 

*  "II  fit  une  Harangue  pleine  d'eloquence  et  de  cet  air  engageant 
qui  luy  estoit  si  naturel :  toute  la  petite  Colonic  y  estoit  presente  et 
en  fat  touch ee  jusques  aux  larmes,  persuadee  de  la  necessite'  de  son 
voyage  et  de  la  droiture  de  ses  intentions."  —  Douay  in  Le  Clerc,  II. 
830 


1687.]  THE  LAST  FAREWELL.  395 

siglis,  tears,  and  embracings ;  the  farewell  of  those 
on  whose  souls  had  sunk  a  heavy  boding  that  they 
would  never  meet  again.^  Equipped  and  weaponed 
for  the  journey,  the  adventurers  filed  from  the 
gate,  crossed  the  river,  and  held  their  slow  march 
over  the  prairies  beyond,  till  intervening  woods 
and  hills  shut  Fort  St.  Louis  for  ever  from  their 
sight. 

1  "  Nous  nous  separames  les  uns  des  autres,  d'une  mani^re  si  tendre 
et  si  triste  qu'il  sembloit  que  nous  avions  tous  le  secret  presseuti- 
ment  que  nous  ne  nous  reverrions  jamais."  —  Joutel,  Journal  Historique^ 
158. 


CHAPTER    XXVn. 

1687. 

ASSASSINATION  OF  LA   SALLE. 

His  Followers. — Prairie  Travelling.  —  A  Hunters'  Quarrel. — 
The  Murder  of  Moranget.  —  The  Conspiracy.  —  Death  of  La 
Salle.  —  His  Character. 

The  travellers  were  crossing  a  marshy  prairie 
towards  a  distant  belt  of  woods,  that  followed  the 
course  of  a  little  river.  They  led  with  them  their 
five  horses,  laden  with  their  scanty  baggage,  and, 
with  what  was  of  no  less  importance,  their  stock 
of  presents  for  Indians.  Some  wore  the  remains 
of  the  clothing  they  had  worn  from  France,  eked 
out  with  deer-skins,  dressed  in  the  Indian  man- 
ner ;  and  some  had  coats  of  old  sail-cloth.  Here 
was  La  Salle,  in  whom  one  would  have  known, 
at  a  glance,  the  chief  of  the  party ;  and  the  priest, 
Cavelier,  who  seems  to  have  shared  not  one  of  the 
high  traits  of  his  younger  brother.  Here,  too,  were 
their  nephews,  Moranget  and  the  boy  Cavelier, 
now  about  seventeen  years  old;  the  trusty  soldier 
Joutel;  and  the  friar  Anastase  Douay.  Duhaut 
followed,  a  man  of  respectable  birth  and  educa- 
tion; and  Liotot,  the  surgeon  of  the 'party.  At 
home,  they  might  perhaps  have  lived  and  died 
with  a  fair  repute;   but  the  wilderness  is  a  rude 


1887.]  LA  SALLE'S  TOLLOWERS.  397 

touchstone,  which  often  reveals  traits  that  would 
have  lain  buried  and  unsuspected  in  civilized  life. 
The  German  Hiens,  the  ex-buccaneer,  was  also 
of  the  number.  He  had  probably  sailed  with  an 
English  crew ;  for  he  was  sometimes  known  as 
Gemme  Anglais,  or  "English  Jem."'  The  Sieur 
de  Marie ;  Teissier,  a  pilot ;  I'Archeveque,  a  ser- 
vant of  Duhaut;  and  others,  to  the  number  in  all 
of  seventeen,  —  made  up  the  party;  to  which  is 
to  be  added  Nika,  La  Salle's  Shawanoe  hunter, 
who,  as  well  as  another  Indian,  had  twice  crossed 
the  ocean  with  him,  and  still  followed  his  for- 
tunes with  an  admiring  though  undemonstrative 
fidelity. 

They  passed  the  prairie,  and  neared  the  forest. 
Here  they  saw  buffalo ;  and  the  hunters  approached 
and  killed  several  of  them.  Then  they  traversed 
the  woods;  found  and  forded  the  shallow  and 
rushy  stream,  and  pushed  through  the  forest 
beyond,  till  they  again  reached  the  open  prairie. 
Heavy  clouds  gathered  over  them,  and  it  rained 
all  night ;  but  they  sheltered  themselves  under  the 
fresh  hides  of  the  buffalo  they  had  killed. 

It  is  impossible,  as  it  would  be  needless,  to  foUow 
the  detail  of  their  daily  march. ^     It  was  such  an 

1  Tonty  also  speaks  of  him  as  "  un  flibustier  anglois."  In  another 
(document,  he  is  called  "  James." 

2  Of  the  three  narratives  of  this  journey,  those  of  Joutel,  Cavelier, 
and  AnastaseDouay,the  first  is  by  far  the  best.  That  of  Cavelier  seems 
tlie  work  of  a  man  of  confused  brain  and  indifferent  memory.  Some  of 
his  statements  are  irreconcilable  with  those  of  Joutel  and  Douay ;  and 

'known  facts  of  his  history  justify  the  suspicion  of  a  wilful  inaccuracy. 
Joutel's  account  is  of  a  very  different  character,  and  seems  to  be  the  work 
of  an  honest  and  intelligent  man.  Douay's  account  is  brief ;  but  ii 
agrees  with  that  of  Joutel,  in  most  essential  points. 


398  ASSASSINATION  OF  LA   SALLE.  11687 

one,  though  with  unwonted  hardship,  as  is  fa- 
miliar to  the  memory  of  many  a  prairie  traveller 
of  our  own  time.  They  suffered  greatly  from  the 
want  of  shoes,  and  found  for  a  while  no  better  sub- 
stitute than  a  casing  of  raw  buffalo-hide,  which 
they  were  forced  to  keep  always  wet,  as,  when 
dry,  it  hardened  about  the  foot  like  iron.  At 
length,  they  bought  dressed  deer-skin  from  the 
Indians,  of  which  they  made  tolerable  moccasins. 
The  rivers,  streams,  and  gullies  filled  with  water 
were  without  number ;  and,  to  cross  them,  they 
made  a  boat  of  bull-hide,  like  the  "  bull  boat " 
still  used  on  the  Upper  Missouri.  This  did  good 
service,  as,  with  the  help  of  .their  horses,  they  could 
carry  it  with  them.  Two  or  three  men  could  cross 
in  it  at  once,  and  the  horses  swam  after  them  like 
dogs.  Sometimes  they  traversed  the  sunny  prairie  ; 
sometimes  dived  into  the  dark  recesses  of  the  forest, 
where  the  buffalo,  descending  daily  from  their  pas- 
tures in  long  files  to  drink  at  the  river,  often  made 
a  broad  and  easy  path  for  the  travellers.  When 
foul  weather  arrested  them,  they  built  huts  of 
bark  and  long  meadow-grass ;  and,  safely  sheltered, 
lounged  away  the  day,  while  their  horses,  picketed 
near  by,  stood  steaming  in  the  rain.  At  night,  they 
usually  set  a  rude  stockade  about  their  camp ;  and 
here,  by  the  grassy  border  of  a  brook,  or  at  th^ 
edge  of  a  grove  where  a  spring  bubbled  up  through 
the  sands,  they  lay  asleep  around  the  embers  of 
their  fire,  while  the  man  on  guard  listened  to  the 
deep  breathing  of  the  slumbering  horses,  and  the 
howling  of  the  wolves  that  saluted  the  rising  moon 


1687.]  PRAIRIE  TRAVELLING.  399 

as  it  flooded  the  waste  of  prairie  with  pale  mystic 
radiance. 

They  met  Indians  almost  daily :  sometimes  a 
band  of  hunters,  mounted  or  on  foot,  chasing  buf- 
falo on  the  plains ;  sometimes  a  party  of  fishermen  : 
sometimes  a  winter  camp,  on  the  slope  of  a  hill  or 
under  the  sheltering  border  of  a  forest.  Tliey  held 
intercourse  with  them  in  the  distance  by  signs; 
often  they  disarmed  their  distrust,  and  attracted 
them  into  their  camp  ;  and  often  they  visited  them 
in  their  lodges,  where,  seated  on  buffalo-robes,  they 
smoked  with  their  entertainers,  passing  the  pipe 
from  hand  to  hand,  after  the  custom  still  in  use 
among  the  prairie  tribes.  Cavelier  says  that  they 
once  saw  a  band  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  mounted 
Indians  attacking  a  herd  of  buffalo  with  lances 
pointed  with  sharpened  bone.  The  old  priest  was 
delighted  with  the  sport,  which  he  pronounces  "  the 
most  diverting  thing  in  the  world."  On  another 
occasion,  when  the  party  were  encamped  near  the 
village  of  a  tribe  which  Cavelier  calls  Sassory,  he 
saw  them  catch  an  alligator  about  twelve  feet  long, 
which  they  proceeded  to  torture  as  if  he  were  a 
human  enemy,  first  putting  out  his  eyes,  and  then 
leading  him  to  the  neighboring  prairie,  where, 
having  confined  him  by  a  number  of  stakes,  they 
spent  the  entire  day  in  tormenting  him.^ 

Holding  a  northerly  course,  the  travellers  crossed 
the  Brazos,  and  reached  the  waters  of  the  Trinity. 
The  weather  was  unfavorable,  and  on  one  occasion 
they  encamped  in  the  rain  during  four  or  five 

1  Cavelier,  Relation. 


400  ASSASSINATION  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1687. 

days  together.  It  was  not  an  harmonious  com- 
pany. La  Salle's  cold  and  haughty  reserve  had 
returned,  at  least  for  those  of  his  followers  to 
whom  he  was  not  partial.  Duhaut  and  the  sur- 
geon Liotot,  both  of  whom  were  men  of  some 
property,  had  a  large  pecuniary  stake  in  the 
enterprise,  and  were  disappointed  and  incensed 
at  its  ruinous  result.  They  had  a  quarrel  with 
young  Moranget,  whose  hot  and  hasty  temper 
was  as  little  fitted  to  conciliate  as  was  the  harsh 
reserve  of  his  uncle.  Already  at  Fort  St.  Louis, 
Duhaut  had  intrigued  among  the  men  ;  and  the 
mild  admonition  of  Joutel  had  not,  it  seems,  sufficed 
to  divert  him  from  his  sinister  purposes.  Liotot, 
it  is  said,  had  secretly  sworn  vengeance  against  La 
Salle,  whom  he  charged  with  having  caused  the 
death  of  his  brother,  or,  as  some  will  have  it,  his 
nephew.  On  one  of  the  former  journeys,  this 
young  man's  strength  had  failed ;  and.  La  Salle 
having  ordered  him  to  return  to  the  fort,  he  had 
been  killed  by  Indians  on  the  way. 

The  party  moved  again  as  the  weather  improved, 
and  on  the  fifteenth  of  March  encamped  within 
a  few  miles  of  a  spot  which  La  Salle  had  passed 
on  his  preceding  journey,  and  where  he  had  left  a 
quantity  of  Indian  corn  and  beans  in  cache ;  that  is 
to  say,  hidden  in  the  ground  or  in  a  hollow  tree. 
As  provisions  were  falling  short,  he  sent  a  party 
from  the  camp  to  find  it.  These  men  were  Duhaut, 
Liotot,'  Hiens  the  buccaneer,  Teissier,  1' Archeveque, 
Nika  the  hunter,  and  La  Salle's  servant,  Saget. 

I  Called  Lanquetot  by  Tontj. 


16«7.1  MUEDER  OF  MORANGET.  401 

They  opened  the  cache,  and  found  the  contents 
sj^oiled ;  but,  as  they  returned  from  their  bootless 
errand,  they  saw  buffalo ;  and  Nika  shot  two  of  them. 
They  now  encamped  on  the  spot,  and  sent  the  ser- 
vant to  inform  La  Salle,  in  order  that  he  might  send 
horses  to  bring  in  the  meat.  Accordingly,  on  the 
next  day,  he  directed  Moranget  and  De  Marie,  with 
the  necessary  horses,  to  go  with  Saget  to  the  hun- 
ters' camp.  When  they  arrived,  they  found  that 
Duhaut  and  his  companions  had  already  cut  up  the 
meat,  and  laid  it  upon  scaffolds  for  smoking,  though 
it  was  not  yet  so  dry  as,  it  seems,  this  process  re- 
quired. Duhaut  and  the  others  had  also  put  by, 
for  themselves,  the  marrow-bones  and  certain  por- 
tions of  the  meat,  to  which,  by  woodland  custom, 
they  had  a  perfect  right.  Moranget,  whose  rash- 
ness and  violence  had  once  before  caused  a  fatal 
catastrophe,  fell  into  a  most  unreasonable  fit  of 
rage,  berated  and  menaced  Duhaut  and  his  party, 
and  ended  by  seizing  upon  the  whole  of  the  meat, 
including  the  reserved  portions.  This  added  fuel 
to  the  fire  of  Duhaut's  old  grudge  against  Moran- 
get and  his  uncle.  There  is  reason  to  think  that 
he  had  harbored  deadly  designs,  the  execution 
of  which  was  only  hastened  by  the  present  out- 
break. The  surgeon  also  bore  hatred  against 
Moranget,  whom  he  had  nursed  with  constant 
attention  when  wounded  by  an  Indian  arrow, 
and  who  had  since  repaid  him  with  abuse.  These 
two  now  took  counsel  apart  with  Hiens,  Teis- 
sier, and  I'Archeveque  ;  and  it  was  resolved  to  kill 
Moranget  that  night.     Nika,  La  Salle's  devoted 

26 


4-02  ASSASSINATION   OF  LA   SALLE.  [1687 

follower,  and  Saget,  his  faithful  servant,  must  die 
with  him.  All  of  the  five  were  of  one  mind,  ex- 
cept the  pilot  Teissier,  who  neither  aided  nor 
opposed  the  plot. 

Night  came  ;  the  woods  grew  dark ;  the  evening 
meal  was  finished,  and  the  evening  pipes  were 
smoked.  The  order  of  the  guard  was  arranged ; 
and,  doubtless  by  design,  the  first  hour  of  the  night 
was  assigned  to  Moranget,  the  second  to  Saget,  and 
the  third  to  Nika.  Gun  in  hand,  each  stood  watch  in 
turn  over  the  silent  but  not  sleeping  forms  around 
him,  till,  his  time  expiring,  he  called  the  man  who 
was  to  relieve  him,  wrapped  himself  in  his  blanket, 
and  was  soon  buried  in  a  slumber  that  was  to  be  his 
last.  Now  the  assassins  rose.  Duhaut  and  Hiens 
stood  with  their  guns  cocked,  ready  to  shoot  down 
any  one  of  the  destined  victims  w^ho  should  resist 
or  fly.  The  surgeon,  with  an  axe,  stole  towards 
the  three  sleepers,  and  struck  a  rapid  blow  at  each 
in  turn.  Saget  and  Nika  died  with  little  move- 
ment ;  but  Moranget  started  spasmodically  into  a 
sitting  posture,  gasping  and  unable  to  speak ;  and 
the  murderers  compelled  De  Marie,  who  was  not 
in  their  plot,  to  compromise  himself  by  despatching 
him. 

The  floodgates  of  murder  were  open,  and  the 
torrent  must  have  its  way.  Vengeance  and  safety 
alike  demanded  the  death  of  La  Salle.  Hiens,  or 
"English  Jem,"  alone  seems  to  have  hesitated ;  for 
he  was  one  of  those  to  whom  that  stern  commander 
had  always  been  partial.  Meanwhile,  the  intended 
victim  was  still  at  his  camp,  about  six  miles  distant. 


1687.1  SUSPENSE.  403 

It  is  easy  to  picture,  with  sufficient  accuracy,  the 
features  of  the  scene,  —  the  sheds  of  bark  and 
branches,  beneath  which,  among  blankets  and 
buffalo-robes,  camp-utensils,  pack-saddles,  rude 
harness,  guns,  powder-horns,  and  bullet-pouches, 
the  men  lounged  away  the  hour,  sleeping  or  smok- 
ing, or  talking  among  themselves ;  the  blackened 
kettles  that  hung  from  tripods  of  poles  over  the 
fires ;  the  Indians  strolling  about  the  place  or  lying, 
like  dogs  in  the  sun,  with  eyes  half -shut,  yet  all 
observant;  and,  in  the  neighboring  meadow,  the 
horses  grazing  under  the  eye  of  a  watchman. 

It  was  the  eighteenth  of  March.  Moranget  and 
his  companions  had  been  expected  to  return  the 
night  before ;  but  the  whole  day  passed,  and  they 
did  not  appear.  La  Salle  became  very  anxious. 
He  resolved  to  go  and  look  for  them;  but,  not 
well  knowing  the  way,  he  told  the  Indians  who 
were  about  the  camp  that  he  would  give  them  a 
hatchet,  if  they  would  guide  him.  One  of  them 
accepted  the  offer ;  and  La  Salle  prepared  to  set 
out  in  the  mornino;,  at  the  same  time  directinof 
Joutel  to  be  ready  to  go  with  him.  Joutel  says : 
"That  evening,  while  we  were  talking  about  what 
could  have  happened  to  the  absent  men,  he 
seemed  to  have  a  presentiment  of  what  was  to 
take  place.  He  asked  me  if  I  had  heard  of  any 
machinations  against  them,  or  if  I  had  noticed 
any  bad  design  on  the  part  of  Duhaut  and  the 
rest.  I  answered  that  I  had  heard  nothing,  except 
that  they  sometimes  complained  of  being  found 
fault  with  so  often ;  and  that  this  was  aU  I  knew. 


404  ASSASSINATION  OF  LA  SALLE.  [1687 

besides  which,  as  they  were  persuaded  that  J  was 
in  his  interest,  they  would  not  have  told  me  of 
any  bad  design  they  might  have.  We  were  very 
uneasy  all  the  rest  of  the  evening." 

In  the  morning.  La  Salle  set  out  with  his  Indian 
guide.  He  had  changed  his  mind  with  regard  to 
Joutel,  whom  he  now  directed  to  remain  in  charge 
of  the  camp  and  to  keep  a  careful  watch.  He 
told  the  friar  Anastase  Douay  to  come  with  him 
instead  of  Joutel,  whose  gun,  which  was  the  best 
in  the  party,  he  borrowed  for  the  occasion,  as  well 
as  his  pistol.  The  three  proceeded  on  their  way, 
La  Salle,  the  friar,  and  the  Indian.  "All  the 
way,"  writes  the  friar,  "  he  spoke  to  me  of  noth- 
ing but  matters  of  piety,  grace,  and  predestina- 
tion ;  enlarging  on  the  debt  he  owed  to  God,  who 
had  saved  him  from  so  many  perils  during  more 
than  twenty  years  of  travel  in  America.  Sud- 
denly, I  saw  him  overwhelmed  with  a  profound 
sadness,  for  which  he  himself  could  not  account. 
He  was  so  much  moved  that  I  scarcely  knew 
him."  He  soon  recovered  his  usual  calmness; 
and  they  walked  on  till  they  approached  the 
camp  of  Duhaut,  which  was  on  the  farther  side 
of  a  small  river.  Looking  about  him  with  the  eye 
of  a  woodsman.  La  Salle  saw  two  eagles  circling 
in  the  air  nearly  over  him,  as  if  attracted  by  car- 
casses of  beasts  or  men.  He  fired  his  gun  and  his 
pistol,  as  a  summons  to  any  of  his  followers  who 
might  be  within  hearing.  The  shots  reached  the 
ears  of  the  conspirators.  Rightly  conjecturing 
by  whom  they  were  fired,  several  of  them,  led  by 


1687.]  THE  FATAL  SHOT.  405 

• 

Duhaut,  crossed  the  river  at  a  little  distance  above, 
where  trees  or  other  intervening  objects  hid  them 
from  sight.  Duhaut  and  the  surgeon  crouched 
like  Indians  in  the  long,  dry,  reed-like  grass  of  the 
last  summer's  growth,  while  I'Archeveque  stood 
in  sight  near  the  bank.  La  Salle,  continuing  to 
advance,  soon  saw  him,  and,  calling  to  him,  de- 
manded where  w^as  Moranget.  The  man,  without 
lifting  his  hat,  or  any  show  of  respect,  replied  in 
an  agitated  and  broken  voice,  but  with  a  tone  of 
studied  insolence,  that  Moranget  was  strolling 
about  somewdiere.  La  Salle  rebuked  and  menaced 
him.  He  rejoined  with  increased  insolence,  draw- 
ing back,  as  he  spoke,  towards  the  ambuscade, 
while  the  incensed  commander  advanced  to  chas- 
tise him.  At  that  moment,  a  shot  w^as  fired 
from  the  grass,  instantly  followed  by  another; 
and,  pierced  through  the  brain.  La  Salle  dropped 
dead. 

The  friar  at  his  side  stood  terror-stricken, 
unable  to  advance  or  to  fly;  when  Duhaut, 
rising  from  the  ambuscade,  called  out  to  him  to 
take  courage,  for  he  had  nothing  to  fear.  The 
murderers  now  came  forward,  and  with  wild  looks 
gathered  about  their  victim.  "  There  thou  liest, 
great  Bashaw  !  There  thou  liest !  "  ^  exclaimed 
the  surgeon  Liotot,  in  base  exultation  over  the 
unconscious  corpse.  With  mockery  and  insult, 
they  stripped  it  naked,  dragged  it  into  the  bushes, 
and  left  it  there,  a  prey  to  the  buzzards  and  the 
wolves. 

^  "  Te  voilk  grand  Bacha,  te  voila !  "  —  Joutel,  Journal  Histoi  iqm,  203 


406  ASSASSINATION  OF  LA   SALLE.  11687 

Thus  in  the  vigor  of  his  manhood,  at  the  age 
of  forty-three,  died  Kobert  Cavelier  de  la  Salle, 
*^one  of  the  greatest  men,"  writes  Tonty,  "of  this 
age ; "  without  question  one  of  the  most  remark- 
able explorers  whose  names  live  in  history.  His 
faithful  officer  Joutel  thus  sketches  his  portrait: 
"His  firmness,  his  courage,  his  great  knowledge 
of  the  arts  and  sciences,  which  made  him  equal  to 
every  undertaking,  and  his  untiring  energy,  which 
enabled  him  to  surmount  every  obstacle,  would 
have  won  at  last  a  glorious  success  for  his  grand 
enterprise,  had  not  all  his  fine  qualities  been 
counterbalanced  by  a  haughtiness  of  manner 
which  often  made  him  insupportable,  and  by  a 
harshness  towards  those  under  his  command, 
which  drew  upon  him  an  implacable  hatred,  and 
was  at  last  the  cause  of  his  death."  ^ 

The  enthusiasm  of  the  disinterested  and  chival- 
rous Champlain  was  not  the  enthusiasm  of  La 
Salle ;  nor  had  he  any  part  in  the  self-devoted  zeal 
of  the  early  Jesuit  explorers.  He  belonged  not  to 
the  age  of  the  knight-errant  and  the  saint,  but  to 
the  modern  world  of  practical  study  and  practical 
action.  He  was  the  hero,  not  of  a  principle  nor 
of  a  faith,  but  simply  of  a  fixed  idea  and  a  deter- 
mined purpose.  As  often  happens  with  concen- 
tred and  energetic  natures,  his  purpose  was  to 
him  a  passion  and  an  inspiration ;  and  he  clung  to 
it  with  a  certain  fanaticism  of  devotion.  It  was 
the  offspring  of  an  ambition  vast  and  comprehen- 
sive, yet  acting  in  the  interest  both  of  France  and 
of  civilization. 

^  Journal  Historique,  203. 


1687.]  HIS   CHARACTER.  407 

Serious  in  all  things,  incapable  of  the  lighter 
pleasures,  incapable  of  repose,  finding  no  joy  but 
in  the  pursuit  of  great  designs,  too  shy  for  society 
and  too  reserved  for  popularity,  often  unsympa- 
t-hetic  and  always  seeming  so,  smothering  emotions 
which  he  could  not  utter,  schooled  to  universal 
distrust,  stern  to  his  followers  and  pitiless  to  him- 
self, bearing  the  brunt  of  every  hardship  and 
every  danger,  demanding  of  others  an  equal  con- 
stancy joined  to  an  implicit  deference,  heeding  no 
counsel  but  his  own,  attempting  the  impossible 
and  grasping  at  what  w^as  too  vast  to  hold,  —  he 
contained  in  his  own  complex  and  painful  nature 
the  chief  springs  of  his  triumphs,  his  failures,  and 
his  death. 

It  is  easy  to  reckon  up  his  defects,  but  it  is  not 
easy  to  hide  from  sight  the  Roman  virtues  that 
redeemed  them.  Beset  by  a  throng  of  enemies, 
he  stands,  like  the  King  of  Israel,  head  and  shoul- 
ders above  them  all.  He  was  a  tower  of  adamant, 
against  whose  impregnable  front  hardship  ami 
danger,  the  rage  of  man  and  of  the  elements,  the 
southern  sun,  the  northern  blast,  fatigue,  famine, 
and  disease,  delay,  disappointment,  and  deferred 
hope  emptied  their  quivers  in  vain.  That  very 
pride  which,  Coriolanus-like,  declared  itself  most 
sternly  in  the  thickest  press  of  foes,  has  in  it 
something  to  challenge  admiration.  Never,  under 
the  impenetrable  mail  of  paladin  or  crusader,  beat 
a  heart  of  more  intrepid  mettle  than  within  the 
stoic  panoply  that  armed  the  breast  of  La  Salle 
To  estimate  aright  the  marvels  of  his  patient  forti- 


408  A.SSASSmATION  OF  LA   SALLE.  11687 

tucle,  one  must  follow  on  his  track  through  the 
vast  .scene  of  his  interminable  journeyings,  those 
thousands  of  weary  miles  of  forest,  marsh,  and 
river,  where,  again  and  again,  in  the  bitterness  of 
baffled  striving,  the  untiring  pilgrim  pushed  on- 
ward towards  the  goal  which  he  was  never  to 
attain.  America  owes  him  an  enduring  memory ; 
for,  in  this  masculine  figure,  she  sees  the  pioneer 
who  guided  her  to  the  possession  of  her  richest 
heritage.' 

1  On  the  assassination  of  La  Salle,  the  evidence  is  fourfold :  1.  The 
narrative  of  Douay,  who  was  with  him  at  the  time.  2.  That  of  Joutel, 
who  learned  the  facts,  immediately  after  they  took  place,  from  Douay  and 
others,  and  who  parted  from  La  Salle  an  hour  or  more  before  liis  death. 
3.  A  document  preserved  in  the  Archives  de  la  Marine,  entitled  "Relation 
de  la  Mort  da  S''-  de  la  Salle,  suivant  le  rapport  d'un  nomin€  Couture  a  qui  M. 
Cavelier  I'apprit  en  passant  au  pays  des  Akansa,  avec  toutes  les  circonstances 
que  le  dit  Couture  a  apprises  d'un  Frangois  que  M.  Cavelier  avoit  laisse  aux 
dits  pays  des  Akansa,  crainte  qu'il  ne  garddt  pas  le  secret"  4.  The  authen 
tic  memoir  of  Tonty,  of  which  a  copy  from  the  original  is  before  me,  and 
which  has  recently  been  printed  by  Margry. 

The  narrative  of  Cavelier  unfortunately  fails  us  several  weeks  before 
the  death  of  his  brother,  the  remainder  being  lost.  On  a  study  of  these 
various  documents,  it  is  impossible  to  resist  the  conclusion  that  neither 
Cavelier  nor  Douay  always  wrote  honestly.  Joutel,  on  the  contrary,  gives 
the  impression  of  sense,  intelligence,  and  candor  throughout.  Charlevoix, 
who  knew  him  long  after,  says  that  he  was  "  un  fort  honnete  horame 
et  le  seul  de  la  troupe  de  M.  de  la  Salle,  sur  qui  ce  celebre  voyageur  put 
compter."  Tonty  derived  his  information  from  the  survivors  of  La  Salle's 
party.  Couture,  whose  statements  are  embodied  in  the  Relation  de  la 
Mart  de  M.  de  la  Salle,  was  one  of  Tonty's  men,  who,  as  will  be  seen  here- 
after, were  left  by  him  at  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas,  and  to  whom  Cave- 
lier told  the  story  of  his  brother's  death.  Couture  also  repeats  the 
statements  of  one  of  La  Salle's  followers,  undoubtedly  a  Parisian  boy, 
named  Barthclemy,  who  was  violently  prejudiced  against  his  chief,  whom 
he  slanders  to  the  utmost  of  his  skill,  saymg  that  he  was  so  enraged  at 
his  failures  that  he  did  not  approach  the  sacraments  for  two  years  ;  that 
he  nearly  starved  his  brother  Cavelier,  allowing  him  only  a  handful  of 
meal  a  day  ;  that  he  killed  with  his  own  hand  "  quantite  de  personnes," 
who  did  not  work  to  his  liking ;  and  that  he  killed  the  sick  in  their  beds 
witliout  mercy,  under  the  pretence  that  they  were  counterfeiting  sick- 


I687.J  DEBTS  OF  LA   SALLE.  409 

ness,  in  order  to  escape  work.  These  assertions  certainly  have  no  other 
foundation  than  the  undeniable  rigor  of  La  Salle's  command.  Douay 
says  that  he  confessed  and  made  his  devotions  on  the  morning  of  his 
death,  while  Cavelier  always  speaks  of  him  as  the  hope  and  the  staff  of 
the  colony. 

Douay  declares  that  La  Salle  lived  an  hour  after  the  fatal  shot ;  that 
lie  gave  him  absolution,  buried  his  body,  and  planted  a  cross  on  his 
grave.  At  the  time,  he  told  Joutel  a  different  story ;  and  the  latter,  with 
the  best  means  of  learning  the  facts,  explicitly  denies  the  friar's  printed 
statement.  Couture,  on  the  authority  of  Cavelier  himself,  also  says  that 
neither  he  nor  Douay  was  permitted  to  take  any  step  for  burying  the 
body.  Tonty  says  that  Cavelier  begged  leave  to  do  so,  but  was  refused. 
Douay,  unwilling  to  place  upon  record  facts  from  which  the  inference 
might  easily  be  drawn  that  he  had  been  terrified  from  discharging  his 
luty,  no  doubt  invented  the  story  of  the  burial,  as  well  as  that  of  the 
edifying  behavior  of  Moranget,  after  he  had  been  struck  in  the  head 
with  an  axe. 

The  locality  of  La  Salle's  assassination  is  sufficiently  clear,  from  a 
comparison  of  the  several  narratives ;  and  it  is  also  indicated  on  a  con- 
temporary manuscript  map,  made  on  the  return  of  the  survivors  of  the 
party  to  France.  The  scene  of  the  catastrophe  is  here  placed  on  a 
southern  branch  of  the  Trmity. 

La  Salle's  debts,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  according  to  a  schedule 
presented  in  1701  to  Champigny,  intendant  of  Canada,  amounted  to 
106,831  livres,  without  reckoning  interest.  This  cannot  be  meant  to  in- 
clude all,  as  items  are  given  which  raise  the  amount  much  higher.  In 
1678  and  1679  alone,  he  contracted  debts  to  the  amount  of  97,184  livres, 
of  which  46,000  were  furnished  by  Branssac,  fiscal  attorney  of  the 
Seminary  of  Montreal.  This  was  to  be  paid  in  beaver-skins.  Fron- 
tenac,  at  the  same  time,  became  his  surety  for  13,623  livres.  In  1684,  he 
borrowed  34,825  livres  from  the  Sieur  Pen,  at  Paris.  These  sums  do  not 
include  the  losses  incurred  by  his  family,  which,  in  the  memorial  pre- 
sented by  them  to  the  king,  are  set  down  at  500,000  livres  for  the  expedi- 
tions between  1678  and  1683,  and  300,000  livres  for  the  fatal  Texan  expe- 
dition of  1684.    These  last  figures  are  certainly  exaggerated. 


CHAPTER    XXVm. 

1687,  1688. 

THE   INNOCENT  AND  THE   GUHTY. 

Tkiumph  of  the  Murderers.  —  Danger  of  Joutel.  — Jouiel  amokg 
THE  Cenis.  —  White  Savages.  —  Insolence  of  Duhaut  and  his 
Accomplices.  —  Murder  of  Duhaut  and  Liotot.  —  Hiens,  the 
Buccaneer. — Joutel  and  his  Party.  —  Their  Escape.  —  They 
beach  the  Arkansas.  —  Bravery  and  Devotion  of  Tonty. — 
The  Fugitives  reach  the  Illinois.  —  Unworthy  Conduct  of 
Cavelier.  —  He  and  his  Companions  return  to  France. 

Father  Anastase  Douay  returned  to  the  camp, 
and,  aghast  with  grief  and  terror,  rushed  into  the 
hut  of  Cavelier.  "  My  poor  brother  is  dead  !  "  cried 
the  priest,  instantly  divining  the  catastrophe  from 
the  horror-stricken  face  of  the  messenger.  Close 
behind  came  the  murderers,  Duhaut  at  their  head. 
Cavelier,  his  young  nephew,  and  Douay  himself,  all 
fell  on  their  knees,  expecting  instant  death.  The 
priest  begged  piteously  for  half  an  hour  to  pre- 
pare for  his  end ;  but  terror  and  submission 
sufficed,  and  no  more  blood  was  shed.  The 
camp  yielded  without  resistance ;  and  Duhaut 
was  lord  of  all.  In  truth,  there  were  none  to 
oppose  him ;  for,  except  the  assassins  themselves, 
the  party  was  now  reduced  to  six  persons :  Joutel, 


1687.)  DOUBT  AND  ANXIETY.  411 

Doiiay,  the  elder  Cavelier,  his  young  nephew,  and 
two  other  boys,  the  orphan  Talon  and  a  lad  called 
Barthelemy. 

Joutel,  for  the  moment,  was  absent ;  and  TArche- 
veque,  who  had  a  kindness  for  him,  went  quietly 
to  seek  him.  He  found  him  on  a  hillock,  making 
a  fire  of  dried  grass,  in  order  that  the  smoke  might 
guide  La  Salle  on  his  return,  and  watching  the 
horses  grazing  in  the  meadow  below.  "  I  was  very 
much  surprised,"  writes  Joutel,  "  when  I  saw  him 
approaching.  When  he  came  up  to  me,  he  seemed 
all  in  confusion,  or,  rather,  out  of  his  wits.  He 
began  with  saying  that  there  was  very  bad  news. 
I  asked  what  it  was.  He  answered  that  the 
Sieur  de  la  Salle  was  dead,  and  also  his  nephew  the 
Sieur  de  Moranget,  his  Indian  hunter,  and  his  ser- 
vant. I  was  petrified,  and  did  not  know  what  to 
say ;  for  I  saw  that  they  had  been  murdered.  The 
man  added  that,  at  first,  the  murderers  had  sworn 
to  kill  me  too.  I  easily  believed  it,  for  I  had  al- 
ways been  in  the  interest  of  M.  de  la  Salle,  and  had 
commanded  in  his  place ;  and  it  is  hard  to  please 
everybody,  or  prevent  some  from  being  dissatisfied. 
I  was  greatly  perplexed  as  to  what  I  ought  to  do, 
and  whether  I  had  not  better  escape  to  the  woods, 
whithersoever  God  should  guide  me ;  but,  by  bad 
or  good  luck,  I  had  no  gun  and  only  one  pistol, 
without  balls  or  powder  except  what  was  in  my 
powder-horn.  To  whatever  side  I  turned,  my  life 
was  in  great  peril.  It  is  true  that  I'Archeveque 
assured  me  that  they  had  changed  their  minds,  and 
had  agreed  to  murder  nobody  else,  unless  they  met 


412  THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUTLTT.  [1687 

with  resistance.  So,  being  in  no  condition,  as  I 
just  said,  to  go  far,  having  neither  arms  nor  pow- 
der, I  abandoned  myself  to  Providence,  and  went 
back  to  the  camp,  where  T  found  that  these  wretched 
murderers  had  seized  every  thing  belonging  to  M. 
de  la  Salle,  and  even  my  personal  effects.  They 
had  also  taken  possession  of  all  the  arms.  The 
first  words  that  Duhaut  said  to  me  Avere,  that  each 
should  command  in  turn,  to  which  I  made  no  an- 
swer. I  saw  M.  Cavelier  praying  in  a  corner,  and 
Father  Anastase  in  another.  He  did  not  dare  to 
speak  to  me,  nor  did  I  dare  to  go  towards  him  til] 
I  had  seen  the  designs  of  the  assassins.  They  were 
in  furious  excitement,  but,  nevertheless,  very  un- 
easy and  embarrassed.  I  was  some  time  without 
speaking,  and,  as  it  were,  without  moving,  for  fear 
of  giving  umbrage  to  our  enemies. 

"  They  had  cooked  some  meat,  and,  when  it  was 
supper-time,  they  distributed  it  as  they  saw  fit, 
saying  that  formerly  their  share  had  been  served 
out  to  them,  but  that  it  was  they  who  would  serve 
it  out  in  future.  They,  no  doubt,  wanted  me  to  say 
something  that  would  give  them  a  chance  to  make 
a  noise ;  but  I  managed  always  to  keep  my  mouth 
closed.  When  night  came  and  it  was  time  to  stand 
guard,  they  were  in  perplexity,  as  they  could  not  do 
it  alone  ;  therefore,  they  said  to  M.  Cavelier,  Father 
Anastase,  me,  and  the  others  who  were  not  in  the 
plot  with  them,  that  all  we  had  to  do  was  to  stand 
cruard  as  usual ;  that  there  was  no  use  in  thinkino^ 
about  what  had  happened,  that  what  was  done  was 
done ;  that  they  had  been  driv  m  to  it  by  despair. 


1687. J  DOUBT  ANU  ANXIETY.  413 

and  thcat  they  were  sorry  for  it,  and  meant  no  more 
harm  to  anybody.  M.  Cavelier  took  up  the  word, 
and  told  them  that  when  they  killed  M.  de  la  Salle 
they  killed  themselves,  for  there  was  nobody  but 
him  who  could  get  us  out  of  this  country.  At 
last,  after  a  good  deal  of  talk  on  both  sides,  they 
gave  us  our  arms.  So  we  stood  guard ;  during 
which,  M.  Cavelier  told  me  how  they  had  come 
to  the  camp,  entered  his  hut  like  so  many  mad- 
men, and  seized  every  thing  in  it.'* 

Joutel,  Douay,  and  the  two  Caveliers  spent  a 
sleepless  night,  consulting  as  to  what  they  should 
do.  They  mutually  pledged  themselves  to  stand 
by  each  other  to  the  last,  and  to  escape  as  soon  as 
they  could  from  the  company  of  the  assassins.  In 
the  morning,  Duhaut  and  his  accomplices,  after 
much  discussion,  resolved  to  go  to  the  Cenis  vil- 
lages ;  and,  accordingly,  the  whole  party  broke  up 
their  camp,  packed  their  horses,  and  began  their 
march.  They  went  five  leagues,  and  encamped  at 
the  edge  of  a  grove.  On  the  following  day,  they 
advanced  again  till  noon,  when  heavy  rains  began, 
and  they  were  forced  to  stop  by  the  banks  of  a 
river.  "We  passed  the  night  and  the  next  day 
there,"  says  Joutel ;  "  and  during  that  time  my 
mind  was  possessed  with  dark  thoughts.  It  was 
hard  to  prevent  ourselves  from  being  in  con- 
stant fear  among  such  men,  and  we  could  not  look 
at  them  without  horror.  When  I  thought  of  the 
cruel  deeds  they  had  committed,  and  the  danger 
we  were  in  from  them,  I  longed  to  revenge  the 
evil  they  had  done  us.    This  would  have  been  easy 


414  THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY  [1687 

while  they  were  asleep,  but  M.  Cavelier  dissuaded 
us,  saying  that  we  ought  to  leave  vengeance  to 
God,  and  that  he  himself  had  more  to  revenge  than 
we,  having  lost  his  brother  and  his  nephew." 

The  comic  alternated  with  the  tragic.  On  the 
twenty-third,  they  reached  the  bank  of  a  river 
too  deep  to  ford.  Those  who  knew  how  to  swim 
crossed  without  difficulty,  but  Joutel,  Cavelier,  and 
Douay  were  not  of  the  number.  Accordingly, 
they  launched  a  log  of  light,  dry  wood,  embraced 
it  with  one  arm,  and  struck  out  for  the  other  bank 
with  their  legs  and  the  arm  that  was  left  free. 
But  the  friar  became  frightened.  "  He  only  clung 
fast  to  the  aforesaid  log,"  says  Joutel,  "  and  did  noth- 
ing to  help  us  forward.  While  I  was  trying  to  swim, 
my  body  being  stretched  at  full  length,  I  hit  him  in 
the  belly  with  my  feet ;  on  which  he  thought  it  was 
all  over  with  him,  and,  I  can  answer  for  it,  he 
invoked  St.  Francis  with  might  and  main.  I  could 
not  help  laughing,  though  I  was  myself  in  dan- 
ger of  drowning."  Some  Indians  who  had  joined 
the  party  swam  to  the  rescue,  and  pushed  the  log 
across. 

The  path  to  the  Cenis  villages  was  exceedingly 
faint,  and  but  for  the  Indians  they  would  have  lost 
the  way.  They  crossed  the  main  stream  of  the 
Trinity  in  a  boat  of  raw  hides,  and  then,  being 
short  of  provisions,  held  a  council  to  determine 
what  they  should  do.  It  was  resolved  that  Joutel, 
with  Hiens,  Liotot,  and  Teissier,  should  go  in 
advance  to  the  villages  and  buy  a  supply  of  corn. 
Thus,  Joutel  found  himself   doomed  to   the  com- 


1687.]  JOURNEY  TO   THE   CENIS.  415 

pany  of  three  villains,  who,  lie  strongly  suspected, 
were  contriving  an  opportunity  to  kill  him ;  but, 
as  he  had  no  choice,  he  dissembled  his  doubts, 
and  set  out  with  his  sinister  companions;  Duhaut 
ha\dng  first  supplied  him  with  goods  for  the  in- 
tended barter. 

Tliey  rode  over  hills  and  plains  till  night,  en- 
camped, supped  on  a  wild  turkey,  and  continued 
their  journey  till  the  afternoon  of  the  next  day, 
when  they  saw  three  men  approaching  on  horse- 
back, one  of  whom,  to  Joutel's  alarm,  was  dressed 
like  a  Spaniard.  He  proved,  however,  to  be  a 
Cenis  Indian,  like  the  others.  The  three  turned 
their  horses'  heads,  and  accompanied  the  French- 
men on  their  way.  At  length,  they  neared  the 
Indian  town,  which,  with  its  large  thatched  lodges, 
looked  like  a  cluster  of  gigantic  haystacks.  Their 
approach  had  been  made  known,  and  they  were 
received  in  solemn  state.  Twelve  of  the  elders 
came  to  meet  them  in  their  dress  of  ceremony, 
each  with  his  face  daubed  red  or  black,  and  his 
head  adorned  with  painted  plumes.  From  their 
shoulders  hung  deer-skins  wrought  with  gay  colors. 
Some  carried  war-clubs ;  some,  bows  and  arrows ; 
some,  the  blades  of  Spanish  rapiers,  attached  to 
wooden  handles  decorated  with  hawk's  bells  and 
bunches  of  feathers.  They  stopped  before  the 
honored  guests,  and,  raising  their  hands  aloft, 
uttered  howls  so  extraordinary  that  Joutel  could 
hardly  preserve  the  gravity  which  the  occasion 
demanded.  Having  next  embraced  the  French- 
men, the  elders  conducted  them  into  the  village 


416  THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE   GUILTY.  [1687 

attended  by  a  crowd  of  warriors  and  young  men  ; 
ushered  them  into  their  toAvn-hall,  a  large  lodge, 
devoted  to  councils,  feasts,  dances,  and  other 
public  assemblies ;  seated  them  on  mats,  and 
squatted  in  a  ring  around  them.  Here  they  were 
regaled  with  sagamite  or  Indian  porridge,  corn- 
cake,  beans,  bread  made  of  the  meal  of  parched 
corn,  and  another  kind  of  bread  made  of  the  ker- 
nels of  nuts  and  the  seed  of  sunflowers.  Then  the 
pipe  was  lighted,  and  all  smoked  together.  The 
four  Frenchmen  proposed  to  open  a  traffic  for  pro- 
visions, and  their  entertainers  grunted  assent. 

Joutel  found  a  Frenchman  in  the  village.  He 
was  a  young  man  from  Provence,  who  had  deserted 
from  La  Salle  on  his  last  journey,  and  was  now,  to 
all  appearance,  a  savage  like  his  adopted  country- 
men, being  naked  like  them,  and  affecting  to  have 
forgotten  his  native  language.  He  was  very  friendly, 
however,  and  invited  the  visitors  to  a  neighboring 
village,  where  he  lived,  and  where,  as  he  told  them, 
they  would  find  a  better  supply  of  corn.  They 
accordingly  set  out  with  him,  escorted  by  a  crowd 
of  Indians.  They  saw  lodges  and  clusters  of  lodges 
scattered  along  their  path  at  intervals,  each  with 
its  field  of  corn,  beans,  and  pumpkins,  rudely  culti- 
vated with  a  wooden  hoe.  Eeaching  their  destina- 
tion, which  was  four  or  ^Ye  leagues  distant,  they 
were  greeted  with  the  same  honors  as  at  the  first 
village ;  and,  the  ceremonial  of  welcome  over,  were 
lodged  in  the  abode  of  the  savage  Frenchman.  It 
is  not  to  be  supposed,  however,  that  he  and  his 
squaws,  of  whom  he  had  a  considerable  number. 


1687.i  JOUTEL  AND  THE   CENIS.  417 

dwelt  here  alone ;  for  these  lodges  of  the  Cenis  often 
contained  eight  or  ten  families.  They  were  made 
by  firmly  planting  in  a  circle  tall,  straight,  young 
trees,  such  as  grew  in  the  swamps.  The  tops  were 
then  bent  inward  and  lashed  together ;  great  num- 
bers of  cross-pieces  were  bound  on,  and  the  fram 
thus  constructed  was  thickly  covered  with  thatch, 
a  hole  being  left  at  the  top  for  the  escape  of  the 
smoke.  The  inmates  were  ranged  around  the  cir- 
cumference of  the  structure,  each  family  in  a  kind 
of  stall,  open  in  front,  but  separated  from  those 
adjoining  it  by  partitions  of  mats.  Here  they 
placed  their  beds  of  cane,  their  painted  robes  of 
buffalo  and  deer-skin,  their  cooking  utensils  of  pot- 
tery, and  other  household  goods ;  and  here,  too, 
the  head  of  the  family  hung  his  bow,  quiver,  lance, 
and  shield.  There  was  nothing  in  common  but  the 
fire,  which  burned  in  the  middle  of  the  lodge,  and 
was  never  suffered  to  go  out.  These  dwellings  were 
of  great  size,  and  Joutel  declares  that  he  has  seen 
some  of  them  sixty  feet  in  diameter.^ 

It  was  in  one  of  the  largest  that  the  four  trav- 
ellers were  now  lodged.  A  place  was  assigned 
them  where  to  bestow  their  baggage ;    and  they 

1  The  lodges  of  the  Florida  Indians  were  somewhat  similar.  The 
winter  lodges  of  the  now  nearly  extinct  Mandans,  though  not  so  high  in 
proportion  to  their  width,  and  built  of  more  solid  materials,  as  the  rigor 
of  a  northern  climate  requires,  bear  a  general  resemblance  to  those  of 
the  Cenis. 

The  Cenis  tattooed  their  faces  and  some  parts  of  their  bodies,  by 
pricking  powdered  charcoal  into  the  skin.  The  women  tattooed  the 
breasts ;  and  this  practice  was  general  among  them,  notwithstanding  the 
pain  of  the  operation,  as  it  was  thought  very  ornamental.  Their  dress 
consisted  of  a  sort  of  frock,  or  wrapper  of  skin,  from  the  waist  to  the 
knees.     The  men,  in  summer,  wore  nothing  but  the  waist-cloth. 

27 


418  •  THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY.  [1687 

took  possession  of  their  quarters  amid  the  silent 
stares  of  the  whole  community.  They  asked  their 
renegade  countryman,  the  Provengal,  if  they  were 
safe.  He  replied  that  they  were  ;  but  this  did  not 
wholly  reassure  them,  and  they  spent  a  somewhat 
wakeful  night.  In  the  morning,  they  opened  their 
budgets,  and  began  a  brisk  trade  in  knives,  awls, 
beads,  and  other  trinkets,  which  they  exchanged 
for  corn  and  beans.  Before  evening,  they  had 
acquired  a  considerable  stock ;  and  Joutel's  three 
companions  declared  their  intention  of  returning 
with  it  to  the  camp,  leaving  him  to  continue  the 
trade.  They  went,  accordingly,  in  the  morning ; 
and  Joutel  was  left  alone.  On  the  one  hand,  he 
was  glad  to  be  rid  of  them ;  on  the  other,  he  found 
his  position  among  the  Cenis  very  irksome,  and,  as 
he  thought,  insecure.  Besides  the  Provencal,  who 
had  gone  with  Liotot  and  his  companions,  there  were 
two  other  French  deserters  among  this  tribe,  and 
Joutel  was  very  desirous  to  see  them,  hoping  that 
they  could  tell  him  the  way  to  the  Mississippi ;  for 
he  was  resolved  to  escape,  at  the  first  opportunity, 
from  the  company  of  Duhaut  and  his  accomplices. 
He,  therefore,  made  the  present  of  a  knife  to  a 
young  Indian,  whom  he  sent  to  find  the  two  French- 
men, and  invite  them  to  come  to  the  village.  Mean- 
while, he  continued  his  barter,  but  under  many 
difficulties ;  for  he  could  only  explain  himself  by 
signs,  and  his  customers,  though  friendly  by  day, 
pilfered  his  goods  by  night.  This,  joined  to  the 
fears  and  troubles  which  burdened  his  mind,  almost 
deprived  him  of  sleep,  and,  as  he  confesses,  greatlj 


1687.J  JOUTEL  AND  THE  CENIS.  419 

depressed  his  spirits.  Indeed,  he  had  little  cause 
for  cheerfulness,  in  the  past,  present,  or  future. 
An  old  Indian,  one  of  the  patriarchs  of  the  tribe^ 
observing  his  dejection,  and  anxious  to  relieve  it, 
one  evening  brought  him  a  young  wife,  saying  that 
he  made  him  a  present  of  her.  She  seated  herself 
at  his  side  ;  "  but,"  says  Joutel,  "  as  my  head  was 
full  of  other  cares  and  anxieties,  I  said  nothing  to 
the  poor  girl.  She  waited  for  a  little  time;  and 
then,  finding  that  I  did  not  speak  a  word,  she  went 
away."  ^ 

Late  one  night,  he  lay  between  sleeping  and 
waking  on  the  buffalo-robe  that  covered  his  bed 
of  canes.  All  around  the  great  lodge,  its  inmates 
were  buried  in  sleep ;  and  the  fire  that  still  burned 
in  the  midst  cast  ghostly  gleams  on  the  trophies 
of  savage  chivalry,  the  treasured  scalp-locks,  the 
spear  and  war-club,  and  shield  of  whitened  bull- 
hide,  that  hung  by  each  warrior's  resting-place. 
Such  was  the  weird  scene  that  lingered  on  the 
dreamy  eyes  of  Joutel,  as  he  closed  them  at  last  in 
a  troubled  sleep.  The  sound  of  a  footstep  soon 
wakened  him;  and,  turning,  he  saw  at  his  side 
the  figure  of  a  naked  savage,  armed  with  a  bow 
and  arrows.  Joutel  spoke,  but  received  no 
answer.  Not  knowing  what  to  think,  he  reached 
out  his  hand  for  his  pistols ;  on  which  the  intruder 
withdrew,  and  seated  himself  by  the  fire.  Thither 
Joutel  followed ;  and,  as  the  light  fell  on  his  feat- 
ures, he  looked  at  him  closely.  His  face  was 
tattooed,  after  the  Cenis  fashion,  in  lines  drawn 

1  Journal  Historique,  237. 


420  THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY  [1087 

from  the  top  of  the  forehead  and  converging  to 
tlie  chin ;  and  his  body  was  decorated  with  similar 
embellishments.  Suddenly,  this  supposed  Indian 
rose,  and  threw  his  arms  around  JouteFs  neck, 
making  himself  known,  at  the  same  time,  as  one 
of  the  Frenchmen  who  had  deserted  from  La  Salle 
and  taken  refuge  among  the  Cenis.  He  was  a 
Breton  sailor  named  Ruter.  His  companion, 
named  Grollet,  also  a  sailor,  had  been  afraid  to 
come  to  the  village,  lest  he  should  meet  La  Salle. 
Ruter  expressed  surprise  and  regret  when  he 
heard  of  the  death  of  his  late  commander.  He 
had  deserted  him  but  a  few  months  before.  That 
brief  interval  had  sufficed  to  transform  him  into 
a  savage ;  and  both  he  and  his  companion  found 
their  present  reckless  and  ungoverned  way  of  life 
greatly  to  their  liking.  He  could  tell  nothing  of 
the  Mississippi ;  and  on  the  next  day  he  went 
home,  carrying  with  him  a  present  of  beads  for 
his  wives,  of  which  last  he  had  made  a  large 
collection. 

In  a  few  days,  he  reappeared,  bringing  Grollet 
with  him.  Each  wore  a  bunch  of  turkey-feathers 
dangling  from  his  head,  and  each  had  wrapped  his 
naked  body  in  a  blanket.  Three  men  soon  after 
arrived  from  Duhaut's  camp,  commissioned  to 
receive  the  corn  which  Joutel  had  purchased. 
They  told  him  that  Duhaut  and  Liotot,  the  tyrants 
of  the  party,  had  resolved  to  return  to  Fort  St 
Louis,  and  build  a  vessel  to  escape  to  the  West 
Indies  ;  "  a  visionary  scheme,"  writes  Joutel,  "  for 
our  carpenters  were  all  dead  ;  and,  even  if  the^^ 


1687.1  SCHEMES  OF  ESCAPE.  421 

had  been  alive,  they  were  so  ignorant,  that  they 
would  not  have  known  how  to  go  about  the  work ; 
besides,  we  had  no  tools  for  it.  Nevertheless,  I 
was  obliged  to  obey,  and  set  out  for  the  camp 
with  the  provisions." 

On  arriving,  he  found  a  wretched  state  of  af- 
fairs. Douay  and  the  two  Caveliers,  who  had 
been  treated  by  Duhaut  with  great  harshness  and 
contempt,  had  been  told  to  make  their  mess  apart ; 
and  Joutel  now  joined  them.  This  separation  re- 
stored them  their  freedom  of  speech,  of  which 
they  had  hitherto  been  deprived ;  but  it  subjected 
them  to  incessant  hunger,  as  they  were  allowed 
only  food  enough  to  keep  them  from  famish- 
ing. Douay  says  that  quarrels  were  rife  among 
the  assassins  themselves,  the  malcontents  being 
headed  by  Hiens,  who  was  enraged  that  Duhaut 
and  Liotot  should  have  engrossed  all  the  plunder. 
Joutel  was  helpless,  for  he  had  none  to  back  him 
but  two  priests  and  a  boy. 

He  and  his  companions  talked  of  nothing 
around  their  solitary  camp-fire  but  the  means  of 
escaping  from  the  villanous  company  into  which 
they  were  thrown.  They  saw  no  resource  but  to 
find  the  Mississippi,  and  thus  make  their  way  to 
Canada,  a  prodigious  undertaking  in  their  forlorn 
condition ;  nor  was  there  any  probability  that  the 
assassins  would  permit  them  to  go.  These,  on 
their  part,  were  beset  with  difficulties.  They 
could  not  return  to  civilization  without  manifest 
peril  of  a  halter ;  and  their  only  safety  was  to  turn 
buccaneers   or   savages.      Duhaut,   however,   stiU 


422  THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE   GUILTY.  [1687 

held  to  his  plan  of  going  back  to  Fort  St.  Louis  ; 
and  Joiite]  and  his  companions,  who,  with  good 
reason,  stood  in  daily  fear  of  him,  devised  among 
themselves  a  simple  artifice  to  escape  from 
his  company.  The  elder  Caveher  was  to  tell  him 
that  they  were  too  fatigued  for  the  journey,  and 
wished  to  stay  among  the  Cenis ;  and  to  beg  him 
to  allow  them  a  portion  of  the  goods,  for  which 
Cavelier  was  to  give  his  note  of  hand.  The  old 
priest,  whom  a  sacrifice  of  truth,  even  on  less  im- 
jDortant  occasions,  cost  no  great  effort,  accordingly 
opened  the  negotiation  -,  and  to  his  own  astonish- 
ment, and  that  of  his  companions,  gained  the 
assent  of  Duhaut.  Their  joy,  however,  was  short; 
for  Ruter,  the  French  savage,  to  whom  Joutel  had 
betrayed  his  intention,  when  inquiring  the  way  to 
the  Mississippi,  told  it  to  Duhaut,  who  on  this 
changed  front,  and  made  the  ominous  declaration 
that  he  and  his  men  would  also  go  to  Canada. 
Joutel  and  his  companions  were  now  filled  with 
alarm ;  for  there  was  no  hkelihood  that  the  assas- 
sins would  permit  them,  the  witnesses  of  their 
crime,  to  reach  the  settlements  alive.  In  the 
midst  of  their  trouble,  the  sky  was  cleared  as  by 
the  crash  of  a  thunderbolt. 

Hiens  and  several  others  had  gone,  some  time 
before,  to  the  Cenis  villages  to  purchase  horses; 
and  here  they  had  been  detained  by  the  charms 
of  the  Indian  women.  During  their  stay,  Hiens 
heard  of  Duhaut's  new  plan  of  going  to  Canada 
by  the  Mississippi ;  and  he  declared  to  those  with 
him   that  he  would  not  consent.     On  a  morning 


1687.]  THE  CRISIS.  423 

early  in  May,  he  appeared  at  Duhaut*s  camp,  with 
Ruter  and  Grollet,  the  French  savages,  and  about 
twenty  Indians.  Duhaut  and  Liotot,  it  is  said, 
were  passing  the  time  by  practising  with  bows 
and  arrows  in  front  of  their  hut.  One  of  them 
called  to  Hiens,  "  Good-morning  ;  "  but  the  bucca- 
neer returned  a  sullen  answer.  He  then  accosted 
Duhaut,  telling  him  that  he  had  no  mind  to  go  up 
the  Mississippi  with  him,  and  demanding  a  share 
of  the  goods.  Duhaut  replied  that  the  goods  were 
his  owm,  since  La  Salle  had  ow^ed  him  money. 
"  So  you  will  not  give  them  to  me  ?  "  returned 
Hiens.  "  No,"  was  the  answer.  "  You  are  a 
wretch  !  "  exclaimed  Hiens.  ''  You  killed  my 
master." '  And,  drawing  a  pistol  from  his  belt, 
he  fired  at  Duhaut,  who  staggered  three  or  four 
paces,  and  fell  dead.  Almost  at  the  same  instant, 
Ruter  fired  his  gun  at  Liotot,  shot  three  balls  into 
his  body,  and  stretched  him  on  the  ground  mor- 
tall}^  wounded. 

Douay  and  the  two  Caveliers  stood  in  extreme 
terror,  thinking  that  their  turn  w^as  to  come  next. 
Joutel,  no  less  alarmed,  snatched  his  gun  to  de- 
fend himself;  but  Hiens  called  to  him  to  fear 
nothing,  declaring  that  what  he  had  done  was 
only  to  avenge  the  death  of  La  Salle,  to  which, 
nevertheless,  he  had  been  privy,  though  not   an 

1  "  Tu  es  un  miserable.  Tu  as  tue  mon  maistre."  —  Tonty,  M^inoire. 
Tonty  derived  his  information  from  some  of  those  present.  Douay  and 
Joutel  have  each  left  an  account  of  this  murder.  They  agree  in  essen- 
tial points ;  though  Douay  says  that,  when  it  took  place,  Duhaut  had 
moved  his  camp  be}  :nd  the  Cenis  villages,  which  is  contrary  to  Joutel'g 
statement. 


424  THE  INNOCENT  AND   THE   GUn.TY.  [1087 

active  sharer  in  the  crhne.  Liotot  lived  long 
enough  to  make  his  confession,  after  which  Kuter 
killed  him  by  exploding  a  pistol  loaded  with  a 
blank  charge  of  powder  against  his  head.  Du- 
haut's  myrmidon,  I'Archeveque,  was  absent,  hmit- 
Ing,  and  Hiens  was  for  killing  him  on  his  return ; 
but  the  two  priests  and  Joutel  succeeded  in  dis- 
suading him. 

The  Indian  spectators  beheld  these  murders  with 
undisguised  amazement,  and  almost  with  horror. 
What  manner  of  men  were  these  who  had  pierced 
the  secret  places  of  the  wilderness  to  riot  in 
mutual  slaughter  ?  Their  fiercest  warriors  might 
learn  a  lesson  in  ferocity  from  these  heralds  of 
civilization.  Joutel  and  his  companions,  who 
could  not  dispense  with  the  aid  of  the  Cenis,  were 
obliged  to  explain  away,  as  they  best  might,  the 
atrocity  of  what  they  had  witnessed.^ 

Hiens,  and  others  of  the  French,  had  before 
promised  to  join  the  Cenis  on  an  expedition 
against  a  neighboring  tribe  with  whom  they  were 
at  war  ;  and  the  whole  party  having  removed  to 
the  Indian  village,  the  warriors  and  their  allies 
prepared  to  depart.  Six  Frenchmen  went  with 
Hiens;  and  the  rest,  including  Joutel,  Douay, 
and  the  Caveliers,  remained  behind,  in  the  lodge 
where  Joutel  had  been  domesticated,  and  where 
none  were  now  left  but  women,  children,  and  old 
men.  Here  they  remained  a  week  or  more, 
watched  closely  by  the  Cenis,  who  would  not  let 
them   leave    the    village ;    when   news   at   length 

1  Joutel,  Relation  (Margry,  III.  3711. 


1687.]  HIENS   TRIUMPHANT.  425 

arrived  of  a  great  victory,  and  the  warriors  soon 
after  returned  with  forty-eight  scalps.  It  was 
the  French  guns  that  won  the  battle,  but  not 
the  less  did  they  glory  in  their  prowess;  and 
several  days  were  spent  in  ceremonies  and  feasts 
of  triumph.^ 

When  all  this  hubbub  of  rejoicing  had  subsided, 
Joutel  and  his  companions  broke  to  Hiens  their 
plan  of  attempting  to  reach  home  by  way  of  the 
Mississippi.  As  they  had  expected,  he  opposed  it 
vehemently,  declaring  that,  for  his  own  part,  he 
would  not  run  such  a  risk  of  losing  his  head ;  but 
at  length  he  consented  to  their  departure,  on  con- 
dition that  the  elder  Cavelier  should  give  him  a 
certificate  of  his  entire  innocence  of  the  murder  of 
La  Salle,  which  the  priest  did  not  hesitate  to  do. 
For  the  rest,  Hiens  treated  his  departing  fellow- 
travellers  with  the  generosity  of  a  successful  free- 
booter; for  he  gave  them  a  good  share  of  the 
plunder  he  had  won  by  his  late  crime,  sup- 
plying them  with  hatchets,  knives,  beads,  and 
other  articles  of  trade,  besides  several  horses. 
Meanwhile,  adds  Joutel,  "we  had  the  mortifica- 
tion and  chagrin  of  seeing  this  scoundrel  walking 
about  the  camp  in  a  scarlet  coat  laced  with  gold 
which  had  belonged  to  the  late  Monsieur  de  la 
Salle,  and  which  he  had  seized  upon,  as  also  upon 
all  the  rest  of  his  property."  A  well-aimed  shot 
would  have  avenged  the  wrong,  but  Joutel  was 
clearly  a  mild  and  moderate  person ;  and  the  elder 

1  These  are  described  by  Joutel.  Like  nearly  all  the  early  obeeryers 
of  Indian  manners  he  speaks  of  the  practice  of  cannibalism. 


426  THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE   GUILTY.  [1687 

Cavelier  had  constantly  opposed  all  plans  of  vio- 
lence. Therefore,  they  stifled  their  emotions,  and 
arjned  themselves  with  patience. 

Joutel's  party  consisted,  besides  himself,  of  the 
Caveliers,  uncle  and  nephew,  Anastase  Doiiay,  De 
Marie,  Teissier,  and  a  young  Parisian  named  Bar- 
thelemy.  Teissier,  an  accomplice  in  the  murders 
of  Moranget  and  La  Salle,  had  obtained  a  pardon, 
in  form,  from  the  elder  Cavelier.  They  had  six 
horses  and  three  Cenis  guides.  Hiens  embraced 
them  at  parting,  as  did  the  ruffians  who  remained 
with  him.  Their  course  was  north-east,  towards 
the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas,  a  distant  goal,  the 
way  to  which  was  beset  with  so  many  dangers 
that  their  chance  of  reaching  it  seemed  small.  It 
was  early  in  June,  and  the  forests  and  prairies 
were  green  with  the  verdure  of  opening  summer. 
They  soon  reached  the  Assonis,  a  tribe  near  the 
Sabine,  who  received  them  well,  and  gave  them 
guides  to  the  nations  dwelling  towards  Eed  Eiver. 
On  the  twenty-third,  they  approached  a  village, 
the  inhabitants  of  which,  regarding  them  as  curi- 
osities of  the  first  order,  came  out  in  a  body  to  see 
them ;  and,  eager  to  do  them  honor,  required 
them  to  mount  on  their  backs,  and  thus  make 
their  entrance  in  procession.  Joutel,  being  large 
and  heavy,  weighed  down  his  bearer,  insomuch 
that  two  of  his  countrymen  were  forced  to  sustain 
him,  one  on  each  side.  On  arriving,  an  old  chief 
washed  their  faces  with  warm  water  from  an 
earthen  pan,  and  then  invited  them  to  mount  on  a 
scaffold  of  canes,  where  they  sat  in  the  hot  sim 


1687. j  HONORS   TO  CAVELIER.  427 

listening  to  four  successive  speeches  of  welcome, 
of  which  they  understood  not  a  word.^ 

At  tJie  village  of  another  tribe,  farther  on  their 
way,  they  met  with  a  welcome  still  more  oppres- 
sive. Cavelier,  the  unworthy  successor  of  his 
brother,  being  represented  as  the  chief  of  the 
party,  became  the  principal  victim  of  their  atten- 
tions. They  danced  the  calumet  before  him ; 
while  an  Indian,  taking  him,  with  an  air  of  great 
respect,  by  the  shoulders,  as  he  sat,  shook  him  in 
cadence  with  the  thumping  of  the  drum.  They 
then  placed  two  girls  close  beside  him,  as  his 
wives ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  an  old  chief  tied  a 
painted  feather  in  his  hair.  These  proceedings  so 
scandalized  him  that,  pretending  to  be  ill,  he  broke 
off  the  ceremony ;  but  they  continued  to  sing  all 
night,  with  so  much  zeal  that  several  of  them  were 
reduced  to  a  state  of  complete  exhaustion. 

At  length,  after  a  journey  of  about  two  months, 
during  which  they  lost  one  of  their  number,  —  De 
Marie,  accidentally  drowned  while  bathing,  —  the 
travellers  approached  the  river  Arkansas,  at  a 
point  not  far  above  its  junction  with  the  Missis- 
sippi. Led  by  their  Indian  guides,  they  traversed 
a  rich  district  of  plains  and  woods,  and  stood  at 
length  on  the  borders  of  the  stream.  Nestled 
beneath  the  forests  of  the  farther  shore,  they  saw 
the  lodges  of  a  large  Indian  town ;  and  here,  as 
they  gazed   across  the  broad  current,  they  pres- 

1  These  Indians  were  a  portion  of  the  Cadodaquis,  or  Caddoee,  then 
living  on  Red  River.  The  travellers  afterwards  visited  other  villages 
of  the  same  people.  Tonty  was  here  two  years  afterwards,  and  men 
tions  the  curious  custom  oi  washing  the  faces  of  guests. 


428  THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY,  [1687 

ently  descried  an  object  which  nerved  their  spent 
limbs,  and  thrilled  their  homesick  hearts  with  joy. 
It  was  a  tall,  w^ooden  cross ;  and  near  it  was  a 
small  house,  built  evidently  by  Christian  hands. 
With  one  accord,  they  fell  on  their  knees,  and 
raised  their  hands  to  Heaven  in  thanksgiving. 
Two  men,  in  European  dress,  issued  from  the  door 
of  the  house,  and  fired  their  guns  to  salute  the 
excited  travellers,  who,  on  their  part,  replied  with 
a  volley.  Canoes  put  out  from  the  farther  shore, 
and  ferried  them  to  the  town,  where  they  were  wel- 
comed by  Couture  and  De  Launay,  two  follow^ers 
of  Henri  de  Tonty.^ 

That  brave,  loyal,  and  generous  man,  always 
vigilant  and  always  active,  beloved  and  feared 
alike  by  white  men  and  by  red,^  had  been  ejected, 
as  we  have  seen,  by  the  agent  of  the  governor. 
La  Barre,  from  the  command  of  Fort  St.  Louis  of 
the  Illinois.  An  order  from  the  king  had  re- 
instated him ;  and  he  no  sooner  heard  the  news 
of  La  Salle's  landing  on  the  shores  of  the  Gulf,  and 
of  the  disastrous  beginnings  of  his  colony,^  than 
he  prepared,  on  his  own  responsibility  and  at  his 

^  Joutel,  Journal  Historiqiie,  298. 

2  Journal  de  St.  Cosme,  1699.  This  journal  has  been  printed  by  Mr. 
Shea,  from  the  copy  in  ray  possession.  St.  Cosme,  who  knew  Tonty  well, 
speaks  of  him  in  tlie  warmest  terms  of  praise. 

8  In  the  autumn  of  1685,  Tonty  made  a  journey  from  the  Illinois  tc 
Michillimackinac,  to  seek  news  of  La  Salle.  He  there  learned,  by  a  let- 
ter of  the  new  governor,  Denonville,  just  arrived  from  France,  of  the 
landing  of  La  Salle,  and  the  loss  of  the  "  Aimable,"  as  recounted  by 
Beaujeu,  on  his  return.  He  immediately  went  back  on  foot  to  Fort  St. 
Louis  of  the  Illinois,  and  prepared  to  descend  the  Mississippi ;  "  dana 
Tespc'rance  de  lui  donner  secours."  Lettre  de  Tonty  au  Ministre,  2-4  Aonst, 
1686 ;  Ibid,  a  Cabart  de  Villermont,  mime  date :  M^moire  de  Tonty ;  Proces 
Verba,  de  2  only,  13  Avril,  1686. 


t687.J  TONTY.  429 

own  cost,  to  go  to  his  assistance.  He  collected 
twenty-five  Frenchmen  and  eleven  Indians,  and 
set  out  from  his  fortified  rock  on  the  thirteenth 
of  February.  1686 ;  ^  descended  the  Mississippi, 
and  reached  its  mouth  in  Holy  Week.  All  was 
solitude,  a  voiceless  desolation  of  river,  marsh,  and 
sea.  He  despatched  canoes  to  the  east  and  to  the 
west,  searching  the  coast  for  some  thirty  leagues  on 
either  side.  Finding  no  trace  of  his  friend,  who 
at  that  moment  was  ranging  the  prairies  of  Texas, 
in  no  less  fruitless  search  of  his  "fatal  river," 
Tonty  wrote  for  him  a  letter,  which  he  left  in  the 
charge  of  an  Indian  chief,  who  preserved  it  with 
reverential  care,  and  gave  it,  fourteen  years  after, 
to  IberviUe,  the  founder  of  Louisiana.^  Deeply 
disappointed  at  his  failure,  Tonty  retraced  his 
course,  and  ascended  the  Mississippi  to  the  villages 
of  the  Arkansas,  where  some  of  his  men  volun- 
teered to  remain.  He  left  six  of  them;  and  of 
this  number  were  Couture  and  De  Launay.^ 

Cavelier  and  his  companions,  followed  by  a 
crowd  of  Indians,  some  carrying  their  baggage, 
some  struggling  for  a  view  of  the  white  strangers, 
entered  the  log  cabin  of  their  two  hosts.  Rude  as 
it  was,  they  found  in  it  an  earnest  of  peace  and 
safety,  and  a  foretaste  of  home.     Couture  and  De 

^  The  date  is  from  the  Procea  Verbal.  In  the  M^moire,  hastily  written, 
long  after,  he  falls  into  errors  of  date. 

2  Iberville  sent  it  to  France,  and  Charlevoix  gives  a  portion  of  it 
Elistoire  de  la  Nouvelie  France,  II.  259.  Singularly  enough,  the  date,  as 
printed  by  him,  is  erroneous,  being  20  April,  1685,  instead  of  1686. 
There  is  no  doubt  whatever,  from  its  relations  with  concurrent  events, 
that  this  journey  was  in  the  latter  year. 

^  Tonty,  M€moire ;  Ibid.,  Lettre  a  Monseignevcr  de  Ponchartrain,  1690 
Joutel.  Journal  Historiaue,  301. 


4.30  THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY-  [1687 

Launaj  were  moved  even  to  tears  by  the  story  of 
tlieir  disasters,  and  of  the  catastrophe  that  crowned 
them.  La  Salle's  death  was  carefully  concealed 
from  the  Indians,  many  of  whom  had  seen  him  on 
his  descent  of  the  Mississippi,  and  who  regarded 
him  with  prodigious  respect.  They  lavished  all 
their  hospitality  on  his  followers ;  feasted  them  on 
corn -bread,  dried  buffalo  meat,  and  watermelons, 
and  danced  the  calumet  before  them,  the  most  au- 
gust of  all  their  ceremonies.  On  this  occasion, 
Cavelier's  patience  failed  him  again  ;  and  pretend- 
ing, as  before,  to  be  ill,  he  called  on  his  nephew  to 
take  his  place.  There  were  solemn  dances,  too,  in 
which  the  warriors  —  some  bedaubed  with  white 
clay,  some  with  red,  and  some  with  both  ;  some 
wearing  feathers,  and  some  the  horns  of  buffalo ; 
some  naked,  and  some  in  painted  shirts  of  deer- 
skin, fringed  with  scalp-locks,  insomuch,  says 
Joutel,  that  they  looked  like  a  troop  of  devils  — 
leaped,  stamped,  and  howled  from  sunset  till  dawn. 
All  this  was  partly  to  do  the  travellers  honor, 
and  partly  to  extort  presents.  They  made  objec- 
tions, however,  when  asked  to  furnish  guides ; 
and  it  was  only  by  dint  of  great  offers  that  four 
were  at  length  procured.  With  these,  the  trav- 
ellers resumed  their  journey  in  a  wooden  canoe, 
about  the  first  of  August,^  descended  the  Arkansas, 

1  Joutel  says  that  the  Parisian  boy,  Barthelemy,  was  left  behind.  It 
was  this  youth  who  afterwards  uttered  the  ridiculous  defamation  of  La 
Salle  mentioned  in  a  preceding  note.  The  account  of  the  death  of 
La  Salle,  taken  from  the  lips  of  Couture,  was  received  by  him  from 
Cavelier  and  his  companions,  during  their  stay  at  the  Arkanssa, 
Couture  was  by  trade  a  carpenter,  and  was  a  native  of  Rouen 


1687.J  THE  MISSISSIPPI  431 

and  soon  reached  the  dark  and  inexorable  river, 
so  long  the  object  of  their  search,  rolling,  like  a 
destiny  through  its  realms  of  solitude  and  shade. 
They  launched  their  canoe  on  its  turbid  bosom, 
plied  their  oars  against  the  current,  and  sloTvly 
won  their  way  upward,  following  the  writhings  of 
this  watery  monster  tlirough  cane-brake,  swamp, 
and  fen.  It  was  a  hard  and  toilsome  journey, 
under  the  sweltering  sun  of  August;  now  on  the 
water,  now  knee-deep  in  mud,  dragging  their 
canoe  through  the  unwholesome  jungle.  On  the 
nineteenth,  they  passed  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio ; 
and  their  Indian  guides  made  it  an  offering  of 
buffalo  meat.  On  the  first  of  September,  they 
passed  the  Missouri,  and  soon  after  saw  Mar- 
quette's pictured  rock,  and  the  line  of  craggy 
heights  on  the  east  shore,  marked  on  old  French 
maps  as  "  the  Euined  Castles."  Then,  with  a 
sense  of  relief,  they  turned  from  the  great  river 
into  the  peaceful  current  of  the  Illinois.  They  were 
eleven  days  in  ascending  it,  in  their  large  and  heavy 
wooden  canoe,  when  at  length,  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  fourteenth  of  Sej^tember,  they  saw,  tower- 
ing above  the  forest  and  the  river,  the  cliff  crowned 
with  the  pahsades  of  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois. 
As  they  drew  near,  a  troop  of  Indians,  headed  by  a 
Frenchman,  descended  from  the  rock,  and  fired  their 
guns  to  salute  them.  They  landed,  and  followed 
the  forest  path  that  led  towards  the  fort,  when  they 
were  met  by  Boisrondet,  Tonty's  comrade  in  the 
Iroquois  war,  and  two  other  Frenchmen,  who  no 
sooner  saw  them  than  they  called  out,  demanding 


432  THE  INNOCENT  AND  THE  GUILTY.  [1687. 

where  was  La  Salle.  Cavelier,  fearing  lest  he  and 
his  party  would  lose  the  advantage  they  might 
derive  from  his  character  of  representative  of  his 
brother,  was  determined  to  conceal  his  death ;  and 
Joutel,  as  he  himself  confesses,  took  part  in  the  de- 
ceit. Substituting  equivocation  for  falsehood,  they 
replied  that  La  Salle  had  been  with  them  nearly  as 
far  as  the  Cenis  villages,  and  that,  when  they  parted, 
he  was  in  good  health.  This,  so  far  as  they  were 
concerned,  was,  literally  speaking,  true ;  but  Douay 
and  Teissier,  the  one  a  witness  and  the  other  a 
sharer  in  his  death,  could  not  have  said  so  much 
without  a  square  falsehood,  and  therefore  evaded 
the  inquiry. 

Threading  the  forest  path,  and  circling  to  the 
rear  of  the  rock,  they  climbed  the  rugged  height^ 
and  reached  the  top.  Here  they  saw  an  area, 
encircled  by  the  palisades  that  fenced  the  brink 
of  the  cliff,  and  by  several  dwellings,  a  store-house, 
and  a  chapel.  There  were  Indian  lodges  too ;  for 
some  of  the  red  allies  of  the  French  made  their 
abode  with  them.^  Tonty  was  absent,  fighting 
the  Iroquois ;  but  his  lieutenant,  Bellefontaine, 
received  the  travellers,  and  his  little  garrison  of 
bush-rangers  greeted  them  with  a  salute  of  musk- 
etry, mingled  with  the  whooping  of  the  Indians.  A 
Te  Deiim  followed  at  the  chapel ;  "  and,  with  all 
our  hearts,"  says  Joutel,  "  we  gave  thanks  to  God, 
who  had  preserved  and  guided  us."     At  length. 

1  The  condition  of  Fort  St.  Louis,  at  this  time,  may  be  gathered  from 
several  passages  of  Joutel.  The  houses,  he  says,  were  built  at  the  brink 
of  the  cliff,  forming,  with  the  palisades,  the  circle  of  defence.  The  In- 
dians lived  in  the  area. 


1687.J  THE  JESUIT  ALLOUEZ.  433 

the  tired  travellers  were  among  countrymen  and 
friends.  Bellefontaine  found  a  room  for  the  two 
priests ;  while  Joutel,  Teissier,  and  young  Cavelier 
were  lodo:ed  in  the  store-house. 

The  Jesuit  Allouez  was  lying  ill  at  the  fort ;  and 
Joutel,  Cavelier,  and  Douay  went  to  visit  him.  He 
showed  great  anxiety  when  told  that  La  Salle  was 
alive,  and  on  his  way  to  the  Illinois ;  asked  many 
questions,  and  could  not  hide  his  agitation.  When, 
some  time  after,  he  had  partially  recovered,  he  left 
St.  Louis,  as  if  to  shun  a  meeting  with  the  object 
of  his  alarm.*     Once  before,  in  1679,  Allouez  had 

^  Joutel  adds  that  this  was  occasioned  by  "  une  espece  de  conspiratioD 
qu'on  a  voulu  faire  contra  les  interests  de  Monsieur  de  la  Salle."  — 
Journal  Histarique,  350. 

"  Ce  Pere  appreliendoit  que  le  dit  sieur  ne  Vj  rencontrast.  .  •  .  suivant 
ce  que  j'en  ai  pu  apprendre,  les  Peres  avoient  avance  plusieurs  choses  pour 
contrebarrer  I'entreprise  et  avoient  voulu  detacher  plusieurs  nations  de 
Sauvages,  lesquelles  s'estoient  donnees  a  M.  de  la  Salle.  lis  avoient  estd 
mesme  jusques  a  vouloir  destruire  le  fort  Saint-Louis,  en  ayant  construit 
un  a  Chicago,  oil  ils  avoient  attire  une  partie  des  Sauvages,  ne  pouvanl 
en  quelque  fa9on  s'emparer  du  dit  fort.  Pour  conclure,  le  bon  Pere 
ayant  eu  peur  d'y  estre  trouve,  airaa  mieux  se  precautionner  en  prenant 
ledevant.  .  .  .  Quoyque  M.  Cavelier  eust  dit  au  Pere  qu'ilpouvoitrester, 
11  partit  quelques  sept  ou  huit  jours  avant  nous."  —  Relation  (Margry, 
m.  500). 

La  Salle  always  saw  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits  in  the  disasters  that 
befell  him.  His  repeated  assertion,  that  they  wished  to  establish  them- 
selves in  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  receives  confirmation  from  a  docu- 
ment entitled  M^moire  siir  la  proposition  a  faire  par  les  R.  Peres  J^suites  pour 
M.  d€couverte  des  environs  de  la  riviere  du  31ississipi  et  pour  voir  si  elle  est  navi- 
gable jusqu'a  la  mer.  It  is  a  memorandum  of  propositions  to  be  made  to 
the  minister  Seignelay,  and  was  apparently  put  forward  as  a  feeler,  be- 
fore making  the  propositions  in  form.  It  was  written  after  the  return  of 
Beaujeu  to  France,  and  before  La  Salle's  death  became  known.  It  in- 
timates that  the  Jesuits  were  entitled  to  precedence  in  the  valley  of  the 
Mississippi,  as  having  first  explored  it.  It  aflSrms  that  La  Salle  had  made 
a  blundeTy  and  landed  his  colony,  not  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  but  at  another 
place;  and  it  asks  permission  to  continue  the  work  in  which  he  has  failed. 
To  this  end,  it  petitions  for  means  to  build  a  vessel  at  St.  Louis  of  the 
Illinois,  together  with  canoes,  arms,  tents,  tools,  provisions,  and  merchan 

28 


434  THE  IKNOCENT  AND   THE   GUn.TY.  [1687 

fled  from  the  Illinois  on  hearing  of  the  approach  of 
La  Salle. 

The  season  was  late,  and  they  were  eager  to 
hasten  forward  that  they  might  reach  Quebec  in 
time  to  return  to  France  in  the  autumn  ships. 
There  was  not  a  day  to  lose.  They  bade  farewell 
to  Belief  on  taine,  from  whom,  as  from  all  others, 
they  had  concealed  the  death  of  La  Salle,  and  made 
their  way  across  the  country  to  Chicago.  Here 
they  were  detained  a  week  by  a  storm ;  and,  when 
at  length  they  embarked  in  a  canoe  furnished  by 
Bellefontaine,  the  tempest  soon  forced  them  to  put 
back.  On  this,  they  abandoned  their  design,  and 
returned  to  Fort  St.  Louis,  to  the  astonishment  of 
its  inmates. 

It  was  October  when  they  arrived ;  and,  mean- 
while, Tonty  had  returned  from  the  Iroquois  war, 
where  he  had  borne  a  conspicuous  part  in  the 
famous  attack  on  the  Senecas,  by  the  Marquis  do 
Denonville.^  He  listened  with  deep  interest  to  the 
mournful  story  of  his  guests.  Cavelier  knew  him 
well.  He  knew,  so  far  as  he  was  capable  of 
knowing,  his  generous  and  disinterested  character, 
his  long  and  faithful  attachment  to  La  Salle,  and 
the  invaluable  services  he  had  rendered  him.  Tonty 

dise  for  the  Indians ;  and  it  also  asks  for  La  Salle's  maps  and  papers,  and 
for  those  of  Beaujeu.  On  their  part,  it  pursues,  the  Jesuits  will  engage  to 
make  a  complete  survey  of  the  river,  and  return  an  exact  account  of  its 
inhabitants,  its  plants,  and  its  other  productions. 

1  Tonty,  Du  Lhut,  and  Durantaye  came  to  the  aid  of  Denonville  with 
a  hundred  and  eighty  Frenchmen,  chiefly  coiireurs  de  bois,  and  four  hun- 
dred Indians  from  the  upper  country.  Their  services  were  highly  appre- 
ciated ;  and  Tonty  especially  is  mentioned  in  the  despatches  of  Denonville 
with  great  praise. 


1688.]  CONDUCT  OF  CAVELIER.  435 

had  every  claim  on  his  confidence  and  affection. 
Yet  he  did  not  hesitate  to  practise  on  him  the  same 
deceit  which  he  had  practised  on  Bellefontaine. 
He  told  him  that  he  had  left  his  brother  in  good 
health  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  drew  upon 
him,  in  La  Salle's  name,  for  an  amount  stated  bj 
Joutel  at  about  four  thousand  livres,  in  furs,  be- 
sides a  canoe  and  a  quantity  of  other  goods,  all  of 
which  were  delivered  to  him  by  the  unsuspecting 
victim.^ 

This  was  at  the  end  of  the  winter,  when  the 
old  priest  and  his  companions  had  been  living 
for  months  on  Tonty's  hospitality.  They  set  out 
for  Canada  on  the  twenty-first  of  March,  reached 
Chicago  on  the  twenty-ninth,  and  thence  proceeded 
to  Michillimackinac.  Here  Cavelier  sold  some  of 
Tonty's  furs  to  a  merchant,  who  gave  him  in  pay- 
ment a  draft  on  Montreal,  thus  putting  him  in  funds 

1  "  Monsieur  Tonty,  croyant  M.  de  la  Salle  viyant,  ne  fit  pas  de  diffi- 
cult^ de  luy  donner  pour  environ  quatre  mille  liv.  de  pelleterie,  de 
castors,  loutres,  un  canot,  et  autres  effets."  —  Joutel,  Journal  Historique 
549. 

Tonty  himself  does  not  make  the  amount  so  great :  "  Sur  ce  qu'ils 
m*assuroient  qu'il  etoit  reste  au  Golfe  de  Mexique  en  bonne  sante,  je  les 
re9us  corame  si  9'avoit  este  lui  mesme  et  luy  prestay  [a  Cavelier]  plus  de 
700  francs."  —  Tonty,  M€moire. 

Cavelier  must  have  known  that  La  Salle  was  insolvent.  Tonty  had 
long  served  without  pay.  Douay  says  that  he  made  the  stay  of  the  party 
at  the  fort  very  agreeable,  and  speaks  of  him,  with  some  apparent  com- 
punction, as  "  ce  brave  gentilhomme,  toujours  inseparablement  attach^ 
aux  interets  du  Sieur  de  la  Salle,  dout  nous  luy  avons  cache'  la  de'plo- 
rable  destinee." 

Couture,  from  the  Arkansas,  brought  word  to  Tonty,  several  months 
after,  of  La  Salle's  death,  adding  that  Cavelier  had  concealed  it,  with  no 
other  purpose  than  that  of  gaining  money  or  supplies  from  him  (Tonty), 
in  his  brother's  name.  Cavelier  had  a  letter  from  La  Salle,  desiring  Tonty 
to  give  him  supplies,  and  pay  him  2,652  Uvres  in  beaver.  If  Cavelier 
is  to  be  believed,  this  beaver  belonged  to  La  Salle. 


436  THE   INNOCENT  ANT)  THE   GUILTY.  [1688. 

for  his  voyage  home.  The  party  continued  their 
journey  in  canoes  by  way  of  French  River  and 
the  Ottawa,  and  safely  reached  Montreal  on  the 
seventeenth  of  July.  Here  they  procured  the  cloth- 
ing of  which  they  were  wofully  in  need,  and  then 
descended  the  river  to  Quebec,  where  they  took 
lodffino:,  some  with  the  Recollet  friars,  and  some 
with  the  priests  of  the  Seminary,  in  order  to  escape 
the  questions  of  the  curious.  At  the  end  of  August. 
they  embarked  for  France,  and  early  in  October 
arrived  safely  at  Rochelle.  None  of  the  party  were 
men  of  especial  energy  or  force  of  character ;  and 
yet,  under  the  spur  of  a  dire  necessity,  they  had 
achieved  one  of  the  most  adventurous  journeys  on 
record. 

Now,  at  length,  they  disburdened  themselves  of 
their  gloomy  secret ;  but  the  sole  result  seems  to 
have  been  an  order  from  the  king  for  the  arrest 
of  the  murderers,  should  they  appear  in  Canada.^ 

1  Lettre  du  Roy  a  Denonville,  1  Mai,  1689.  Joutel  must  have  been  a 
young  man,  at  the  time  of  the  Mississippi  expedition ;  for  Charlevoix 
saw  him  at  Rouen,  thirty-five  years  after.  He  speaks  of  him  with  em- 
phatic praise  ;  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  his  connivance  in  the  decep- 
tion practised  by  Cavelier  on  Tonty  leaves  a  shade  on  his  character,  as 
well  as  on  that  of  Douay.  In  other  respects,  every  thing  that  appears 
concerning  him  is  highly  favorable,  which  is  not  the  case  with  Douay, 
who,  on  one  or  two  occasions,  makes  wilful  misstatements. 

Douay  says  that  the  elder  Cavelier  made  a  report  of  the  expedition 
to  the  minister  Seignelay.  This  report  remained  unknown  in  an  English 
collection  of  autographs  and  old  manuscripts,  whence  I  obtained  it  by 
purchase,  in  1854,  both  the  buyer  and  seller  being  at  the  time  ignorant  of 
its  exact  character.  It  proved,  on  examination,  to  be  a  portion  of  the 
first  draft  of  Cavelier's  report  to  Seignelay.  It  consists  of  twenty-six 
small  folio  pages,  closely  written  in  a  clear  hand,  though  in  a  few  places 
obscured  by  the  fading  of  the  ink,  as  well  as  by  occasional  erasures  and 
interlineations  of  the  writer.  It  is,  as  already  stated,  confused  and 
unsatisfactory  in  its  statements ;  and  all  the  latter  part  has  been  lost 
On  reaching  France,  he  had  the  impudence  to  tell  Abbe  Tronson,  Sup^ 


1688.]  THE  COLONISTS  ABANDONED.  437 

Joutel  was  disappointed.  It  had  been  his  hope 
throughout  that  the  king  would  send  a  ship  to  the 
rehef  of  the  wretched  band  at  Fort  St.  Louis  of 
Texas.  But  Louis  XIV.  hardened  his  heart  and 
left  them  to  their  fate. 

rior  of  St.  Sulpice,  "  qu'il  avait  laiss^  M.  de  la  Salle  dans  un  tr^s-beau 
pays  avec  M.  de  Chef deville  en  bonne  sante."  —  Lettre  de  Tromon  a  Mad. 
Fauvel-Cavelier,  29  Nov.,  1688. 

Cavelier  addressed  to  the  king  a  memorial  on  the  importance  of  keep- 
ing possession  of  the  Illinois.  It  closes  with  an  earnest  petition  for 
money,  in  compensation  for  his  losses,  as,  according  to  his  own  state- 
ment, he  was  completely  ^puis€.  It  is  affirmed  in  a  memorial  of  the  heirs 
of  his  cousin,  Fran9ois  Plet,  that  he  concealed  the  death  of  La  Salle 
some  time  after  his  return  to  France,  in  order  to  get  possession  of  prop- 
erty which  would  otherwise  have  been  seized  by  the  creditors  of  the  de- 
ceased. The  prudent  abbe  died  rich  and  very  old,  at  the  house  of  a 
relative,  having  inherited  a  large  estate  after  his  return  from  America. 
Apparently,  this  did  not  satisfy  him ;  for  there  is  before  me  the  copy  of 
a  petition,  written  about  1717,  in  which  he  asks,  jointly  with  one  of  his 
nephews,  to  be  given  possession  of  the  seigniorial  property  held  by  La 
Salle  in  America.     The  petition  was  refused. 

Young  Cavelier,  La  Salle's  nephew,  died  some  years  after,  an  officer 
in  a  regiment.  He  has  been  erroneously  supposed  to  be  the  same 
with  one  De  la  Salle,  whose  name  is  appended  to  a  letter  giving  an  ac- 
count of  Louisiana,  and  dated  at  Toulon,  3  Sept.,  1698.  This  person 
was  the  son  of  a  naval  official  at  Toulon,  and  was  not  related  to  the 
Cavaliers. 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

1688-1689. 
FATE  OF  THE  TEXAN  COLONY. 

TONTT     ATTEMPTS     TO    RESCUE    THE     COLONISTS. —  HiS     DIFFICULTIES 

ANi)  Hardships. —  Spanish  Hostility.-  Expedition  of  Alonzo 
DE  Leon.  —  He  reaches  Fort  St.  Louis.  —  A  Scene  of  Havoc. — 
Destruction  of  the  French.  —  The  End. 

Henri  de  Tonty,  on  his  rock  of  St.  Louis,  was 
visited  in  September  by  Couture,  and  two  Indians 
from  the  Arkansas.  Then,  for  the  first  time,  he  heard 
with  grief  and  indignation  of  the  death  of  La  Salle, 
and  the  deceit  practised  by  Cavelier.  The  chief 
whom  he  had  served  so  well  was  beyond  his  help ; 
but  might  not  the  unhappy  colonists  left  on  the 
shores  of  Texas  still  be  rescued  from  destruction? 
Couture  had  confirmed  what  Cavelier  and  his 
party  had  already  told  him,  that  the  tribes  south  of 
the  Arkansas  were  eager  to  join  the  French  in  an 
invasion  of  northern  Mexico  ;  and  he  soon  after 
received  from  the  governor,  Denonville,  a  letter 
informing  him  that  war  had  again  been  declared 
against  Spain.  As  bold  and  enterprising  as  La 
Salle  himself,  he  resolved  on  an  effort  to  learn  the 
condition  of  the  few  Frenchmen  left  on  the  borders 
of  the  Gulf,  relieve  their  necessities,  and,  should 
it  prove  practicable,  make  them  the  nucleus  of  a 
war-party  to  cross  the  Kio  Grande,  and  add  a  new 


1688.J  COURAGE  OF  TONTY.  439 

province  to  the  domain  of  France.  It  was  the 
revival,  on  a  small  scale,  of  La  Salle's  scheme  of 
Mexican  invasion ;  and  there  is  no  doubt  that,  with 
a  score  of  French  musketeers,  he  could  have  gath- 
ered a  formidable  party  of  savage  allies  from  the 
tribes  of  Eed  River,  the  Sabine,  and  the  Trinity. 
This  daring  adventure  and  the  rescue  of  his  suffer- 
ing countrymen  divided  his  thoughts,  and  he  pre- 
pared at  once  to  execute  the  double  purpose.^ 

He  left  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois  early  m 
December,  in  a  pirogue,  or  wooden  canoe,  with 
five  Frenchmen,  a  Shawanoe  warrior,  and  two 
Indian  slaves;  and,  after  a  long  and  painful 
journey,  reached  the  villages  of  the  Caddoes  on 
Red  River  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  March.  Here 
he  was  told  that  Hiens  and  his  companions  were 
at  a  village  eighty  leagues  distant ;  and  thither  he 
was  preparing  to  go  in  search  of  them,  when  all 
his  men,  excepting  the  Shawanoe  and  one  French- 
man, declared  themselves  disgusted  with  the 
journey,  and  refused  to  follow  him.  Persuasion 
was  useless,  and  there  was  no  means  of  enforcino: 
obedience.  He  found  himself  abandoned ;  but  he 
still  pushed  on,  with  the  two  who  remained  faith- 
ful. A  few  days  after,  they  lost  nearly  all  their 
ammunition  in  crossing  a  river.  Undeterred  by 
this  accident,  Tonty  made  his  way  to  the  village 
where  Hiens  and  those  who  had  remained  with 
him  were  said  to  be;  but  no  trace  of  them  ap- 
peared, and  the  demeanor  of  the  Indians,  when 
he  inquired  for  them,   convinced  him  that  they 

^  Tonty,  M€moire. 


440  FATE  OF  THE  TEXAN  COLONY.  [1689 

had  been  put  to  death.  He  charged  them  with 
having  killed  the  Frenchmen,  whereupon  the 
women  of  the  village  raised  a  wail  of  lamentation ; 
"  and  I  saw,"  he  says,  "  that  what  I  had  said  to 
them  was  true."  They  refused  to  give  hun 
guides ;  and  this,  with  the  loss  of  his  ammunition, 
compelled  him  to  forego  his  purpose  of  making  his 
way  to  the  colonists  on  the  Bay  of  St.  Louis. 
With  bitter  disappointment,  he  and  his  two  com- 
panions retraced  their  course,  and  at  length  ap- 
proached Red  Eiver.  Here  they  found  the  whole 
country  flooded.  Sometimes  they  waded  to  the 
knees,  sometimes  to  the  neck,  sometimes  pushed 
their  slow  way  on  rafts.  Night  and  day  it  rained 
without  ceasing.  They  slept  on  logs  placed  side 
by  side  to  raise  them  above  the  mud  and  water, 
and  fought  their  way  with  hatchets  through  the 
inundated  cane-brakes.  They  found  no  game  but 
a  bear,  which  had  taken  refuge  on  an  island  in  the 
flood  ;  and  they  were  forced  to  eat  their  dogs.  "  I 
never  in  my  life,"  writes  Tonty,  "  suffered  so 
much."  In  judging  these  intrepid  exertions,  it  is 
to  be  remembered  that  he  was  not,  at  least  in  ap- 
pearance, of  a  robust  constitution,  and  that  he  had 
but  one  hand.  They  reached  the  Mississippi  on 
the  eleventh  of  July,  and  the  Arkansas  villages  on 
the  thirty-first.  Plere  Tonty  was  detained  by  an 
attack  of  fever.  He  resumed  his  journey  when  it 
began  to  abate,  and  reached  his  fort  of  the  Illinois 
in  September.^ 

1  Two  causes  have  contributed  to  detract,  most  unjustly,  from  Tonty's 
reputation  :  the  publication,  under  his  name,  but  without  his  autliority, 
of  a  perverted  account  of  the  enterprises  in  which  he  took  part;  and  the 


1689. J  SPANISH  HOSTILITY.  441 

While  the  king  of  France  abandoned  the  exiles 
of  Texas  to  their  fate,  a  power  dark,  ruthless,  and 
terrible,  was  hovering  around  the  feeble  colony  on 
the  Bay  of  St.  Louis,  searching  with  pitiless  eye  to 
discover  and  tear  out  that  dying  germ  of  civiliza- 

confounding  him  with  his  brother,  Alphonse  de  Tonty,  who  long  ."om- 
manded  at  Detroit,  where  charges  of  peculation  were  brouglit  against 
him.  There  are  very  few  names  in  French- American  history  mentioned 
with  such  unanimity  of  praise  as  that  of  Henri  de  Tonty.  Hennepin 
finds  some  fault  with  him  ;  but  his  censure  is  commendation.  The  de- 
spatches of  the  governor,  Denonville,  speak  in  strong  terms  of  his  ser- 
vices in  the  Iroquois  war,  praise  his  character,  and  declare  that  he  is 
fit  for  any  bold  enterprise,  adding  that  he  deserves  reward  from  the 
king.  The  missionary,  St.  Cosme,  who  travelled  under  his  escort  in 
1699,  says  of  him :  "  He  is  beloved  by  all  the  voyageurs."  ..."  It  was 
with  deep  regret  that  we  parted  from  him  :  ...  he  is  the  man  who  best 
knows  the  country ;  ...  he  is  loved  and  feared  everywhere.  .  .  .  Your 
grace  will,  I  doubt  not,  take  pleasure  in  acknowledging  the  obligations  we 
owe  him." 

Tonty  held  the  commission  of  captain ;  but,  by  a  memoir  which  he 
addressed  to  Ponchartrain  in  1690,  it  appears  that  he  had  never  received 
any  pay.  Count  Frontenac  certifies  the  truth  of  the  statement,  and  adds 
a  recommendation  of  the  writer.  In  consequence,  probably,  of  this,  the 
proprietorship  of  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois  was  granted  in  the  same 
year  to  Tonty,  jointly  with  La  Forest,  formerly  La  Salle's  lieutenant. 
Here  they  carried  on  a  trade  in  furs.  In  1699,  a  royal  declaration  was 
launched  against  the  coureurs  de  bois ;  but  an  express  provision  was  added 
in  favor  of  Tonty  and  La  Forest,  who  were  empowered  to  send  up  the 
country  yearly  two  canoes,  with  twelve  men,  for  the  maintenance  of  this 
fort.  With  such  a  limitation,  this  fort  and  the  trade  carried  on  at  it  must 
have  been  very  small.  In  1702,  we  find  a  royal  order,  to  the  effect  that 
La  Forest  is  henceforth  to  reside  in  Canada,  and  Tonty  on  the  Missis- 
sippi ;  and  that  the  establishment  at  the  Illinois  is  to  be  discontinued.  In 
the  same  year,  Tonty  joined  D'Iberville  in  Lower  Louisiana,  and  was  sent 
by  that  officer  from  Mobile  to  secure  the  Chickasaws  in  the  French  mter- 
est.  His  subsequent  career  and  the  time  of  his  death  do  not  appear.  He 
seems  never  to  have  received  the  reward  which  his  great  merit  de- 
served. Those  intimate  with  the  late  lamented  Dr.  Sparks  will  remem- 
ber his  often-expressed  wish  that  justice  should  be  done  to  the  memory 
of  Tonty. 

Fort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois  was  afterwards  reoccupied  by  the  French. 
In  1718,  a  number  of  them,  chiefly  traders,  were  living  here  ;  but,  three 
years  later,  it  was  again  deserted,  and  Charlevoix,  passing  the  spot,  saw 
only  the  remains  of  its  palisades. 


442  FATE  OF  THE  TEXAN  COLONY.  11689. 

tion  from  the  bosom  of  the  wilderness  in  whose 
savage  immensity  it  lay  hidden.  Spain  claimed 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  all  its  coasts  as  her  own  of 
unanswerable  right,  and  the  viceroys  of  Mexico 
were  strenuous  to  enforce  her  claim.  The  capture 
of  one  of  La  Salle's  four  vessels  at  St.  Domingo 
had  made  known  his  designs,  and,  in  the  course  of 
the  three  succeeding  years,  no  less  than  four  expe- 
ditions were  sent  out  from  Vera  Cruz  to  find  and 
destroy  him.  They  scoured  the  whole  extent  of 
the  coast,  and  found  the  wrecks  of  the  '^  Aimable  " 
and  the  "  Belle  ;  "  but  the  colony  of  St.  Louis,^  in- 
land and  secluded,  escaped  their  search.  For  a 
time,  the  jealousy  of  the  Spaniards  was  lulled  to 
sleep.  They  rested  in  the  assurance  that  the  in- 
truders had  perished,  when  fresh  advices  from  the 
frontier  province  of  New  Leon  caused  the  Viceroy, 
Galve,  to  order  a  strong  force,  under  Alonzo  de 
Leon,  to  march  from  Coahuila,  and  cross  the  Rio 
Grande.  Guided  by  a  French  prisoner,  probably 
one  of  the  deserters  from  La  Salle,  they  pushed 
their  way  across  wild  and  arid  plains,  rivers, 
prairies,  and  forests,  till  at  length  they  approached 
the  Bay  of  St.  Louis,  and  descried,  far  off,  the 
harboring-place  of  the  French.^  As  they  drew 
near,  no  banner  was  displayed,  no   sentry  dial- 

*  Fort  St.  LouiB  of  Texas  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  Fort  St.  Louis 
of  the  Illinois. 

2  After  crossing  the  Del  Norte,  they  crossed  in  turn  the  Upper 
Nueces,  the  Hondo  (Rio  Frio),  the  De  Leon  (San  Antonio),  and  the 
Guadalupe,  and  then,  turning  soutliward,  descended  to  tlie  Bay  of  St. 
Bernard.  .  .  .  Manuscript  map  of  "  Route  que  firent  les  Espagnols,  pour 
venir  enlever  les  rran9ais  restez  a  la  Baye  St.  Bernard  ou  St.  JiOuis,  apr^s 
La  perte  du  vaisseau  de  M^-  de  la  SuJle,  en  1089."    Margry  8  collection. 


1689.]  THE  WHITE  SAVAGES.  443 

lenged ;  and  the  silence  of  death  reigned  over  the 
shattered  palisades  and  neglected  dwellings.  The 
Spaniards  spurred  their  reluctant  horses  through 
the  gateway,  and  a  scene  of  desolation  met  their 
sight.  No  living  thing  was  stirring.  Doors  were 
torn  from  their  hinges;  broken  boxes,  staved 
barrels,  and  rusty  kettles,  mingled  with  a  great 
number  of  stocks  of  arquebuses  and  muskets,  were 
scattered  about  in  confusion.  Here,  too,  trampled 
in  mud  and  soaked  with  rain,  they  saw  more  than 
two  hundred  books,  many  of  which  still  retained 
the  traces  of  costly  bindings.  On  the  adjacent 
prairie  lay  three  dead  bodies,  one  of  which,  from 
fragments  of  dress  still  clinging  to  the  wasted  re- 
mains, they  saw  to  be  that  of  a  woman.  It  was  in 
vain  to  question  the  imperturbable  savages,  who, 
wrapped  to  the  throat  in  their  buffalo-robes,  stood 
gazing  on  the  scene  with  looks  of  wooden  immo- 
bility. Two  strangers,  however,  at  length  ar- 
rived.^ Their  faces  were  smeared  with  paint,  and 
they  were  wrapped  in  buffalo-robes  like  the  rest; 
yet  these  seeming  Indians  were  L'Archeveque,  the 
tool  of  La  Salle's  murderer,  Duhaut,  and  Grollet, 
the  companion  of  the  white  savage,  Ruter.  The 
Spanish  commander,  learning  that  these  two  men 
were  in  the  district  of  the  tribe  called  Texas,^  had 

1  May  1st.     The  Spaniards  reached  the  fort  April  22d. 

2  This  is  the  first  instance  in  which  the  name  occurs.  In  a  letter  writ- 
ten by  a  member  of  De  Leon's  party,  the  Texan  Indians  are  mentioned 
several  times.  See  Coleccion  de  Varios  Documentos,  25.  They  are  described 
as  an  agricultural  tribe,  and  were,  to  all  appearance,  identical  with  the 
Cenis.  The  name  Tejas,  or  Texas,  was  first  applied  as  a  local  designa- 
tion to  a  spot  on  the  river  Neches,  in  the  Cenis  territory,  whence  it 
extended  to  the  whole  country.     See  Yoakum,  History  of  Texas,  b^>. 


444  FATE  OE  THE   TEXAN  COLONY  [1689. 

sent  to  invite  them  to  his  camp  under  a  pledge  of 
good  treatment;  and  they  had  resolved  to  trust 
Spanish  clemency  rather  than  endure  longer  a  life 
that  had  become  intolerable.  From  them,  the 
Spaniards  learned  nearly  all  that  is  known  of  the 
fate  of  Barbier,  Zenobe  Membre,  and  their  com- 
panions. Three  months  before,  a  large  band  of 
Indians  had  approached  the  fort,  the  inmates  of 
which  had  suffered  severely  from  the  ravages 
of  the  small-pox.  From  fear  of  treachery,  they 
refused  to  admit  their  visitors,  but  received  them 
at  a  cabin  without  the  palisades.  Here  the 
French  began  a  trade  with  them ;  when  suddenly 
a  band  of  warriors,  yelling  the  war-whoop,  rushed 
from  an  ambuscade  under  the  bank  of  the  river, 
and  butchered  the  greater  number.  The  children 
of  one  Talon,  together  with  an  Italian  and  a 
young  man  from  Paris,  named  Breman,  were 
saved  by  the  Indian  women,  who  carried  them  off 
on  their  backs.  L'Archeveque  and  Grollet,  who, 
with  others  of  their  stamp,  were  domesticated 
in  the  Indian  villages,  came  to  the  scene  of 
slaughter,  and,  as  they  affirmed,  buried  fourteen 
dead  bodies.^ 

1  Derrotero  de  la  Jornada  que  hizo  el  General  Alonso  de  Leon  para  el  descu- 
brimiento  de  la  Bahia  del  Espiritu  Santo,  y  poblacion  de  Franceses.  Ano  de 
1689.  This  is  the  official  journal  of  the  expedition,  signed  by  Alonzo  de 
Leon.  I  am  indebted  to  Colonel  Thomas  Aspinwall  for  the  opportunity 
of  examining  it.  The  name  of  Espiritu  Santo  was,  as  before  men- 
tioned, given  by  the  Spaniards  to  St.  Louis,  or  Matagorda  Bay,  as  well 
as  to  two  other  bays  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

Carta  en  que  se  da  noticia  de  un  viaje  hecho  a  la  Bahia  de  Espintu  Santo 
y  de  la  poblacion  que  tenian  ahi  los  Franceses.  Coleccion  de  Varios  Documentor 
para  la  Historia  de  la  Florida,  25. 

This  is  a  letter  from  a  person  accompanying  the  expedition  of  De  Leon. 
It  is  dated  May  18, 1089,  and  agrees  closely  with  the  journal  cited  above. 


1689.]  THE   SUKVIVORS.  445 

UArcheveque  and  Grollet  were  sent  to  Spain, 
where,  in  spite  of  the  pledge  given  them,  they 
were  thrown  into  prison,  with  the  intention  of 
sending  them  back  to  labor  in  the  mines.  The 
Indians,  some  time  after  De  Leon's  expedition, 
gave  up  their  captives  to  the  Spaniards.  The 
Itahan  was  imprisoned  at  Vera  Cruz.  Breman's 
fate  is  unknown.  Pierre  and  Jean  Baptiste  Talon, 
who  were  now  old  enough  to  bear  arms,  were  en- 
rolled in  the  Spanish  navy,  and,  being  captured  in 
1696  by  a  French  ship  of  war,  regained  their 
liberty;  while  their  younger  brothers  and  their 
sister  were  carried  to  Spain  by  the  Viceroy.* 
With  respect  to  the  ruffian  companions  of  Hiens, 
the  conviction  of  Tonty  that  they  had  been  put  to 
death  by  the  Indians  may  have  been  well  founded  -, 
but  the  buccaneer  himself  is  said  to  have  been 

though  evidently  by  another  hand.  Compare  Barcia,  Ensayo  Cronol6gico, 
294.  Barcia's  story  has  been  doubted ;  but  these  authentic  documents 
prove  the  correctness  of  his  principal  statements,  though  on  minor  points 
he  seems  to  have  indulged  his  fancy. 

The  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  in  a  report  to  the  king,  1690,  says  that,  in 
order  to  keep  the  Texas  and  other  Indians  of  that  region  in  obedience  to 
his  Majesty,  he  has  resolved  to  establish  eight  missions  among  them.  He 
adds  that  he  has  appointed,  as  governor,  or  commander,  in  that  province, 
Don  Domingo  Teran  de  los  Rios,  who  will  make  a  thorough  exploration 
of  it,  carry  out  what  De  Leon  has  begun,  prevent  the  farther  intrusion  of 
foreigners  like  La  Salle,  and  go  in  pursuit  of  the  remnant  of  the  French, 
who  are  said  still  to  remain  among  the  tribes  of  Red  River.  I  owe  this 
document  to  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Buckingham  Smith. 

1  M^moire  sur  lequel  on  a  interrog€les  deux  Canadiens  [Pierre  et  Jean  Bap- 
tiste Talon]  qui  sont  soldats  dans  la  Compagnie  de  FeugueroUes.  A  Brest,  14 
F€vrier,  1698. 

Interrogations  faites  a  Pierre  et  Jean  Baptiste  Talon  a  leur  arriv€e  de  la 
Veracrux.  This  paper,  which  differs  in  some  of  its  details  from  the  pre- 
ceding, was  sent  by  D'Iberville,  the  founder  of  Louisiana,  to  Abb^ 
Cavelier.  Appended  to  it  is  a  letter  from  D'Iberville,  written  in  May, 
1704,  m  which  he  confirms  the  chief  statements  of  the  Talons,  by  in- 
formation obtained  by  him  from  a  Spanish  officer  at  Pensacola. 


446  FATE  OF. THE  TEXAN  COLONY.  [1689. 

killed  in  a  quarrel  with  Ms  accomplice,  Ruter,  the 
white  savage ;  and  thus  in  ignominy  and  darkness 
died  the  last  embers  of  the  doomed  colony  of 
La  Salle. 

Here  ends  the  wild  and  mournful  story  of  the 
explorers  of  the  Mississippi.  Of  all  their  toil  and 
sacrifice,  no  fruit  remained  but  a  great  geograph- 
ical discovery,  and  a  grand  type  of  incarnate 
energy  and  will.  Where  La  Salle  had  ploughed, 
others  were  to  sow  the  seed;  and  on  the  path 
which  the  undespairing  Norman  had  hewn  out, 
the  Canadian  D 'Iberville  was  to  win  for  France  a 
vast  though  a  transient  dominion. 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX. 


I. 


EARLY  UNPUBLISHED    MAPS   OF   THE  MISSISSIPPI 
AND   THE   GREAT   LAKES. 

Most  of  the  maps  described  below  are  to  be  found  in  the  Depot  des 
Cartes  de  la  Marine  et  des  Colonies,  at  Paris.  Taken  together,  they 
exhibit  the  progress  of  western  discovery,  and  illustrate  the  records  of 
the  explorers. 

The  Map  of  Galinee,  1670. 

This  map  has  a  double  title :  Carte  du  Canada  et  des  Terres 
decouuertes  vers  le  lac  Derie^  and  Carte  du  Lac  Ontario  et  des 
habitations  qui  V enuironnent  ensemble  le  pays  que  Mess^"'  Dolier  et 
Galinee,  missionnaires  du  seminaire  de  St.  Sulpice,  ont  parcouru 
It  professes  to  represent  only  the  country  actually  visited  by 
the  two  missionaries.  Beginning  with  Montreal,  it  gives  the 
course  of  the  Upper  St.  Lawrence  and  the  shores  of  Lake 
Ontario,  the  river  Niagara,  the  north  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  the 
Strait  of  Detroit,  and  the  eastern  and  northern  shores  of  Lake 
Huron.  Galinee  did  not  know  the  existence  of  the  penin- 
sula of  Michigan,  and  merges  Lakes  Huron  and  Michigan  into 
one,  under  the  name  of  "  Michigane,  ou  Mer  Douce  des  Ilurons." 
He  was  also  entirely  ignorant  of  the  south  shore  of  Lake  Erie. 
lie  represents  the  outlet  of  Lake  Superior  as  far  as  the  Saut 
Ste.  Marie,  and  lays  down  the  river  Ottawa  in  great  detail, 
having  descended  it  on  his  return.  The  Falls  of  the  Genesee 
are  indicated,  as  also  the  Falls  of  Niagara,  with  the  inscription, 
"  Sault  qui  tombe  au  rapport  des  sauvages  de  plus  de  200  pie^^ls 

29 


450  APPENDIX. 

de  haut."  Had  the  Jesuits  been  disposed  to  aid  bim,  tbey  coald 
have  given  him  much  additional  information,  and  corrected  his 
most  serious  errors  ;  as,  for  example,  the  omission  of  the  penin- 
sula of  Michigan.  The  first  attempt  to  map  out  the  Great 
Lakes  was  that  of  Cham  plain,  in  1632.  This  of  Galinee  may 
be  called  the  second. 

The  map  of  Lake  Superior,  published  in  the  Jesuit  Relation 
of  1670,  1671,  was  made  at  about  the  same  time  with  Galinee's 
map.  Lake  Superior  is  here  styled  "  Lac  Tracy,  ou  Superieur." 
Though  not  so  exact  as  it  has  been  represented,  this  map  indi- 
cates that  the  Jesuits  had  explored  every  part  of  this  fresh-water 
ocean,  and  that  they  had  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  straits 
connecting  the  three  Upper  Lakes,  and  of  the  adjacent  bays, 
inlets,  and  shores.  The  peninsula  of  Michigan,  ignored  by 
Galinee,  is  represented  in  its  proper  place. 

Three  years  or  more  after  Galinee  made  the  map  men- 
tioned above,  another,  indicating  a  greatly  increased  knowledge 
of  the  country,  was  made  by  some  person  whose  name  does  not 
appear.  This  map,  which  is  somewhat  more  than  four  feet  long 
and  about  two  feet  and  a  half  wide,  has  no  title.  All  the  Great 
Lakes,  through  their  entire  extent,  are  laid  down  on  it  with 
considerable  accuracy.  Lake  Ontario  is  called  "  Lac  Ontario,  ou 
de  Frontenac."  Fort  Frontenac  is  indicated,  as  well  as  the 
Iroquois  colonies  of  the  north  shore.  Niagara  is  "  Chute  haute 
de  120  toises  par  ou  le  Lac  Erie  tombe  dans  le  Lac  Frontenac." 
Lake  Erie  is  "  Lac  Teiocha-rontiong,  dit  communement  Lac 
Erie."  Lake  St.  Clair  is  "  Tsiketo,  ou  Lac  de  la  Chaudiere." 
Lake  Huron  is  "Lac  Huron, ou  Mer  Douce  des  Hurons."  Lake 
Superior  is  "  Lac  Superieur."  Lake  Michigan  is  "  Lac  Mitchi- 
ganong,  ou  des  Illinois."  On  Lake  Michigan,  immediately 
opposite  the  site  of  Chicago,  are  written  the  words,  of  which  the 
following  is  the  literal  translation:  "The  largest  vessels  can 
come  to  this  place  from  the  outlet  of  Lake  Erie,  where  it  dis- 
chaiges  into  Lake  Frontenac  [Ontario]  ;  and  from  this  marsh 
into  which  they  can  enter,  there  is  only  a  distance  of  a  thousand 
paces  to  the  River  La  Divine  [Des  Plaines],  which  can  lead 
them  to  the  River  Colbert  [Mississippi],  and  thence  to  the  Gulf 


APPENDIX.  451 

of  Mexico/'  This  map  was  evidently  made  after  that  voyage  of 
La  Salle  in  which  he  discovered  the  Illinois,  or  at  least  the  Des 
Plaines  branch  of  it.  The  Ohio  is  laid  down  with  the  inscrip- 
tion, "  River  Ohio,  so  called  by  the  Iroquois  on  account  of  its 
beauty,  which  the  Sieur  de  la  Salle  descended."  (Ante,  p.  25, 
note.) 

We  now  come  to  the  map  of  Marquette,  which  is  a  rude 
sketch  of  a  portion  of  Lakes  Superior  and  Michigan,  and  of  the 
route  pursued  by  him  and  Joliet  up  the  F'ox  River  of  Green 
Bay,  down  the  Wisconsin,  and  thence  down  the  Mississippi  as 
far  as  the  Arkansas.  The  river  Illinois  is  also  laid  down,  as  it 
was  by  this  course  that  he  returned  to  Lake  Michigan  after  his 
memorable  voyage.  He  gives  no  name  to  the  Wisconsin.  The 
Mississippi  is  called  "  Riviere  de  la  Conception  ;  "  the  Missouri, 
the  Pekitanoui ;  and  the  Ohio,  the  Ouabouskiaou,  though  La 
Salle,  its  discoverer,  had  previously  given  it  its  present  name, 
borrowed  from  the  Iroquois.  The  Illinois  is  nameless,  like  the 
Wisconsin.  At  the  mouth  of  a  river,  perhaps  the  Dca  Moines, 
Marquette  places  the  three  villages  of  the  Peoria  Indians  visited 
by  him.  These,  with  the  Kaskaskias,  Maroas,  and  others,  on 
the  map,  were  merely  sub-tribes  of  the  aggregation  of  savages, 
known  as  the  Illinois.  On  or  near  the  Missouri,  he  places  the 
Ouchage  (Osages),  the  Oumessourit  (Missouris),  the  Kansa 
(Kanzas),  the  Paniassa  (Pawnees),  the  Maha  (Omahas),  and 
the  Pahoutet  (Pah-Utahs?).  The  names  of  many  other  tribes, 
"  esloignees  dans  les  terres,"  are  also  given  along  the  course  of 
the  Arkansas,  a  river  which  is  nameless  on  the  map.  Most  of 
these  tribes  are  now  indistinguishable.  This  map  has  recently 
been  engraved  and  published. 

Not  long  after  Marquette's  return  from  the  Mississippi,  an- 
other map  was  made  by  the  Jesuits,  with  the  following  title : 
Carte  de  la  nouvelle  decouverte  que  les  peres  lesuites  ont  fait  en 
Vannee  1672,  et  continuee  par  le  P.  lacques  Marquette  de  la 
mcsme  Compagnie  accompagne  de  quelques  frangois  en  Vannee 
1673,  qu^on  pourra  nommer  en  frangois  la  Manitoumie.  This 
title  is  very  elaborately  decorated  with  figures  drawn  with  a  pen, 
and  representing  Jesuits  instructing  Indians.     The  map  is  the 


452  APPENDIX. 

same  published  by  Thevenot,  not  without  considerable  varia- 
tions, in  1681.  It  represents  the  Mississippi  from  a  little  above 
the  AVisconsin  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  part  below  the 
Arkansas  being  drawn  from  conjecture.  The  river  is  named 
"  Mitchisipi,  ou  grande  Riviere."  The  Wisconsin,  the  Illinois, 
the  Ohio,  the  Des  Moines  (?),  the  Missouri,  and  the  Arkansas, 
are  all  represented,  but  in  a  very  rude  manner.  Marquette's 
route,  in  going  and  returning,  is  marked  by  lines ;  but  the 
return  route  is  incorrect.  The  whole  maj)  is  so  crude  and 
careless,  and  based  on  information  so  inexact,  that  it  is  of  little 
interest. 

The  Jesuits  made  also  another  map,  without  title,  of  the  four 
Upper  Lakes  and  the  Mississij^pi  to  a  little  below  the  Arkansas. 
The  Mississippi  is  called  "  Riuuiere  Colbert."  The  map  is 
remarkable  as  including  the  earliest  representation  of  the  Upper 
Mississippi,  based,  perhaps,  on  the  reports  of  Indians.  The 
Falls  of  St.  Anthony  are  indicated  by  the  word  "  Saut."  It  is 
possible  that  the  map  may  be  of  later  date  than  at  first  appears, 
and  that  it  may  have  been  drawn  in  the  interval  between  the 
return  of  Hennepin  from  the  Upper  Mississippi  and  that  of  La 
Salle  from  his  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the  river.  The  various 
temporary  and  permanent  stations  of  the  Jesuits  are  marked  by 
crosses. 

Of  far  greater  interest  is  the  small  map  of  Louis  Joliet, 
made  and  presented  to  Count  Frontenac  after  the  discov- 
erer's return  from  the  Mississippi.  It  is  entitled  Carte  de  la 
decouuerte  du  S^'  Jolliet  ou  Vonvoit  La  Communication  du  Jieuue 
St.  Laurens  auec  les  lacs  frontenac,  Erie,  Lac  des  Huron s  et 
Ilinois.  Then  succeeds  the  following,  written  in  the  same 
antiquated  French,  as  if  it  were  a  part  of  the  title :  "  Lake 
Frontenac  [Ontario]  is  separated  by  a  fall  of  half  a  league  from 
Lake  Erie,  from  which  one  enters  that  of  the  Hurons,  and  by 
the  same  navigation,  into  that  of  the  Illinois  [Michigan],  from 
the  head  of  which  one  crosses  to  the  Divine  River  [Riviere 
Divine;  i.  e.,  the  Des  Plaines  branch  of  the  river  Illinois],  by  a 
portage  of  a  thousand  paces.  This  river  falls  into  the  river 
Colbert  [Mississippi],  which  discharges  itself  into  the  Gulf  of 


APPENDIX.  453 

Mexico."  A  part  of  this  map  is  based  on  the  Jesuit  map  of 
Lake  Superior,  the  legends  being  here  for  the  most  part  identi- 
cal, though  the  shape  of  the  lake  is  better  given  by  Joliet.  The 
Mississippi,  or  "  Riuiere  Colbert,"  is  made  to  flow  from  three 
lakes  in  latitude  47°,  and  it  ends  in  latitude  37°,  a  little  below 
the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  the  rest  being  apparently  cut  off  to  make 
room  for  Joliet's  letter  to  Frontenac  (ante,  p.  66),  which  is  writ- 
ten on  the  lower  part  of  the  map.  The  valley  of  the  Mississippi 
is  called  on  the  map  "  Colbertie,  ou  Amerique  Occidentale." 
The  Missouri  is  represented  without  name,  and  against  it  is  a 
legend,  of  which  the  following  is  the  literal  translation  :  "  By 
one  of  these  great  rivers  which  come  from  the  west  and  dis- 
charge themselves  into  the  river  Colbert,  one  will  find  a  way 
to  enter  the  Vermilion  Sea  (Gulf  of  California).  I  have  seen 
a  village  which  was  not  more  than  twenty  days'  journey  by  land 
from  a  nation  which  has  commerce  with  those  of  California.  If 
I  had  come  two  days  sooner,  I  should  have  spoken  with  those 
who  had  come  from  thence,  and  had  brought  four  hatchets  as  a 
present."  The  Ohio  has  no  name,  but  a  legend  over  it  states 
that  La  Salle  had  descended  it.     (See  ante^  p.  25,  note.) 

Joliet,  at  about  the  same  time,  made  another  map,  larger 
than  that  just  mentioned,  but  not  essentially  different.  The 
letter  to  Frontenac  is  written  upon  both.  There  is  a  third 
map,  of  which  the  following  is  the  title :  Carte  generalle  de 
la  Finance  septentrionale  contenant  la  descouuerte  du  pays  des 
Illinois^  faite  par  le  S^'  JolUet.  This  map,  which  is  inscribed 
with  a  dedication  by  the  Intendant  Duchesneau  to  the  minister 
Colbert,  was  made  some  time  after  the  voyage  of  Joliet  and 
Marquette.  It  is  an  elaborate  piece  of  work,  but  very  inaccu- 
rate. It  represents  the  continent  from  Hudson's  Strait  to  Mex- 
ico and  California,  with  the  whole  of  the  Atlantic  and  a  part  of 
the  Pacific  coast.  An  open  sea  is  made  to  extend  from  Hud- 
son's Strait  westward  to  the  Pacific.  The  St.  Lawrence  and  all 
the  Great  Lakes  are  laid  down  with  tolerable  correctness,  as  also 
is  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  The  Mississippi,  called  "  Messasipi," 
flows  into  the  Gulf,  from  which  it  extends  northward  nearly  to 
the  "  Mer  du  Nord  "     Along  its  course,  above  the  Wisconsin, 


454  APPENDIX. 

which  is  called  ''Miskous,"  is  a  long  list  of  Indian  tribes,  most 
of  which  cannot  now  be  recognized,  though  several  are  clearly 
sub-tribes  of  the  Sioux.  The  Ohio  is  called  "  Ouaboustikou." 
The  whole  map  is  decorated  with  numerous  figures  of  animals, 
natives  of  the  country,  or  supposed  to  be  so.  Among  them  are 
camels,  ostriches,  and  a  giraffe,  which  are  placed  on  the  plains 
west  of  the  Mississippi.  But  the  most  curious  figure  is  that 
which  represents  one  of  the  monsters  seen  by  Joliet  and  Mar- 
quette, painted  on  a  rock  by  the  Indians.  It  corresponds  with 
Marquette's  description  (ante^  p.  59).  This  map,  which  is  an 
early  effort  of  the  engineer  Franquelin,  does  more  credit  to  his 
skill  as  a  designer  than  to  his  geographical  knowledge,  which 
appears  in  some  respects  behind  his  time. 

Carte  de  VAmerique  Septentrionale  depuis  Vembouchure  de 
la  Riviere  St.  Laurens  jusques  an  Sein  Mexique.  On  this  curl 
ous  little  map,  the  Mississippi  is  called  "  Riuiere  Buade  "  (the 
family  name  of  Frontenac)  ;  and  the  neighboring  country  is  "  La 
Frontenacie."  The  Illinois  is  "  Riuiere  de  la  Diuine  ou  Loutre- 
laise,"  and  the  Arkansas  is  "  Riuiere  Bazire."  The  Mississippi 
is  made  to  head  in  three  lakes,  and  to  discharge  itself  into 
" B.  du  S.  Esprit"  (Mobile  Bay).  Some  of  the  legends  and  the 
orthography  of  various  Indian  names  are  clearly  borrowed  from 
Marquette.  This  map  appears  to  be  the  work  of  Raudin,  Fron- 
tenac's  engineer.  I  owe  a  tracing  of  it  to  the  kindness  of  Henry 
Harrisse,  Esq. 

Carte  des  Parties  lesplus  occidentales  du  Canada^  par  le  Pere 
Pierre  Raffeix^  S.J.  This  rude  map  shows  the  course  of  Du  Lhut 
from  the  head  of  Lake  Superior  to  the  Mississippi,  and  partly 
confirms  the  story  of  Hennepin,  who,  Raffeix  says  in  a  note,  was 
rescued  by  Du  Lhut.  The  course  of  Joliet  and  Marquette  is 
given,  with  the  legend  "  Voyage  et  premiere  descouverte  du 
Mississipy  faite  par  le  P.  Marquette  et  M""-  Joliet  en  1672." 
The  route  of  La  Salle  in  1679,  1680,  is  also  laid  down. 

In  the  Df^.pot  des  Cartes  de  la  Marine  is  another  map  of  the 
Upper  Mississippi,  which  seems  to  have  been  made  by  or  for 
Du  Lhut.  Lac  Buade,  the  "  Issatis,"  the  "  Tintons,"  the 
"  Houelbatons,"  the  "  Poualacs,"  and  other  tribes  of  this  region, 


APPEiNDIX  455 

appear  upon  it.  This  is  the  map  numbered  208  in  the  Carto- 
graphie  of  Harrisse. 

Another  map  deserving  mention  is  a  large  and  fine  one, 
entitled  Carte  de  UAmerique  Septentrionale  et  partie  de  la 
Meridionale  .  .  .  avec  les  nouvelles  decouvertes  de  la  Riviere 
Missisipi,  ou  Colbert.  It  appears  to  have  been  made  in  1682 
or  1683,  before  the  descent  of  La  Salle  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi  was  known  to  the  maker,  who  seems  to  have  been 
Franquelin.  The  lower  Mississippi  is  omitted,  but  its  upper 
portions  are  elaborately  laid  down  ;  and  the  name  La  Louisiane 
appears  in  large  gold  letters  along  its  west  side.  The  Falls  of 
St.  Anthony  are  shown,  and  above  them  is  written  "  Armes  du 
Roy  gravees  sur  cet  arbre  I'an  1679."  This  refers  to  the  acte 
de  prise  de  possession  of  Du  Lhut  in  July  of  that  year,  and  this 
part  of  the  map  seems  made  from  data  supplied  by  him. 

We  now  come  to  the  great  map  of  Franquelin,  the  most 
remarkable  of  all  the  early  maps  of  the  interior  of  North  Amer- 
ica, though  hitherto  completely  ignored  by  both  American  and 
Canadian  writers.  It  is  entitled  Carte  de  la  Louisiane  ou  des 
Voyages  du  S""'  de  la  Salle  et  des  pays  qu'il  a  decouverts  depuis 
la  Nouvelle  France  jusqu^au  Golfe  Mexique  les  annees  1679,  80, 
81,  et  82,  par  Jean  Baptiste  Louis  Franquelin.  Van  1684. 
Paris.  Franquelin  was  a  young  engineer,  who  held  the  post 
of  hydrographer  to  the  king,  at  Quebec,  in  which  Joliet  suc- 
ceeded him.  Several  of  his  maps  are  preserved,  including  one 
made  in  1681,  in  which  he  lays  down  the  course  of  the  Missis- 
sippi,—  the  lower  part  from  conjecture,  —  making  it  discharge 
itself  into  Mobile  Bay.  It  appears  from  a  letter  of  the  Governor, 
La  Barre,  that  Franquelin  was  at  Quebec  in  1 683,  engaged  on 
a  map  which  was  probably  that  of  which  the  title  is  given  above, 
though,  had  La  Barre  known  that  it  was  to  be  called  a  map  of 
the  journeys  of  his  victim  La  Salle,  he  would  have  been  more 
sparing  of  his  praises.  "  He "  (Franquelin),  writes  the  gov- 
ernor, "  is  as  skilful  as  any  in  France,  but  extremely  poor  and 
m  need  of  a  little  aid  from  his  Majesty  as  an  Engineer :  he  la 
at  work  on  a  very  correct  map  of  the  country,  which  I  shall 
send  you  next  year  in  his  name ;  meanwhile,  I  shall   support 


456  APPENDIX. 

him  with  some  little  assistance."  —  Colonial  Documents  of  New 
York,  IX.  205. 

The  map  is  very  elaborately  executed,  and  is  six  feet  long 
and  four  and  a  half  wide.  It  exhibits  the  political  divisions  of 
the  continent,  as  the  French  then  understood  them ;  that  is  to 
say,  all  the  regions  drained  by  streams  flowing  into  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  the  Mississippi  are  claimed  as  belonging  to 
France,  and  this  vast  domain  is  separated  into  two  grand  divi- 
sions. La  Nouvelle  France  and  La  Louisiane.  The  boundary 
line  of  the  former,  New  France,  is  drawn  from  the  Penobscot 
to  the  southern  extremity  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  thence  to 
the  Mohawk,  wliich  it  crosses  a  little  above  Schenectady,  in  order 
to  make  French  subjects  of  the  Mohawk  Indians.  Thence  it 
passes  by  the  sources  of  the  Susquehanna  and  the  Alleghany, 
along  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  across  Southern  Michi- 
gan, and  by  the  head  of  Lake  Michigan,  whence  it  sweeps  north- 
westward to  the  sources  of  the  Mississippi.  Louisiana  includes 
the  entire  valley  of  the  Mississippi  and  the  Ohio,  besides  the 
whole  of  Texas.  The  Spanish  province  of  Florida  comprises 
the  peninsula  and  the  country  east  of  the  Bay  of  Mobile,  drained 
by  streams  flowing  into  the  Gulf ;  while  Carolina,  Virginia,  and 
the  other  English  provinces,  form  a  narrow  strip  between  the 
Alleshanies  and  the  Atlantic. 

The  Mississippi  is  called  "  Missisipi,  ou  Riviere  Colbert ; " 
the  Missouri,  "  Grande  Riviere  des  Emissourittes,  ou  Missou- 
rits ;"  the  Illinois,  "  Riviere  des  Ilinois,  ou  Macopins  ; "  the  Ohio, 
which  La  Salle  had  before  called  by  its  present  name,  "  Fleuve 
St.  Louis,  ou  Chucagoa,  ou  Casquinampogamou  ; "  one  of  its 
principal  branches  is  "  Ohio,  ou  Olighin "  (Alleghany)  ;  the 
Arkansas,  "  Riviere  des  Acansea ; "  the  Red  River,  "  Riviere 
Seignelay,"  a  name  which  had  once  been  given  to  the  Illinois. 
Many  smaller  streams  are  designated  by  names  which  have 
been  entirely  forgotten. 

The  nomenclature  differs  materially  from  that  of  Coronelli's 
map,  published  four  years  later.  Here  the  whole  of  the  French 
territory  is  laid  down  as  "  Canada,  ou  La  Nouvelle  France,"  of 
which  ^  La  Louisiane  "  forms  an  integral  part.     The  maj)  of 


APPENDIX.  457 

Homannus,  like  that  of  Franquelin,  makes  two  distinct  provinces, 
of  which  one  is  styled  "  Canada"  and  the  other  "  La  Louisiane," 
the  latter  including  Michigan  and  the  greater  part  of  New 
York.  Franquelin  gives  the  shape  of  Hudson's  Bay,  and  of 
all  the  Great  Lakes,  with  remarkable  accuracy.  He  makes  the 
Mississippi  bend  much  too  far  to  the  "West.  The  peculiar  sinu- 
osities of  its  course  are  indicated  :  and  some  of  its  bends,  as,  for 
example,  that  at  New  Orleans,  are  easily  recognized.  Ita 
mouths  are  represented  with  great  minuteness ;  and  it  may  be 
inferred  from  the  map  that,  since  La  Salle's  time,  they  have 
advanced  considerably  into  the  sea. 

Perhaps  the  most  interesting  feature  in  Franquelin's  map  is 
his  sketch  of  La  Salle's  evanescent  colony  on  the  Illinois, 
engraved  for  this  volume.  He  reproduced  the  map  in  1688, 
for  presentation  to  the  king,  with  the  title  Carte  de  VAmerique 
Septentrionah,depuisle'26  jusq^au  65  degre  de  latitude  et  environ 
140  et  235  degres  de  longitude^  etc.  In  this  map,  Franquelin 
corrects  various  errors  in  that  which  preceded.  One  of  these 
corrections  consists  in  the  removal  of  a  branch  of  the  river 
Illinois  which  he  had  marked  on  his  first  map,  —  as  wUl  be  seen 
by  referring  to  the  portion  of  it  in  this  book,  —  but  which  does 
not  in  fact  exist.  On  this  second  map,  La  Salle's  colony  appears 
in  much  diminished  proportions,  his  Indian  settlements  having 
in  good  measure  dispersed. 

Two  later  maps  of  New  France  and  Louisiana,  both  bearing 
Franquelin's  name,  are  preserved  in  the  Depot  des  Cartes  de  la 
Marine,  as  weU  as  a  number  of  smaller  maps  and  sketches,  also 
by  him.  They  all  have  more  or  less  of  the  features  of  the 
great  map  of  1684,  which  surpasses  them  all  in  interest  and 
completeness. 

The  remarkable  manuscript  map  of  the  Upper  Mississippi  by 
Le  Sueur  belongs  to  a  period  later  than  the  close  of  this 
narrative. 

These  various  maps,  joined  to  contemporary  documents,  show 
that  the  Valley  of  the  Mississippi  received,  at  an  early  date,  the 
several  names  of  Manitoumie,  Frontenacie,  Colbertie,  and  La 
Louisiane.     This  last  name,  which  it  long  retained,  is  due  to 


458  APPENDIX. 

La  Salle.  The  first  use  of  it  which  I  have  observed  is  in  a 
conveyance  of  the  Island  of  Belleisle,  made  by  him  to  his  lieu- 
tenant, La  Forest,  in  1679. 


n. 

The  Eldorado  of  Mathieu  Sagean. 

Father  Hennepin  had  among  his  contemporaries  two  rivals 
in  the  fabrication  of  new  discoveries.  The  first  was  the  noted 
La  Hontan,  whose  book,  like  his  own,  had  a  wide  circulation 
and  proved  a  great  success.  La  Hontan  had  seen  much,  and 
portions  of  his  story  have  a  substantial  value ;  but  his  account 
of  his  pretended  voyage  up  the  "  Long  River  "  is  a  sheer  fabri- 
cation. His  "  Long  River  '*  corresponds  in  position  with  the  St. 
Peter,  but  it  corresponds  in  nothing  else ;  and  the  populous 
nations  whom  he  found  on  it  —  the  Eokoros,  the  Esanapes,  and 
the  Gnacsitares,  no  less  than  their  neighbors  the  Mozeemlek 
and  the  Tahuglauk  —  are  as  real  as  the  nations  visited  by  Captain 
Gulliver.  But  La  Hontan  did  not,  like  Hennepin,  add  slander 
and  plagiarism  to  mendacity,  or  seek  to  appropriate  to  himself 
the  credit  of  genuine  discoveries  made  by  others. 

Mathieu  Sagean  is  a  personage  less  known  than  Hennepin  or 
La  Hontan ;  for,  though  he  surpassed  them  both  in  fertility  of 
invention,  he  was  illiterate,  and  never  made  a  book.  In  1701, 
being  then  a  soldier  in  a  company  of  marines  at  Brest,  he 
revealed  a  secret  which  he  declared  that  he  had  locked  within 
his  breast  for  twenty  years,  having  been  unwilling  to  impart  it  to 
the  Dutch  and  English,  in  whose  service  he  had  been  during  the 
whole  period.  His  story  was  written  down  from  his  dictation, 
and  sent  to  the  minister  Ponchartrain.  It  is  preserved  in  the 
Bibliotheque  Nationale,  and  in  1863  it  was  printed  by  JNIr.  Sliea. 

He  was  born,  he  declares,  at  La  Chine  in  Canada,  and  engaged 


APPENDIX.  459 

in  the  service  of  La  Salle  about  twenty  years  before  the  revelation 
of  his  secret ;  that  is,  in  1 681.  Hence,  he  would  have  been,  at  the 
utmost,  only  fourteen  years  old,  as  La  Cliine  did  not  exist  before 
1667.  He  was  with  La  Salle  at  the  building  of  Fort  St.  Louis 
of  the  Illinois,  and  was  left  here  as  one  of  a  hundred  men  under 
command  of  Tonty.  Tonty,  it  is  to  be  observed,  had  but  a  small 
fraction  of  this  number ;  and  Sagean  describes  the  fort  in  a 
manner  which  shows  that  he  never  saw  it.  Being  desirous  of 
making  some  new  discovery,  he  obtained  leave  from  Tonty,  and 
set  out  with  eleven  other  Frenchmen  and  two  INIohegan  Indians. 
They  ascended  the  Mississippi  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues, 
carried  their  canoes  by  a  cataract,  went  forty  leagues  farther, 
and  stopped  a  month  to  hunt.  While  thus  employed,  they  found 
another  river,  fourteen  leagues  distant,  flowing  south-south- 
west. They  carried  their  canoes  thither,  meeting  on  the  way 
many  lions,  leopards,  and  tigers,  which  did  them  no  harm ;  then 
they  embarked,  paddled  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  farther,  and 
found  themselves  in  the  midst  of  the  great  nation  of  the  Acani- 
bas,  dwelling  in  many  fortified  towns,  and  governed  by  King 
Hagaren,  who  claimed  descent  from  Montezuma.  The  king,  like 
his  subjects,  was  clothed  with  the  skins  of  men.  Nevertheless, 
he  and  they  were  civilized  and  polished  in  their  manners. 
They  worshipped  certain  frightful  idols  of  gold  in  the  royal 
palace.  One  of  them  represented  the  ancestor  of  their  monarch 
armed  with  lance,  bow,  and  quiver,  and  in  the  act  of  mounting 
his  horse ;  while  in  his  mouth  he  held  a  jewel  as  large  as  a 
goose's  egg,  which  shone  like  fire,  and  which,  in  the  opinion  of 
Sagean,  was  a  carbuncle.  Another  of  these  images  was  that  of 
a  woman  mounted  on  a  golden  unicorn,  with  a  horn  more  than 
a  fathom  long.  After  passing,  pursues  the  story,  between  these 
idols,  which  stand  on  platforms  of  gold,  each  thirty  feet  square, 
one  enters  a  magnificent  vestibule,  conducting  to  the  apartment 
of  the  king.  At  the  four  corners  of  this  vestibule  are  stationed 
bands  of  music,  which,  to  the  taste  of  Sagean,  was  of  very  poor 
quality.  The  palace  is  of  vast  extent,  and  the  private  apartment 
of  the  king  is  twenty-eight  or  thirty  feet  square ;  the  walls,  to 
the  height  of  eighteen  feet,  being  of  bricks  of  solid  gold,  and  the 


460  APPENDIX. 

pavement  of  the  same.  Here  the  king  dwells  alone,  served 
only  by  his  wives,  of  whom  he  takes  a  new  one  every  day. 
The  Frenchmen  alone  had  the  privilege  of  entering,  and  were 
graciously  received. 

These  people  carry  on  a  great  trade  in  gold  with  a  nation, 
believed  by  Sagean  to  be  the  Japanese,  as  the  journey  to  them 
lasts  six  months.  He  saw  the  departure  of  one  of  the  caravans, 
which  consisted  of  more  than  three  thousand  oxen,  laden  with 
gold,  and  an  equal  number  of  horsemen,  armed  with  lances, 
bows,  and  daggers.  They  receive  iron  and  steel  in  exchange 
for  their  gold.  The  king  has  an  army  of  a  hundred  thousand 
men,  of  whom  three-fourths  are  cavalry.  They  have  golden 
trumpets,  with  which  they  make  very  indifferent  music ;  and 
also  golden  drums,  which,  as  well  as  the  drummer,  are  carried 
on  the  backs  of  oxen.  The  troops  are  practised  once  a  week 
in  shooting  at  a  target  with  arrows ;  and  the  king  rewards 
the  victor  with  one  of  his  wives,  or  with  some  honorable 
employment. 

These  people  are  of  a  dark  complexion  and  hideous  to  look 
upon,  because  their  faces  are  made  long  and  narrow  by  pressing 
their  heads  between  two  boards  in  infancy.  The  women,  how- 
ever, are  as  fair  as  in  Europe  ;  though,  in  common  with  the 
men,  their  ears  are  enormously  large.  All  persons  of  distinction 
among  the  Acanibas  wear  their  finger-nails  very  long.  They 
are  polygamists,  and  each  man  takes  as  many  wives  as  he  wants. 
They  are  of  a  joyous  disposition,  moderate  drinkers,  but  great 
smokers.  They  entertained  Sagean  and  his  followers  during 
five  months  with  the  fat  of  the  land  ;  and  any  woman  who 
refused  a  Frenchman  was  ordered  to  be  killed.  Six  girls  were 
put  to  death  with  daggers  for  this  breach  of  hospitality.  The 
king,  being  anxious  to  retain  his  visitors  in  his  service,  offered 
Sagean  one  of  his  daughters,  aged  fourteen  years,  in  marriage ; 
and,  when  he  saw  him  resolved  to  depart,  promised  to  keep  her 
for  him  till  he  should  return. 

The  climate  is  delightful,  and  summer  reigns  throughout  the 
year.  The  plains  are  full  of  birds  and  animals  of  all  kinds, 
among  which  are  many  parrots  and  monkeys,  besides  the  wild 


APPENDIX.  461 

cattle,  with  liumps  like  camels,  which  these  people  use  as  beasts 
of  burden. 

King  Hagaren  would  not  let  the  Frenchmen  go  till  they  had 
sworn  by  the  sky,  which  is  the  customary  oath  of  the  Acanibas, 
that  they  would  return  in  thirty-six  moons,  and  bring  him  a 
supply  of  beads  and  other  trinkets  from  Canada.  As  gold  was 
to  be  had  for  the  asking,  each  of  the  eleven  Frenchmen  took 
away  with  him  sixty  small  bars,  weighing  about  four  pounds 
each.  The  king  ordered  two  hundred  horsemen  to  escort  them, 
and  carry  the  gold  to  their  canoes ;  which  they  did,  and  then 
bade  them  farewell  with  terrific  bowlings,  meant,  doubtless,  to 
do  them  honor. 

After  many  adventures,  wherein  nearly  all  his  companions 
came  to  a  bloody  end,  Sagean,  and  the  few  others  who  survived, 
had  the  ill  luck  to  be  captured  by  English  pirates,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  Lawrence.  He  spent  many  years  among  them  in  the 
East  and  West  Indies,  but  would  not  reveal  the  secret  of  his 
Eldorado  to  these  heretical  foreigners. 

Such  was  the  story,  which  so  far  imposed  on  the  credulity 
of  the  Minister  Pouchartrain  as  to  persuade  him  that  the  matter 
was  worth  serious  examination.  Accordingly,  Sagean  was  sent 
to  Louisiana,  then  in  its  earliest  infancy  as  a  French  colony. 
Here  he  met  various  persons  who  had  known  him  in  Canada, 
who  denied  that  he  had  ever  been  on  the  Mississippi,  and  con- 
tradicted his  account  of  his  parentage.  Nevertheless,  he  held 
fast  to  his  story,  and  declared  that  the  gold  mines  of  the  Acani 
bas  could  be  reached  without  difficulty  by  the  river  l^Iissouri. 
But  SauvoUe  and  Bienville,  chiefs  of  the  colony,  were  obstinate 
in  their  unbelief ;  and  Sagean  and  his  King  Hagaren  lapsed 
alike  into  oblivion. 


INDEX. 


Abenakis,  the,  265,  275,  295 ;  form  a 
part  of  La  Salle's  colony  on  the 
Illinois,  296  note. 

Acanibas,  the,  a  tribe  of  Indians  in 
the  story  of  Sagean,  459-461. 

Acau,  2S-2'note.     See  Accau. 

Accau,  Michel,  accompanies  Henne- 
pin on  his  trip  to  the  Mississippi, 
173,  225 ;  the  real  leader  of  the 
party,  173  note,  232 ;  various  ways 
of  spelling  the  name,  232  note ; 
his  life  with  the  Sioux,  234-248; 
is  again  joined  by  Hennepin,  254. 

Accault,  Michel,  261  note.    See  Accau. 

Agniers,  the,  122  note. 

Aigron,  commander  of  the  "Aima- 
ble,"  350,  360 ;  imprisoned  in 
France,  360  note. 

"Aimable,"  the,  350-353,  357;  wreck 
of,  358-360 ;  her  cargo,  360  note. 

Aire,  lieutenant  of  Beaujeu,  353. 

Akanseas,  the,  280  note.  See  Arkan- 
sas. 

Ako,  232  note.     See  Accau. 

Albanel,  a  Jesuit  explorer,  98. 

Albany,  123,  185. 

Algonquin  family,  the,  tribes  of,  207 
note. 

Algonquins,  the,  xxiii,  31,  204. 

Alkansas,  the,  280  jwte.  See  Arhan- 
sas. 

Alleghany  Mountains,  288,  289. 

Alligator,  tormented  by  the  Indians, 
399. 

AUouez,  Claude,  xxv ;  founds  the  mis- 
sion of  St.  Fran9ois  Xavier,  35; 
his  ^^sit  to  the  !Mascoutins  and 
Miamis,  36;  his  visit  to  the  Foxes, 
37 ;  attends  the  meeting  of  Indians 
at  the  Saut,  42 ;  his  address  to  the 
Indians,  44-46 ;  counts  the  number 
of  lodges  in  the  Illinois  town,  156 
note;  charges  against  him,  161 
note ;    accused   of   enmity  towards 


La  Salle,  222  twte ;  shows  a  dread 
of  meeting  La  Salle,  433,  434. 

Allumette  Island,  xxiii. 

Almagro,  339. 

Alton,  59  note. 

Amiens,  232. 

Amikouds,  the,  42. 

Andastes,  the,  204. 

Andr^,  Louis,  takes  charge  of  the 
mission  at  Manatoulin  Island,  33; 
his  diet  when  on  a  missionary  tour, 
34;  attends  the  meeting  of  Indiana 
at  the  Saut,  42. 

Anticosti,  Island  of,  67  note. 

Antoinette,  name  given  an  Indian 
child,  245. 

Appalache,  Bay  of,  351. 

Aquipaguetin,  a  Sioux  chief,  236-239  { 
adopts  Hennepin,  243 ;  his  treat- 
ment of  Hennepin,  245,  246,  252, 
253. 

Aramoni  Eiver,  the,  206,  210;  proba- 
blv  the  Big  Vermilion  River,  206 
note,  223,  224. 

Arkansas,  the,  171,  287  note;  their 
reception  of  Marquette  and  Joliet- 
62-64;  divisions  of  the  tribe,  280 
note. 

Arkansas  River,  the,  61,  426,  427,  430. 

Arouet,  Fran9oi3  Marie,  1  note. 

Artois,  120. 

Aspinwall,  Colonel  Thomas,  444  note 

Assiniboins,  the,  32,  242  note ;  257. 

Assonis,  the,  426. 

Atlantic,  the,  64. 

Auguel,  Antoine,  173.    See  Du  Gay 


B. 

Barbier,  383;  his  marriage  at  the 
Texan  Fort,  385;  left  in  command 
of  Fort  St.  Louis  of  Texas,  394. 
his  fate,  444. 

Barrois,  secretary  of  Count  Fronteoac. 
272. 


464 


INDEX. 


Barthelemy,  his  slanders  about  La 
Salle,  403  note,  409  note ,  one  of  the 
party  under  the  command  of  the 
assassins  of  La  Salle,  411;  accom- 
panies Joutel  on  his  trip  to  the  Ar- 
kansas, 426;  leaves  the  party  of 
Joutel,  430  note. 

Bays.  See  under  their  respective 
names. 

Bazire,  91. 

Beauharnois,  8. 

Beaujeu,  commander  of  the  vessels  in 
the  last  expedition  of  La  Salle,  331 ; 
his  disagreement  "with  La  Salle, 
331-339;  his  letters  to  Seignelay 
complaining  of  La  Salle,  333-335, 
347-349 ;  writes  also  to  Cabart  de 
Villermont,  335-339;  his  misunder- 
standings with  La  Salle,  344,  345; 
his  voyage  from  Rochelle  to  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  344-350;  answera- 
ble for  the  loss  of  the  St.  Fran9ois, 
346  ;  continues  his  voyage  in  search 
of  the  Mississippi,  350-357;  pro- 
poses to  return  to  France,  362; 
makes  friendly  advances  to  La 
Salle,  363-365 ;  embarks  for  France, 
365;  his  return  to  France  and  h's 
reception  bv  Seignelay,  367  note 

Beaujeu,  Madame  de,  332,  339. 

Bdgon,  345,  346. 

"Belle,"  the,  350-352,  3.57,  369;  no 
tidings  of  the  vessel,  380  ;  news  of 
the  wreck  of  the  vessel,  383,  384. 

Belle  Isle,  189. 

Bellefontaine,  lieutenant  of  Tonty, 
432 ;  his  reception  and  treatment  of 
Joutel's  party,  432,  433. 

Bellinzani,  117. 

Bernou,  Abb(^,  draws  the  character  of 
La  Salle,  320  note,  321  note. 

Beschefer,  338. 

Bienville,  46L 

Big  Vermilion  River,  the,  206  note,  223, 
224. 

Bissot,  Claire,  wife  of  Joliet,  66  note. 

Black  Rock,  136. 

Bois  Blanc  Island,  140. 

Boisrondet,  assistant  of  La  Salle  and 
comrade  of  Tonty,  203,  208,  211, 
217,  219,  220;  meets  Joutel's  party, 
43  L 

Boisseau,  91. 

Bolton,  Captain,  xxiv;  said  to  have 
reached  the  Mississippi  in  1670, 
xxiv. 

Boston,  rumor  of  its  capture,  78. 

Boughton  Hill,  13  note. 

Bourbon,  Louis  Armand  de,  95  note. 
See  Conti. 

Bourdon,  engineer,  99  note. 

Bourdon,  Madame,  99. 


Bourdon,  Jean,  185  note.    See  Dau- 

tray. 
Bowman,  W.  E.,  296  note. 
Branssac,  40  note,  409  note. 
Brazos  River,  the,  399. 
Breman,  his  fate,  444,  445. 
Brinvilliers,  165  note. 
British  Territories,  the,  289  note. 
Bruvas,  103,  122. 
Buade,  Lake,  239,  243. 
Buade,  Louis  de,  47.     See  Frontenac. 
Buffalo,   the,   55,   190,   191;    Joutel's 

experience    in    hunting     them     on 

foot,  375,  376. 
Buffalo  Rock,  156,  293  note,  294  note. 
Buisset,   Luc,   a    Rdcollet  friar,  109, 

119,  124,  260. 
"Bull  boat,"  the,  398. 
Bull  River,  253. 
Burnt  Wood  River,  258. 


c. 


Caches,  used  by  the  Indians  for  hiding 
corn,  157,  193. 

Caddoes,  the,  427  note. 

Cadodaquis,  the,  their  custom  of 
washing  the  faces  of  guests,  426, 
427  note. 

Calais,  120. 

California,  Gulf  of,  9,  23,  33,  54,  64. 

Calumet,  the,  danced  by  the  Indians, 
64,  427,  430. 

Calumet  or  Peace-pipe,  the,  56,  57,  62, 
159,  233,  234,  235,  243,  259,  279. 

Calumet  River,  179. 

Camanches,  the,  390. 

Canada,  xxiii,  4;  plan  of  the  early 
seigniories,  7 ;  Jesuit  influence,  10, 
29,  91-94,  97-107;  the  fur-trade,  38 
(see  Fur-trade);  plans  of  Talon  re- 
garding the  colony,  39,  46-48;  In- 
dian name  for  its  governor,  44  note, 
81  ;  projects  of  Frontenac  for  the 
colony,  75,  76 ;  the  merchants  and 
Jesuits  show  hostility  to  La  Salle, 
91,  117  (see  La  Salle,  Jiis  enemies) ; 
party  strife,  97-107  ;  endangered  by 
the  butch  and  English  schemes  for 
trading,  303. 

Cananistigoyan,  256  note. 

Cannibalism,  324,  425  note. 

Carignnn,  6,  80. 

Carver,  249  note. 

Cataraqui  River,  77,  80;  Frontenac 
builds  a  storehouse  and  fort  by  the 
river,  8-3-85. 

Cat-iish,  251  note. 

Cavelier,  family  of,  1 ;  the  family 
petition  the  king  for  certain  giants 


INDEX. 


466 


of  land,  26;  losses  incurred  on  ac- 
count of  La  Salle's  explorations, 
114,  115,  409  note. 

Cavelier,  nephew  of  La  Salle,  342, 
365;  accompanies  La  Salle  on  liis 
last  expedition,  396;  his  death,  437 
note ;  error  concerning  his  identity, 
437  note. 

Cavelier,  Henri,  uncle  of  La  Salle,  1, 
2,  341. 

Cavelier,   Jean,  father  of    La   Sal' 3, 

Cavelier,  Jean,  Abb^,  brother  of  La 
Salle  and  priest  of  St.  Sulpice,  3; 
his  memorial  and  petition  to  the 
king,  26,  437  note;  his  conduct 
towards  his  brother,  102,  312;  ac- 
companies La  Salle  on  his  last  ex- 
pedition, 331,  347,  350;  remains 
with  La  Salle,  365 ;  accompanies 
La  Salle  on  his  renewed  search  for 
the  Mississippi,  372 ;  his  report  of 
an  old  Spanish  settlement  in  Texas, 
372  note ;  returns  to  the  Texan  fort, 
379;  accompanies  La  Salle,  while 
trying  to  find  the  Mississippi,  382, 
393,  396;  a  portion  of  his  narrative 
lost,  408  note ;  his  statements  some- 
times incorrect,  408  note;  divines 
the  death  of  La  Salle,  410;  his 
trouble  and  perplexity  after  the 
murder  of  La  Salle,  410,  412-414; 
badly  treated  by  the  party  of  Du- 
haut,  421;  joins  in  Joutel's  plan  of 
escape,  422;  his  terror  at  Duhaut's 
death,  423 ;  gives  Hiens  a  certificate 
of  his  innocence  of  the  murder  of 
La  Salle,  425;  starts  for  the  Ar- 
kansas, 426 ;  the  Indians  annoy 
him  with  their  politeness,  427,  430'; 
conceals  La  Salle's  death  from  the 
colony  at  the  Illinois  fort,  432,  434, 
435 ;  deceives  Tonty,  435 ;  goes  to 
Chicago,  435;  reaches  Montreal, 
436;  sails  for  France,  436;  his 
report  of  the  expedition,  436  note ; 
reveals  the  death  of  La  Salle  when 
he  reaches  France,  436,  437 ;  his 
daath,  437  note. 

Cavelier,  Madeleine,  niece  of  La  Salle, 
21,  26,  27 ;  extract  from  one  of  her 
letters,  relating  to  La  Salle's  ex- 
plorations, 26  note,  27  note. 

Cavelier,  R^n^-Robert.     See  La  Salle. 

Cayuga  Creek,  132,  1.32  note. 

Cavugas,  the,  addressed  bj^  Frontenac, 
81-84. 

Cenis,  the,  friendly  to  La  Salle's 
party,  390,  391 ;  'their  village  and 
lodges,  415-417  ;  their  treatment  of 
Joutel,  415-420  ;  custom  of  tattoo- 
ing, 417  note,  419.  420 ;  their  dress, 


417  note ;  horrified  at  the  ferocity 

of  the  Frenchmen,  424  ;  supposed 
to  be  identical  with  the  Texan  In- 
dians, 443  note. 

Champigny,  Intendant  of  Canada  409 
note. 

Champlain,  8,  406,  450. 

Chaouanons,  the,  287  note. 

Charlevoix,  154  iiote,  284  note  ;  his 
mention  of  Joutel,  430  note. 

Charon,  creditor  of  La  Salle,  137  note. 

Charron,  Madame,  100  note. 

Chassagoac,  chief  of  the  Illinois,  178. 

Chassagouasse,  178  note. 

Chateauguay,  8. 

Chauuionot,  100  note. 

Chefdeville,  383;  remains  with  the 
colony  at  the  fort  in  Texas,  394. 

Chicago  River,  276. 

Chickasaw  Bluffs,  277,  291. 

Chickasaws,  the,  171,  287  note,  299 
441  note. 

Chikachas,  the,  287  note. 

China,  xxv,  8,  9,  21,  73. 

China,  Sea  of,  .30. 

Chinese,  the,  xxiii,  xxiv. 

Chippewa  Creek,  126,  132  note. 

Chippeway  River,  253. 

Christmas,  observed  bv  the  colonists  in 
Texas,  .393. 

Chukagoua,  the,  287  note. 

Clark,  James,  155  note,  157  note,  223, 
224. 

Coahuila,  442. 

Colbert,  89  note,  107,  110,  115. 

Colbert  River,  227.     See  Mississippi. 

Colin,  342. 

Collin,  174. 

Colorado  River,  the,  388,  391. 

Comet,  the  comet  of  1680,  199  note. 

Constantine,  the  story  of,  told  to  the 
Indians,  37. 

Conti,  Fort,  116;  situation  of,  116 
135,  135  note. 

Conti,  Lac  de,  116  note. 

Conti,  Prince  de,  95,  115. 

Copper,  the  mines  at  Lake  Supenoi, 
16,  29,  .30,  31,  40;  discovered  on  an 
island  in  Lake  Superior,  31  note. 

Coroas,  the,  284,  290. 

Coronelli,  206  note,  456. 

Corpus  Christi  Bay,  352. 

Cortez,  339. 

Courcelle,  Governor  of  Canada,  5;  asks 
the  king  for  his  recall  from  Canada, 
47. 

Coureurs  de  bois,  140,  163,  166,  169, 
255,  257,  299,  434  note,  441  note. 

Couture,  his  statements  regarding  La 
Salle,  408  note  ;  is  joined  by  Joutel, 
428 ;  left  by  Tonty  among  the  Ar- 
kansas villages,  429 :  mtich  moved  al: 


30 


466 


INDEX. 


news  of  La  Salle's  death,  430;  in- 
forms Tonty  of  La  Salle's  death, 
435  note,  438. 

Creeks.  See  under  their  respective 
names. 

Creeks,  the,  284  note. 

Crees,  the,  42. 

Crevecoeiir,  Fort,  26  note;  building  of, 
167,  168;  destroyed  bv  the  men  left 
in  charge,  185,  l'J6,  201,  202. 

CroAVS,  the,  their  violation  of  the  dead, 
193  note. 

Cuba,  350. 

Culture,  its  effect  in  enduring  hard- 
ship, 18 1  note. 

Customs.     See  Indians. 

D. 

Dablon,  Claude,  a  Jesuit  priest,  20; 
his  account  of  copper-mines  at  Lake 
Superior,  30,  31  ;  founds  mission 
with  Father  Allouez  at  Green  Bay, 
35;  his  account  of  his  journey  with 
Father  Allouez,  35-37;  attends  a 
meeting  of  Indians  at  the  Saut,  42; 
starts  a  rumor,  with  the  intention  of 
injury  to  La  Salle's  plans,  78  note, 
101  note. 

Dacan,  Dacau,  D'Accaii  or  D'Accault, 
232  note.     See  Accnu. 

Dacotah,  the,  233;  divisions  of  the 
tribe,  242  note. 

Daillebout,  Madame,  100  note. 

Daumont  de  Saint-Lusson,  40.  See 
Saint-Lusson. 

Dauphin,  Fort,  116  note. 

Dauphin,  Lac,  142  note. 

D'Autray  or  Dautray,  a  follower  of  La 
Salle,  174;  ordered  to  rejoin  Tonty, 
185  note;  assists  La  Salle  in  his 
search  for  Tonty,  195;  reaches  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi  with  La 
Salle,  285. 

De  Baugis,  Chevalier,  305 ;  sent  to  take 
possession  of  Fort  St.  Louis  in  Illi- 
nois, 306. 

De  Casson,  Dollier,  10.     See  Dollier. 

De  Cussy,  345,  346. 

De  Grandfontaine,  Chevalier,  his  name 
erroneously  used  for  that  of  Talon, 
47  note. 

Dc  la  Salle,  son  of  an  official  at  Toulon, 
437  note. 

De  Launay  is  joined  by  Joutel,  428: 
left  by  Tonty  among  the  villages  of 
the  Arkansas,  429 ;  much  moved  at 
news  of  La  Salle's  death,  430. 

De  Leon,  Alonzo,  his  expedition  in 
search  of  the  French  colony  in 
Texas,  442-445. 


De  Marie,  a  follower  of  La  Salle,  397', 
sent  to  join  Duhaut,  401;  compelled 
by  the  murderers  to  despatch  Mo- 
ranget,  402;  accompanies  Joutel  on 
his  trip  to  the  Arkansas,  426; 
drowned  while  bathing,  427. 

De  INIeules,  298  note ;  Intendant  of 
Canada,  330. 

Denonville,  Marquis  de,  13  note,  256 
note  ;  his  attack  upon  the  Senecas, 
13  note,  256  note,  434;  menticnis 
Tonty  with  praise,  434  note  441 
note. 

Deslauriers,  106. 

Desloges,  362. 

Des  Moines  River,  56  note. 

De  Soto,  xxiii,  296  note. 

D'Estrt^es,  323. 

Detroit,  a  manito  found  there  by  the 
expedition  of  Dollier  de  Casson,  19. 

Detroit,  Strait  of,  tirst  recorded  pas- 
sage of  white  men,  19 ;  reached  by 
the  "Griifin,"  138. 

De  Villermont,  Cabart,  335.  See 
Villermont. 

D'Iberville,  founder  of  Louisiana,  429, 
445  note,  446;  is  joined  by  Tonty 
441  note. 

Divine,  Riviere  de  la,  154  note. 

Dollier  de  Casson,  10;  author  of  His- 
toire  de  Montreal,  10  note;  under- 
takes an  expedition  to  the  North- 
west, 10,  11;  his  expedition  unites 
with  that  of  La  Salle,  11;  pursues 
his  expedition  without  La  Salle, 
18-21. 

Domingo,  Teran  de  los  Rios,  445  note. 

Donnes,  the,  38,  106. 

Douay,  Anastase,  a  R^collet  priest,  his 
mention  of  an  Indian  god,  59  note ; 
accompanies  La  Salle  on  his  last 
expedition.  331,  350,  365,  382;  his 
mishap  while  hunting,  376 ;  his  fear 
of  losing  La  Salle,  389 ;  visits  the 
Cenis  Indians  with  La  Salle,  390, 
391;  officiates  at  Christmas  Mass  in 
Texas,  393;  his  date  of  the  depart- 
ure of  the  Canada  expedition,  394 
note ;  accompanies  La  Salle  on  his 
fatal  journey,  396;  accompanies  La 
Salle  on  the  search  for  Moranget, 
404;  his  account  of  La  Salle's  last 
conversation,  404;  his  evidence  con- 
cerning La  Salle's  assassination,  108 
note ;  his  statements  sometimes  in- 
correct, 408  7U}te,  436  no^e ;  his  ac- 
count of  La  Salle's  last  moments, 
409  note;  his  return  to  the  camp, 
410;  his  trouble  after  the  murder  of 
La  Salle,  410,  412-414;  badly  treated 
by  the  party  of  Duhaut,  421 ;  present 
at   Duhaut's  death,    423:  accompa- 


INDEX. 


467 


nies  Joutel  on  his  trip  to  the  Arkan- 
sas, 426 ;  reaches  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the 
Illinois,  432 ;  his  mention  of  Tonty, 
435  note. 

D'Outrelaise,  Mademoiselle,  154  note. 

Druilletes,  Gabriel,  42,  50. 

Duchesneau,  Intendant  of  Canada,  91 ; 
hostile  to  La  Salle,  91, 143  note,  183; 
enemy  of  Du  Lhut,  256  note. 

Du  Gay,  Picard,  173 ;  explanation  of 
the  namo  Picard,  173  note ;  accom- 
panies Honnepiu  on  his  expedition 
on  the  Illinois,  225,  232;  his  life 
with  the  Sioux,  234-247;  departs 
with  Hennepin  from  the  Sioux  en- 
campment, 248 ;  his  adventures 
while  with  Hennepin  on  their  way 
to  the  Wisconsin,  248-254  ;  joins 
the  Sioux  hunters,  253. 

Dugud,  337. 

Duhaut,  a  member  of  La  Salle's  last 
expedition,  346,  377,  382,  396;  his 
story  of  the  "  Belle,"  378  ;  increases 
the  discontent  of  the  colonists,  387; 
sent  b}'  La  Salle  to  tind  some  Indian 
com,  400;  his  sinister  purposes,  400; 
plans  the  murder  of  Moranget,  401 ; 
joins  in  the  murder  of  La  Salle's 
men,  402  ;  leads  the  murderous 
party,  404,  405;  assassin  of  La 
Salle,  405 ;  assumes  the  leadership 
of  the  band,  410 ;  proposes  that  each 
should  command  in  turn,  412;  re- 
solves to  return  to  Fort  St.  Louis,  in 
Texas,  420 ;  forms  a  new  resolve  to 
go  to  Canada,  422 ;  killed  by  Hiens, 
422, 423. 

Du  Lhut,  Daniel  Greysolon,  169,  255, 

256  note,  257  note ;  his  character 
and  mode  of  life,  255,  256-258; 
various  ways  of  spelling  his  name, 

257  note  ;  meets  Hennepin,  255,  258, 
259;  aids  Denonville  in  the  war 
against  the  Senecas,  256  note,  434 
note  ;  map  of  the  Upper  Mississippi 
made  by  or  for  him.  454,  455. 

Du  Luc,  Du  Lud,  Du  Lude,  Du  Lut,  or 

Du  Luth.     See  Du  Lhut. 
Dumesnil,  seized  by  an  alligator,  391. 
Dumcnt,  lends    money  to   La  Salle, 

114. 
Dunkirk,  120. 
Duplessis,  attempts  to  shoot  La  Salle, 

153. 
Dupont,  88  note. 
Durango,  328  note. 
Durantaye,  joins   Denonville  against 

the  Senecas,  256  note,  434  note. 
Dntch,    the,   traders   urge   on   Indian 

warfare,  204,  303. 


E. 

Eaux  Puantes,  La  Baye  des,  34  note. 

Emissourites,  Riviere  des,  60  note. 

En(ia(jes,  the,  38. 

England,  39. 

English  traders,  the,  help  on  Indiac 

warfare,  204,  303. 
Erie,    Lake,   18,   116   note,   289  note; 

plan  to  build  a  vessel  on  the  lake, 

128 ;  first  sailing  vessel  on  the  lake. 

138. 
Fries,  the,  204. 
Esmanville,  353. 
Espiritu  Santo  Bay,  371  note ;  name  of 

several  bays  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 

444  note. 
Estr^es,  Count  d'   323. 

F. 

Faillon,  Abb^,  2  note,  7  note,  21, 
priest  of  St.  Sulpice.  88  note. 

F^nelon,  Abb^,  10;  his  attempt  to 
mediate  between  Frontenac  and 
Perrot,  87;  his  sermon  at  the  time 
of  the  quarrel,  87,  88. 

Fire  Nation,  the,  36  note. 

Fisheries,  31,  34. 

Five  Nations,  appellation  of  the  Iro- 
quois Indians,  5,  81,  103  note. 

Flemings,  assistants  of  La  Salle, 
129,  136. 

Floridas,  the,  their  lodges,  417  note. 

Fox  River,  34;  rapids  of,  35  ;  abun- 
dance of  game,  53  note. 

Foxes,  the,  32 ;  their  place  of  abode, 
34;  their  reception  of  the  Faith,  37; 
give  La  Salle  news  of  Tonty,  267. 
See  Outagnmies. 

France,  39;  receives  a  vast  accession 
of  land,  288,  446 ;  its  relations  with 
Spain,  39,  323,  326-328,  438;  its 
American  domain  as  laid  down  on 
Franquelin's  map,  456. 

Franquelin,  Jean  Baptiste  Louis,  his 
map  of  Louisiana,  289  note ;  his  map 
of  La  Salle's  discoveries,  295  note, 
296  note,  326,  327;  his  map  of  the 
Upper  Lakes  and  IMississippi  region, 
453,  454;  "  Carte  de  I'Amerique 
Septentrionale,"  probably  made  by 
him,  455  ;  description  of  his  maps, 
including  the  great  map  of  1684, 
455-457. 

Fremin,  a  Jesuit  missionary,  14. 

French,  the,  assistants  of  La  Salle,  129 ; 
forbidden  bv  Spain  to  enter  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  323. 

French  River,  21,  436. 


468 


INDEX. 


Frontenac,  Fort,  89-91,  101,  102  ; 
granted  to  La  Salle,  90;  description 
of,  108,  109;  reasons  of  La  Salle  for 
desiring  the  grant  of  the  fort,  111, 
112;  Reized  by  order  of  La  Barre, 
30i,  305;  La  Barre  reproved,  and 
the  fort  given  in  charge  to  La  Forest, 
329,  330. 

Frontenac,  Lake,  116. 

Frontenac,  Louis  de  Buade,  Count  of 
Palluau  and  Fro  itenac,  47  ;  ap- 
pointed Governor  of  Canada,  47; 
his  projects  regarding  the  West,  75, 
76 ;  starts  on  his  expedition  to  the 
North-west,  76;  his  reception  at 
Montreal,  77;  account  of  his  expe- 
dition, 78-85;  his  reception  by  the 
Iroquois,  79-81;  builds  fort  at'Cata- 
raqui,  81,  82:  his  speech  to  and 
treatment  of  the  Iroquois,  81,  82- 
84;  his  return  to  Montreal,  85; 
quarrels  with  Perrot,  86 ;  sends  let- 
ters to  France  recommending  La 
Salle,  89;  his  expectations  from  La 
Salle's  new  post,  90,  91;  his  visit 
to  Fort  Frontenac,  103;  receives 
Hennepin  upon  his  return  from  the 
west,  261 ;  recalled  to  France,  297 ; 
gives  La  Salle's  letter  to  La  Barre, 
304  note ;  his  recommendation  of 
Tonty,  441  note. 

Frontenac,  Madame  de,  154  note. 

Fur-trade,  the,  38,  74,  90,  98,  98  notes, 
99,  101-103,  113,  126,  140,  143,  143 
note,  204,  256-258, 298,  299,  303,  309, 
441  note. 

G. 

Gaeta,  115. 

Galin^e,  a  priest  of  St.  Sulpice,  11- 
13 ;  his  description  of  the  expe- 
dition of  La  Salle  and  Dollier  de 
Casson,  12,  13-21;  remains  with 
Dollier  de  Casson,  18;  makes  the 
earliest  map  of  the  Upper  Lakes 
known  to  exist,  21 ;  his  opinion  of  La 
Salle,  95 ;  description  of  his  map, 
449. 

Galve,  442. 

Galveston  Bay,  352,  353;  seen  b}' La 
Salle,  354  note;  the  supposed  chief 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  363. 

Garakonti^,  an  Indian  chief,  81. 

Garnier,  Julier,  a  Jesuit  priest,  127. 

Gastacha,  Iroquois  name  for  the  Mis- 
sissippi, 261  note. 

Gayen,  362. 

Oeest,  Catherine,  mother  of  La  Salle, 
1  note. 

Geest,  Nicolas,  1  note 


Genesee  River,  the,  127, 128,  260 

Georgian  Bay,  20,  189. 

Giton,  creditor  of  La  Salle,  137  note. 

Grand  Gulf,  280. 

Grand  River,  16, 18. 

Grandfoutaine,  Chevalier  de,  his  name 
erroneously  used  for  that  of  Talon 
47  note. 

Green  Bay,  xxiv,  23;  noted  fishing- 
place,  34;  mission  of,  34,  35,  66, 
259. 

"Griffin,"  the,  building  and  launch- 
ing of  the  vessel,  131-136;  first 
voyage  of,  138-143;  her  return  to 
Niagara,  143;  doubts  concerning 
her  safety,  149,  150;  her  probable 
fate,  169,  301  note. 

Grollet,  meets  Joutel,  420  ;  companion 
of  Ruter,  420,  423;  trusts  himself  to 
the  Spaniards,  443,  444;  his  fate, 
445. 

Gulfs.  See  under  their  respective 
names. 


H. 

Hagaren,  a  king  in  the  Eldorado  of 

Sagean,  459-461. 

Hamilton,  town  of,  16. 

Haukiki  River,  154  note. 

Hennepin,  Louis,  a  Recollet  friar,  109- 
117 ;  joins  the  expedition  of  La  Salle, 
for  Western  discovery,  118;  history 
of  his  early  life  and  exploits,  120- 
123;  his  relations  with  La  Salle, 
121 ;  departs  with  La  Motte  for 
Niagara,  123;  his  lack  of  truthful- 
ness, 123,  225 ;  account  of  his  voy- 
age to  Niagara,  123-126;  his  account 
of  the  Falls  of  Niagara,  125  note^ 
126  note ;  his  visits  to  the  Senecas, 
127,  128,  200  ;  his  labors  at  Niagara, 
131-134;  his  danger  on  the  l^akes, 
143-145;  assists  Father  Gabriel 
Ribourde,  145,  146;  his  journey 
with  La  Salle  on  the  Illinois,  151- 
159;  narrow  escape  from  burning, 
153;  his  New  Year's  address,  158; 
stay  of  the  party  at  an  Illinois 
can'ip,  158-166;  leaves  the  Illinois 
camp,  167;  sent  to  explore  the 
Illinois  River,  172,  173;  publication 
of  his  travels,  225,  226,  262  note; 
his  conflicting  statements  regarding 
the  exploration  of  the  Mississippi, 
225-230;  his  literary  fraud,  229, 
230 ;  parts  of  his  book  trustworthy, 
230,  231;  his  use  of  Sioux  words, 
231  7iote ;  account  of  his  expedition 
on  the  Illinois  River  and  his  life 
with   the   Sioux,  232-247;    departs 


INDEX 


469 


from  the  Sionx  encampment,  247 ; 
names  St.  Anthony's  Falls,  248; 
his  notice  of  the  Falls  of  St.  An- 
thony, 248  note ;  his  adventures 
while  on  the  way  to  the  Wisconsin, 
248-254;  rejoins  the  Sioux  hunters, 
253, 254 ;  meets  Du  Lhut,  258;  leaves 
the  Sioux  and  travels  to  Fort  Fron- 
tenac,  259-261;  his  return  to  Mon- 
treal, 201;  his  return  to  Europe, 
261 ;  renounces  the  service  of  the 
French  crown,  262  note ;  his  death, 
261. 

Hiens,  a  German,  388;  known  as 
"English  Jem,"  397;  accompanies 
La  Salle  on  his  fatal  journey,  397, 
400;  becomes  one  of  the  party  of 
murderers,  401,  402;  enraged  at 
Duhaut,  421;  attacks  and  kills 
Duhaut,  422,  423;  joins  in  an  In- 
dian fight,  424,  425;  supposed  to 
have  been  murdered,  439,  440;  his 
probable  death,  445,  446. 

Hillaret,  Moise  or  Moyse,  134  note ; 
ringleader  of  the  deserters  of  La 
Salle's  men,  202  note,  203  note. 

"  Histoire  de  Monsieur  de  la  Salle," 
22,  96 ;  extracts  from  the  paper  con- 
cerning the  life  and  explorations  of 
La  Salle,  22-24,  22-24  notes,  100-104, 
106,  107. 

Hitt,  Col.  D.  F.,  296  note. 

Hohays,  the,  242  note. 

Homannus,  his  map,  457. 

"Horned  frog,"  the,  374. 

Horse  Shoe  Fall,  the,  125  note. 

Horses,  obtained  by  La  Salle  while  in 
Texas,  388,  391,  394. 

Hudson's  Bay,  66  note,  67  note,  325. 

Humber  River,  124,  189. 

Hunaut,  follower  of  La  Salle,  174, 
195,  266. 

Hundred  Associates,  the,  48. 

Huron,  Lake,  19,  29,  33,  43,  139. 

Huron  River,  182. 

Hurons,  the,  32,  33,  141,  204,  300; 
mission  of,  20,  28,  29. 

"Hyacinth,  confection  of,"  146. 


I. 


rberville.     See  D' Iberville. 

Illinois,  the,  32,  67,  210  note,  287  note, 
301,  304;  their  place  of  abode,  32 
note ,  receive  Marquette,  57,  58,  69, 
156  note  ,  one  of  their  great  towns, 
65  (see  lUmois  Town);  their  lodges, 
156  note ;  tHeir  dealings  with  the 
party  of  La  Salle,  158-166;  their 
custom  of  placing  the  dead  on  scaf- 


folds, 192;  warfare  with  Iroquois, 
192-196,  209-219;  divisions  of  the 
tribe.  207  note,  451 ;  their  character 
and  habits,  207  note,  208  note; 
their  fight  with  the  Iroquois,  209- 
219;  allies  of  La  Salle,  266,  267; 
a  party  starved  on  "  Starved  Rock," 
294  note  ;  return  to  their  town,  295 ; 
number  of,  in  La  Salle's  colony, 
296  note. 

Illinois,  Lac  des,  the  French  term  for 
Lake  Michigan,  34  note,  65,  142 
note. 

IlHnois  River,  the,  23,  25  note,  65, 
100,  154-156,  158,  205;  possible 
cause  of  its  name  being  called  the 
Divine,  154  note ;  its  various  names, 
154  note,  456. 

Illinois,  State  of,  first  civilized  occupa- 
tion of  the  region,  168. 

Illinois  Town,  the,  65,  67,  69,  156, 
157,  177,  276  ;  the  description  of, 
156  note,  157  note ;  its  condition 
after  the  Iroquois  invasion,  191- 
195;  description  of  the  invasion  of 
the  Iroquois,  208-214,  218 ;  site  of, 
223,  224. 

Immaculate  Conception,  the  doctrine 
of,  a  favorite  tenet  of  Marquette's, 
51  note  ;  name  given  by  Marquette 
to  the  Mississippi,  51,  67;  mission 
of,  67,  69,  70. 

Indians,  their  barbarity,  14,  15,  128, 

192,  197,  217-219;  their  manitous, 
19,  31  note,  35,  59 ;  noted  fishing- 
places,  31,  34 ;  their  trade,  38; 
(see  Fur-trade) ;  their  game  of  la 
crosse,  41 ;  meeting  of  tribes  at  the 
Saut  Ste.  Marie,  to  confer  with 
Saint-Lusson,  41-46 ;  their  recep- 
tion and  treatment  of  Joliet  anc 
Marquette,  53,  54,  56-58,  61-64 
their  reception  of  Frontenac,  80-85 
council  held  with  Marquette,  69,  70 
156  note ;  one  of  their  large  towns, 
156,  157  (see  Illinois  Town);  their 
lodges,  65  note,  156  note,  242  note, 
415-417,  417  note  ;  their  caches,  157, 
193;    violation  of    the    dead,   192, 

193,  193  note,  218 ;  sweating-baths, 
244  note;  asked  by  La  Salle  to 
join  with  his  interests,  265-271 ; 
their  dances,  209,  238,  279,  427, 
430;  sun-worship,  281-283;  gather 
about  La  Salle  as  their  champion, 
294,  295,  297;  villages  in  the  colony 
of  La  Salle  at  Fort  St.  Louis,  296 
note  ;  cannibalism,  324,  425  Jiote  ; 
to  be  used  by  La  Salle  in  attacking 
the  Spaniards,  326,  330;  used  by 
the  French  in  attacking  the  Span- 
iards of  Mexico,   327   note ;    their 


no 


INDEX. 


cruelty  to  an  allit^ator,  399  ;  custom 

of    tattooing,   417  note,    419,    420 ; 

astonished  at  the  ferocity  of  the 
Frenchmen,  424;  custom  of  wash- 
ing faces  of  guests,  426,  427  note ; 
instance  of  fidelity  shown  by  a 
chief,  429;  dwelling-places  of  some 
of  the  tribes  as  indicated  on  the 
map  of  Marquette,  451.  For  infor- 
mation regarding  the  separate  tribes, 
see  the 

Abenakis.  Meddewakan- 

Acanibas.  tonwan. 

Aguiers.  Menomouies. 

Akanseas.  Miamis. 

Algonquins.  Mitchigamias. 

Alkansas.  Mohawks. 

Amikou^8.  Mohegans. 

Andastes.  Moingona. 

Arkansas.  Monsonis. 

Assiniboins.  Motantees. 

Assonis.  Nadouessioux. 

Caddoes.  Natchez. 

Cadodaquis.  Nation  des  Fol- 

Camanches.  les-Avoines. 

Cenis.  Nation    of    the 

Chaouanons.  Prairie. 

Chickasaws.  Neutrals. 

Chikachas.  Nipissings. 

Coroas.  Ojibwas. 

Creeks.  Omahas. 

Crees.  Oneidas. 

Crows.  Ouondagas. 

Dacolah.  Osages. 

Eries.  Osotouoy. 

Fire  Nation.  Ottawas. 

Five  Nations.  Ouaboua. 

Floridas.  Ouiatenons. 

Foxes.  Oumalouminek. 

Hohays.  Oumas. 

Hurons.  Outagamies. 

Illinois.  Pah-Utahs. 

Iroquois.  Pawnees. 

Issanti.  Peanqhichia. 

Issanj-ati,  Peorias. 

Issati.  Pepikokia. 

Kahokias.  Piankishaws. 

Kanzas.  Pottawattamies. 

Kappas.  Quapaws. 

Kaskaskias.  Quinipissas. 

Kickapoos.  Sacs. 

Kilatica.  Sauteurs. 

Kious.  Sauthouis. 

Kiskakon  Otta-  Senecas. 

was.  Shawanoes. 

Knisteneaux.  Sioux. 

Koroas.  Sokokis. 

Malhn  amines.  Taensas. 

Malouminek.  Tamaroas. 

Mandans.  Tangibao. 

Maroas.  Terliquiquirae- 

lilascoutins.  chi. 


Wapoos. 
Weas. 
Wild-rice. 
Winnebagoes. 
Yankton  Sioirx. 


Tetons. 

Texas. 

Tintonwans. 

Tongengas. 

Topingas. 

Torimans. 

Irondequoit  Bav,  13. 

Iroquois,  the,  25  note,  29,  103,  222 
note,  242  note,  302,  303;  defeated 
by  Courcelle,  5 ;  called  the  Five 
Nations,  5,  81  ;  Seneca  Iroquois 
visit  La  Salle,  8 ;  murder  of  some 
of  their  tribe,  11;  inspire  terror 
among  other  bands  of  Indians,  33, 
294-297,  299,  300;  their  reception 
of  Frontenac,  79-81;  how  treated 
by  Frontenac,  80-85;  references  in 
the  memoir  of  Monsieur  de  la  Salle, 
103,  104  ;  their  name  for  the  gover- 
nor of  Canada,  142  note ;  warfare 
with  the  Illinois,  192-196;  their 
fight  with  the  Illinois,  209-219  ; 
violation  of  the  dead,  192,  193,  218; 
their  ferocious  character,  193  note  ; 
slaughter  the  Tamaroa  Illinois  and 
a  band  of  the  Miamis,  266;  their 
victories,  203,  204 ;  urged  to  attack 
the  western  tribes,  303-306 ;  attack 
Fort  St.  Louis,  306. 

Islands.  See  under  their  respective 
names. 

Issanti,  the,  242  note;  their  lodges, 
242  note. 

Issanyati,  the,  242  note. 

Issati,  the,  242  note. 

Italians,  assistants  of  La  Salle,  129. 


J. 


Jacques,  67. 

Jansenists,  the,  99. 

Japan,  xxv,  8. 

Japanese,  the,  xxiii. 

Jesuits,  the,  xxv;  connection  of  La 
Salle  with  the  organization,  2,  3  ; 
their  power  in  Canada,  10,  29,  91- 
94,  97-107 ;  their  route  to  the  Upper 
Lakes,  19  note;  decline  aid  from 
St.  Sulpice,  20;  mission  of  the 
Hurons,  20,  28,  29;  their  labors 
at  the  Lakes,  28-38;  their  views 
regarding  conversion,  28-30;  con- 
tents of  tlieir  missionary  reports,  29, 
30;  description  of  maps  made  by 
them,  including  the  map  of  Lake 
Superior,  30,  450,  451,  452;  their 
interest  in  the  fur-trade,  38  (see 
Fur-trade ) ;  opposed  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  forts  in  the  upj)er  coun- 
trv.  78  note ;  tlieir  opposition  to  La 
Salle,  91-94,  101-104,  100    107,  140, 


INDEX. 


471 


189,  222  nvte,  433  note,  434  nole: 
the  new  Paraguay,  92,  105;  their 
purposes  and  struggles  in  Canada, 
92-94 ;  some  statements  concerning 
them  in  the  memoir  of  La  Salle, 
97-100,  102-104,  106,  107;  centre 
of  the  missions,  140. 

Jesus,  Order  of,  29,  30. 

Jesus,  Society  of,  2. 

Jogaes,  XXV. 

J  oliet,  Louis,  his  birth,  character,  and 
education,  16,  48,  49,  49  note;  sent 
tc  explore  copper-mines  at  Lake 
Superior,  16,  49;  his  inscription  in 
regard  to  La  Salle's  discovery  of 
the  Ohio,  24,  25 ;  description  of 
nr.aps  made  by  him,  24,  25  note, 
452,  453;  his  claims  to  the  discovery 
of  the  Mississippi,  25,  26  notes,  27  ; 
attends  the  meeting  of  the  Indians 
at  the  Saut,  42;  chosen  to  conduct 
expedition  to  search  for  the  Missis- 
sippi, 47  ;  account  of  his  expedition, 
51-66 ;  interviews  with  Indians 
while  on  the  expedition,  53,  54, 
56-58,  61-64;  his  letter  to  Fron- 
tenac,  66 ;  loss  of  his  paper,  66 ; 
his  marriage,  66  note ;  his  grants  of 
land,  67  note ;  his  death,  67  note ; 
unjustly  mentioned  in  the  memoir 
of  La  Salle,  106 ;  permission  re- 
fused him  to  plant  a  trading  station 
in  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  114. 

"Joly,"  the,'  331,  339;  meets  with 
accident,  344;  voyage  of,  from 
Rochelle  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
344-350;  continues  her  voyage  in 
search  of  the  Mississippi,  350-357; 
returns  to  France,  365. 

Jolycoeur,  104.     See  Nicolas  Perrot. 

Joutel,  59  note ;  his  description  of 
Fort  St.  Louis  in  Illinois,  294  note  ; 
accompanies  La  Salle  on  his  last 
expedition,  341.  342,  345,  347,  350, 
352,  353,  355,  357;  remains  with 
La  Saile  in  Texas,  305 ;  left  in 
command  of  the  colony,  366 ;  his 
life  threatered,  366;  proceeds  to 
the  post  on  the  Lavaca,  369 ;  re- 
mains in  charge  at  the  Lavaca,  373; 
his  work  at  the  Lavaca,  373-377; 
his  account  of  the  snakes  and  game 
at  Fort  St.  Louis  in  Texas,  374; 
the  buffalo-hunt,  375,  376;  his  gen- 
erosity, 382;  his  account  of  the 
life  at  the  Texan  fort,  383-387; 
accompanies  La  Salle  on  his  fatal 
journey,  396-400;  his  account  of 
La  Salle's  last  evening  n  camp, 
403,  404;  his  portrait  of  La  Salle, 
406;  his  evidence  concerning  La 
Salle's  assassination,  408tt6i/e;  hears 


of  La  Salle's  death,  411;  his  account 
of  events  after  the  murder  of  La 
Salle,  411-414;  his  journey,  and 
stay  with  the  Cenis  Indians,  414- 
420:  meets  Ruter  in  the  Cenis 
camp,  419,  420;  meets  Grollet,  420; 
ordered  to  leave  the  Cenis  camp, 
420;  plans  his  escape  from  Duhaut, 
421,  422;  determines  to  reach  the 
Mississippi,  425;  adventures  of  his 
party  on  their  way  to  the  Arkansas, 
4-J6-42S;  reaches  the  Mississippi, 
4;>0.  431;  reaches  Fort  St.  Louis  of 
Illinois.  431,  432;  his  journey  from 
the  Illinois  to  France,  435,  436; 
mentioned  bv  Charlevoix,  436  note 


K. 

Kahokias,  the,  207  nole. 

Kamalastigouia,  256  note. 

Kankakee  River,  the,  153,  154  note, 
190,  199,  268. 

Kanzas,  the,  451. 

Kai)pas,  the,  279,  280  note ;  their  re- 
ception of  La  Salle,  279,  280. 

Kaskaskia,  village  of,  65,  69. 

Kaskaskias,  the,  207  7iote,  451. 

Kiakiki  River,  154  note. 

Kickapoos,  the,  34.  53,  54 ;  murder 
Ribourde,  217,  218. 

Kilatica,  the,  number  of,  in  La  Salle's 
colony,  296  note. 

Kingston,  77. 

Kious,  the,  287  note. 

Kiskakon  Ottawas,  the,  71,  221. 

Knisteneaux,  the,  32. 

Koroas,  the,  287  note. 


L. 

La  Barre,  Le  Febvre  de,  297 ;  Governor 
of  Canada,  298;  his  feeling  toward 
La  Salle,  298;  his  royal  instruc- 
tions, 298,  note ;  his  letters  to  Seig- 
nelay,  301-303 ;  alarmed  at  the 
schemes  of  Dutch  and  English 
traders,  303,  304;  withdraws  the 
soldiers  from  Fort  Frontenac,  304 
note ;  his  action  towards  La  Salle, 
304,  305;  rebuked  by  Louis  XIV., 
329,  330. 

La  Chapelle,  assistant  of  La  Salle, 
179.  21)2. 

La  Chesnave,  91,  304,  305. 

La  Chine,  ■'5,  6,  12,  66,  73;  ori^n  of 
its  name,  21. 

La  crosse,  Indiat  ball-play,  41, 


472 


INDEX. 


La  Forest,  91,  189;  faithful  to  the 
interests  of  La  Salle,  200 ;  accom- 
panies La  Salle  to  the  Illinois  In- 
dians, 266 ;  sent  to  Michilliniackinac, 
267;  refuses  to  ioin  the  party  of  La 
Barre,  305;  sails  for  France,  305; 
despatched  to  Canada  to  hold  Forts 
Fronteuac  and  St.  Louis,  329;  La 
Salle  gives  him  a  promissory  note, 
830  noie  ;  carries  on  a  trade  in  furs 
at  Fort  St.  Louis,  441  note. 

La  Forge,  134  note,  203  note. 

La  Hontan,  132  note,  169  ;  his  book, 
and  its  want  of  veracity,  458. 

Lakes.  See  under  their  respective 
names. 

La  Motte  de  Lussiere,  116;  joins  the 
exploring  expedition  of  La  Salle, 
116,  117;  sets  out  with  Hennepin 
for  Niagara,  119,  123;  account  of 
his  voyage  to  Niagara,  123-126; 
attempts  to  build  a  fort  near  the 
Niagara,  126-128;  his  visit  to  the 
Senecas,  127,  128 ;  failure  of  his 
health,  and  return  to  Fort  Fronte- 
nac,  129. 

Lanquetot,  400  note.     See  Liotot. 

Laon,  50. 

La  Pointe,  mission  at,  32.  See  St. 
Esprit. 

L'ArchevSque,  a  servant  of  Duhaut, 
397,  400;  joins  in  a  murderous  plot 
with  Duhaut,  401 ;  informs  Joutel 
of  the  murder  of  La  Salle,  411 ;  his 
life  threatened,  424;  trusts  himself 
to  the  Spaniards,  443,  444;  his 
fate,  445. 

La  Salle,  Kt^n(^-Robert  Cavelier,  Sieur 
de  la  Salle,  his  birth,  1;  his  educa- 
tion and  religious  tendencies,  2,  3; 
his  character,  2,  3,  5,  17,  184,  188, 
198,  307-320,  320  note,  321  note, 
406-408 ;  loss  of  paternal  inheri- 
tance, 3,  4,  4  note ;  his  pecuniarv 
condition,  3,  4,  4  note.  9,  39,  40,  90, 
108,  114,  115,  137,  184,  203  note, 
272,  299,  302,  308-310,  409  note, 
135,  435  note;  date  of  his  departure 
for  Canada,  4;  accepts  a  grant  of 
land  in  Canada,  5,  6  ;  organization 
of  his  settlement,  7;  liis  facility  lor 
acquiring  the  Indian  languages,  8; 
his  idea  in  regard  to  a  passage  to 
China  and  the  South  Sea,  8,  9,  21, 
73;  sale  of  his  seigniory  in  Canada, 
9;  plans  an  expedition  to  the  West, 
9-11;  date  of  his  first  expedition, 
11;  his  expedition  is  united  with 
that  of  Dollier,  11,  12;  his  visit  to 
the  Seneca  Indians,  13-15;  meets 
Louis  Joliet,  16,  49;  separates  from 
Dollier,  17,  18;    his  maps  lost,  21; 


his  action  after  separatmg  trom  ex- 
pedition of  Dollier,  21-24;  reaches 
the  Ohio  River,  22,  24;  statements 
concerning  his  explorations  and 
discoveries,  22-27,  22-27  notes,  261 
note,  262  note;  the  paper  entitled 
"Histoire  de  iNIonsieur  de  la  Salle," 
22,  95,  96;  the  paper  entitled  "  iMe- 
nioire  sur  Mr.  de  la  Salle,"  95,  96; 
extracts  from  the  "Histoire"  and 
"  Memoire  sur  Mr.  de  la  Salle,' 
22-24,  22-24  notes,  96-104, 106,  107  ; 
his  memorials,  24.  110-112,  323- 
326;  his  family  petition  for  certain 
grants  of  land,  26 ;  his  projects  re- 
garding the  West,  73,  74,  110-112, 
114,  263,  264,  292,  323-326;  his 
power  over  the  Indians,  78,  79,  166, 
174,  265,  268,  283,  294-297,  359,  397 
429,  430 ;  his  behavior  during  the 
quarrel  between  Frontenac  and  Per- 
rot,  86-89;  date  of  his  visit  tc 
France,  89;  petitions  the  king  for 
patent  of  nobility,  and  a  grant  in 
seigniory  of  Fort  Frontenac,  89  ;  his 
petitions  granted,  90;  his  return  to 
Canada,  90 ;  his  new  post,  and  new 
opponents,  90,  91;  his  enemies,  91, 
129,  140,  187  note,  205  note,  222 
note,  291,  298,  301,  304,  305,  307- 
309,  317;  a  project  of  marriage 
thwarted  by  his  brother,  102,  312 
313;  his  lite  threatened,  105,  106, 
153,  165,  186;  his  injustice  to  Jo- 
liet, 106;  life  at  Fort  Frontenac, 
108,  109;  date  uf  a  second  visit  to 
France,  110;  frames  a  memorial,  in 
which  is  laid  out  his  plans,  and  his 
petition  for  further  patents,  110-» 
112;  receives  patent  from  the  king 
112,  113;  monopoly  of  trade  in 
buffalo-hides  granted  him,  113;  de- 
termines to  build  two  vessels  on  the 
Mississippi,  114;  makes  the  ac- 
quaintance of  Henri  de  Tonty,  115; 
his  return  to  Canada,  117;  dtqiarts 
with  Tonty  to  join  La  ^lotte  at 
Niagara,  128;  his  visit  to  the  Sene- 
cas, 128;  his  exploring  party  unite 
near  Lewiston,  129;  loss  of  his 
vessel,  129 ;  dissensions  among  his 
followers,  130  ;  building  and  launch- 
ing of  the  "Griffin,"  131-136;  vil- 
lage of,  133  note  ;  obliged  to  return  to 
Fort  Frontenac  for  supplies,  134, 135; 
marks  out  the  foundations  of  two 
blockhouses,  135;  his  return  to  tho 
Niagara,  136;  embarks  on  the  "  Grif- 
fin," 138;  account  of  his  voyage  and 
his  trials  on  the  Upper  Lakes,  138- 
150;  sends  the  "Griflin"  l^ack  tc 
Niagara,  143;  prohibited  frou\  trad- 


IXDEX. 


473 


ingwith  (he  Oftawas,  143  note;  his 
dealings  with  the  Outagainies,  147, 
148;  valuable  document  compiled 
from  letters  and  diaries  of  La  Salle, 
150  note ;  his  party  re-embark  for 
the  Illinois  River,  151 ;  lost  in  the 
woods,  152,  153 ;  adventures  of  the 

Sarty  wiiile  on  the  Illinois,  154-159 ; 
ears  Mass  on  New  Year's  Day, 
157;  his  meeting  and  dealings  with 
the  Illinois,  158-166;  his  men  in- 
duced to  desert,  161-166;  leaves 
the  Indian  camp,  167 ;  builds  Fort 
CreveccEur,  167, 168 ;  despairs  of  the 
safety  of  the  "Griffin,"  168-170,301 
note  ;  his  men  discontented,  170-174 ; 
resolves  to  build  a  vessel  at  Fort 
Crevecceur,  171,  172 ;  obliged  to  re- 
turn to  Fort  Frontenac,  to  procure 
the  fitting  out  of  the  vessel,  171-174; 
difficulties  and  dangers  of  his  jour- 
ney, 175,  176,  177;  account  of  his 
journey  on  foot  to  Fort  Frontenac, 
175-184 ;  hears  of  the  loss  of  a  ves- 
sel from  France  freighted  with  his 
goods,  183;  procures  supplies  at 
Montreal,  184;  meets  with  severe 
misfortune,  184-186;  pursues  and 
captures  his  thieving  deserters,  186, 
187;  his  enemies  accuse  him  of 
murder,  187  note;  renews  his  ex- 
pedition, 188;  his  faith  in  Tonty, 
188,  189  ;  course  of  his  journey,  189  ; 
account  of  his  adventures  wliile  re- 
turning to  Tonty,  189-200;  reaches 
Fort  Crevecceur,  196;  finds  his  ves- 
sel on  the  stocks,  196 ;  fails  to  find 
Tonty,  196-200;  beholds  the  Mis- 
sissippi, 197 ;  free  from  superstition, 
198;  encounters  severe  snow-storm, 
200  ;  rests;  at  Fort  Miami,  200,  263  ; 
his  mention  of  the  devices  of  his 
enemies,  222  note ;  his  opinion  of 
Hennepin's  veracity,  202  note  ;  his 
plans  for  renewing  his  expedition, 
263-272;  sets  out  to  obtain  com- 
munication with  the  Illinois,  266: 
becomes  snow-blind,  266 ;  hears 
news  of  Tonty  and  Hennepin,  267 ; 
among  the  Miamis,  268;  his  address 
to_  the  Miamis,  269,  270 :  goes  to 
Michillimackinac,  270  ;  meets  Tonty 
and  Membre,  271:  embarks  for 
Vc'-.l  Frontenac,  272;  makes  his 
will,  272;  goes  to  Toronto,  273; 
reaches  Lake  Huron,  273;  reaches 
Fort  Miami  274;  starts  on  his  new 
expedition  for  the  Mississippi,  276 ; 
account  of  his  journey  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi.  276-288;  sees 
the  Missouri  River,  277;  entertained 
by   the   Kappa  Indians,   279,   280; 


takes  possession  of  land  in  the  name 
of  Louis  XIV.,  280  ,  his  visit  to  the 
Taensas,  280-282;  beholds  the  Gulf 
of  Alexico,  285 ;  takes  possession  of 
the  land  on  the  Mississippi  River, 
and  plants  a  column  bearing  the 
arms  of  France  and  an  inscription, 
286,  287;  retraces  his  course,  290; 
attacked  by  sickness,  290;  remains 
at  Fort  Prudhomme,  290;  rejoins 
Tonty,  291 ;  his  letter  to  France, 
291;  his  aims  and  difficulties,  292; 
entrenches  himself  at  "  Starved 
Rock,"  293;  builds  a  wooden  fort 
and  names  it  Fort  St.  Louis,  293,  294; 
the  Indians  gather  about  him  as 
their  champion,  294;  his  colony  at 
F'ort  St.  Louis,  294-297;  conditions 
of  maintaining  his  colony,  297;  how 
regarded  by  La  ^arre,  298;  his  con- 
dition and 'needs,  298-301;  his  let- 
ters to  La  Barre,  298-301 ;  his 
opinion  of  the  probable  fate  of  the 
"Griffin,"  301  7iofe;  letters  written 
to  France  injurious  to  his  interests, 
301-303;  behavior  of  his  enemies 
at  Fort  F'rontenac,  304,  305 ;  his 
letter  to  Frontenac  concerning  Fori 
Frontenac,  304  note  ;  cut  off  from 
supplies,  305 ;  meets  the  Chevalier 
de  Baugis,  305;  resolves  to  sail  for 
France,  305,  306 ;  his  letters  con- 
cerning himself  and  his  misfortunes, 
308-318;'  defends  himself  for  re- 
puted harshness  to  his  servants, 
314,  315,  316  ;  rumors  of  unsettled 
judgment,  314,  339-341 ;  refers  to 
his  manners  with  his  men  and  his 
friends,  317 ;  his  character  as  drawn 
by  the  Abb^  Bernou,  320  note,  321 
note ;  his  interview  with  the  king, 
322,  323;  the  memorials  containing 
his  proposals  to  the  king.  323-326 ; 
his  plans  as  set  forth  in  his  memo 
rials,  323-326 ;  map  of  his  discov- 
eries, 326,  327,  455 ;  his  plan  for 
Spanish  conquest,  326,  327,  '328 ; 
his  plans  considered,  326-329; 
meets  with  the  king's  favor,  329; 
his  schemes  for  La  Forest,  330; 
gives  a  promissory  note  to  La 
Forest,  330  note ;  his  conduct  in 
regard  to  Spanish  conquest  incom- 
prehensible, 330  note,  331  note^ 
gathers  together  a  new  expedition, 
331;  his  disagreement  with  I3eaujeu, 
331-339  ;  displeased  at  the  arrange- 
ments of  Seignelay,  332;  his  letter 
of  parting  to  his  mother,  342,  343: 
sails  from  Rochelle,  344;  account  of 
his  voyage  from  Rochelle  to  the  Gulf 
of    Mexico,   344-350;    reaches    St 


474 


INDEX 


Domingo,  345 ;  suffers  from  illness, 
345-350;  reaches  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
350;  his  search  for  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi  Kiver,  351-357;  lands 
near  Matagorda  Island,  352;  again 
embarks,  353 ;  lauds  at  Matagorda 
Bay,  357;  sends  soldiers  on  shore 
to  search  for  the  Mississippi,  357 ; 
his  men  attacked  by  Indians,  358; 
Buffers  fresh  disaster,  359,  360; 
meets  with  hostile  treatment  from 
the  Indians  in  Texas,  361,  362; 
friendly  intercourse  with  Beaujeu, 
363-305 ;  remains  with  a  few  colo- 
nists in  Texas,  365,  366;  perils  of 
the  colony,  366;  departs  to  explore 
the  neighborhood,  366;  convinced 
that  he  has  not  found  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi,  366,  367;  removes  his 
colony  to  the  La  Vache  River,  368, 
369;  builds  a  new  station  on  the 
Lavaca,  369-372;  condition  of  the 
colonists  at  the  Lavaca,  369-371; 
gives  his  new  fort  in  Texas  the  name 
of  Fort  St.  Louis,  371 ;  sets  out  again 
in  search  of  the  Mississippi,  372; 
returns  to  his  Texan  fort,  379 ;  ac- 
count of  his  wandering,  379,  380; 
his  anxiety  about  the  •'Belle,"  380, 
381;  again  ill,  381;  resolves  to  go 
to  Canada  by  way  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, 381 ;  his  party  leave  Fort  St. 
Louis  in  Texas,  382;  his  return  to 
the  Texan  fort,  387 ;  account  of 
his  wandering  in  Texas,  388-391; 
attacked  by  illness,  391 ;  his  cour- 
age, 392  note,  393  7iote ;  plans  a 
journey  from  the  Texan  fort  to 
Canada,  393;  is  again  ill,  393;  de- 
parture of  his  expedition  to  Canada, 
from  St.  Louis  of  Texas,  394,  395; 
progress  and  adventures  of  the  ex- 
pedition to  Canada,  397-400;  his 
party  go  into  camp,  400;  sends  a 
party  of  men  to  find  corn  which  he 
had  hidden,  400,  401;  his  death 
planned  by  this  party,  402;  his 
anxiety  for  Moranget,  403;  his 
search  for  Moranget,  404,  405 ;  shot 
by  his  men,  Diihaut  and  Liotot, 
405;  his  body  left  in  the  bushes, 
405;  his  ])ortrait  drawn  by  Joutel, 
t06  ;  evidence  concerning  his  assas- 
sination, 408  note;  statements  and 
slanders  about  him,  408  note  ;  local- 
ity of  his  assassination,  409  note ; 
statement  of  Douay  regarding  his 
death  and  burial,  409  note ;  fact  of 
his  burial  denied  by  Couture  and 
others,  403  note;  schedule  of  his 
debts,  409  note ;  names  of  the  sur- 
vivors of  his   party,  410,    111;    his 


property  seized  by  the  murderers, 
412;  his  death  avenged,  423.  424; 
his  death  concealed  from  tbb  people 
at  Fort  St.  Louis  of  Illinois,  432, 
434,  435 ;  his  death  revealed  by 
Couture  to  Tonty,  438;  expeditions 
sent  from  Vera  Cruz  to  destroy 
him,  442;  sketch  of  his  Illinois 
colony,  on  Franquelin's  map,  457. 

La  Salle,  village  of,  133  note. 

La  Taupine,  68.     See  Moreau. 

La  Tortue,  345, 

Laurent,  203  note. 

Lavaca  or  La  Vache  River,  368,  369, 
373. 

Laval-Montmorency,  Francois  Xavier 
de,  first  bishop  of  Quebec,  99  note  ; 
favors  the  "  Sainte  Famille,"  100 
note. 

La  Violette,  assistant  of  La  Salle, 
174. 

La  Voisin,  165. 

Le  Baillif,  27  7iote. 

Le  Ber,  Jacques,  86,  87;  becomes  the 
enemy  of  La  Salle,  91;  associate  of 
La  Barre,  304;  takes  possession  of 
Fort  Fronteiuic,  305. 

Leblanc,  assistant  of  La  Salle,  179, 
202 ;  one  of  the  deserters,  203  note. 

Le  Clerc,   Chretien,  publishes  an  ac 
count  of  the  Recollet  missions  among 
the   Indians,    229 ;    his    book    sup- 
pressed, 229 ;   his  book  plagiarized 
by  Hennepin,  230  note. 

Le  Clerc,  Maxime,  a  Recollet  friar, 
accompanies  La  Salle  on  his  last 
expedition,  331,  376 ;  meets  with 
accident  from  a  boar,  386 ;  remains 
with  the  colony  in  Texas,  394;  a 
relative  of  Chretien  Le  Clerc,  394 
note. 

Le  Febvre  de  la  Barre,  Governor  of 
Canada,  297.     See  La  Barre. 

Le  Fevre,  118. 

Le  Gros,  366 ;  his  death,  371. 

Le  Meilleur,  203  note.     See  La  Forge. 

Le  Movne,  91. 

"Le  Rocher,"  223,  224;  description  of, 
206  note,  293  note,  294  note.  See 
'^Starved  Rock'''  and  St.  Louis, 
Rock  of. 

L'Esp(''rance,  201,  203,  208;  servant  of 
La  Salle,  201. 

Le  Sueur,  237  note ;  his  map  of  the 
Upper  Mississippi,  457. 

Lewiston,  129,  132  note. 

Liotot,  surgeon,  accompanies  La  Salle 
on  his  last  expedition,  396;  sent  by 
La  Salle  to  find  some  Indian  corn, 
400;  his  hatred  of  La  Salle,  400; 
assassinates  Saget,  Nika,  and  Mo- 
ranget,  402;  assassin   of   La  Salle, 


INDEX. 


476 


405 ;  his  desecration  of  the  dead  La 
Salle,  405;  despatched  to  the  Cenis 
Indians,  414;  leaves  the  Cenis  In- 
dians, 418  ;  resolves  to  return  to  the 
Texan  fort,  420;  killed  by  Ruter, 
423,  424. 

Lodges,  65  note,  156  note,  242  note, 
415-417,  417  note. 

Long  Point,  peninsula,  18. 

Louis  XIV.,  possession  of  land  taken 
in  his  name,  18,  43,  280,  28G,  287 ; 
grants  the  petitions  of  La  Salle,  89, 
90,  112,  113,  329,331;  his  allusion 
to  the  voyage  of  Frontenac,  to  Fort 
Frontenac,  103  note;  his  emblem, 
the  sun,  231  note ;  orders  Hennepin 
to  be  seized  as  prisoner,  should  he 
return  to  Canada,  262  note ;  art  of 
casting  cannon  carried  to  a  high 
degree  of  perfection  in  his  time,  296 
note ;  his  instructions  to  La  Bari'e, 
at  the  time  of  his  assuming  the 
government  of  Canada,  298  note ; 
writes  to  prevent  La  Salle  from 
continuing  his  enterprises,  303;  re- 
bukes La  Barre,  329,  330 ;  his  letter 
to  De  Meules,  330;  leaves  the  Texan 
colony  to  its  fate,  437. 

Louisiana,  286;  its  boundaries  at  the 
time  of  La  Salle,  289;  laid  down  on 
the  map  of  Franquelin,  289  note; 
founder  of.  429,  445  note,  446. 

Louisville,  22. 

Louisville,  Falls  of,  24  note. 

Louvigny,  255,  327  note. 

"Lover's  Leap,"  the,  252  note. 

Loyola,  3,  93. 

Lussiere,  La  Motte  de.    See  La  Matte. 


M. 

Machihiganing,  Indian  name  for  Lake 

Michigan,  34  note. 

Mackinaw  Island,  140,  304  note. 

Macopins,  Riviere  des,  154  note. 

"Maiden's  Rock,"  the,  252  note. 

Malhoumines,  the,  52  note. 

Malouminek,  the,  52  note. 

Manabozho,  249  note. 

Manatoulin  Islands,  the,  20,  43,  140, 
189 ;  mission  at  the  Great  Manatou- 
lin Island,  33. 

Mandans,  the,  their  lodges,  417  note. 

Manitous,  one  found  at  the  place  where 
Detroit  now  stands,  19 ;  mention  of 
one  by  Father  Dablon,  31  note ;  one 
found  at  Fox  River,  35;  one  found 
by  the  Mississippi  River,  59,  454. 

Maps,  Champlain's  map  of  the  Great 
Lakes,   450;  map  of  Coronelli,  206 


note,  456 ;  a  map  of  the  Upper  Missis- 
sippi made  by  or  for  Du  Lhut,  454, 
455 ;  Franquelin's  delineations  of  the 
boundaries  of  Louisiana,  289  note ; 
Franquelin's  map  of  La  Salle's  dis- 
coveries, and  description  of  his  In- 
dian colony,  295  note,  296  note,  457 ; 
an  early  map  of  Franquelin,  of  the 
Great  Lakes  and  Mississippi  region, 
453,  454;  description  of  Franquelin's 
maps,  including  hi?  great  map  of 
1684,  455-457 ;  map  of  Galinc^e,  21; 
description  of  Gal  Inge's  map,  449, 
450  ;  map  of  Homanuus,  4o7 ;  Jesuit 
map  of  Lake  Superior,  30,  450;  a 
Jesuit  map  containing  inexact  in- 
formation, 450,  451;  Jesuit  map  ot 
the  Upper  Lakes,  and  part  of  the 
Mississippi,  452 ;  Joliet's  maps  of 
Mississippi  and  Great  Lakes,  24, 
25 ;  Joliet's  map  of  his  discoveries 
452,  453;  La  Salle's  maps  not  to  be 
found  later  than  1756,  21 ;  map  of 
Le  Sueur,  457;  Marquette's  map  of 
Jesuit  discovery  in  1672,  65  note ; 
description  of  Marquette's  map,  451; 
Minet's  map  of  Matagorda  Bay,  381 
note ;  Minet's  map  of  the  Missis- 
sippi and  Matagorda  Bay,  367  note; 
map  of  Raffeix  concerning  Jesuit 
discoveries,  65  note ;  description  of 
the  map  of  Raffeix,  454 ;  a  map  of 
Raudin,  454;  map  of  the  country 
of  the  Upper  Lakes,  made  by  an 
unknown  hand,  450,  451. 

Maroas,  the,  451. 

Marquette,  Jacques,  a  Jesuit  mission- 
ary-, 20;  his  work  at,  and  flight 
from,  La  Pointe,  32,  33 ;  undertakes 
mission  at  Michillimackinac,  33; 
chosen  to  accompany  Joliet  on  hia 
expedition  in  search  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, 49,  51;  his  birth  and  educa- 
tion, 50 ;  his  character  and  religious 
devotion,  50,  51;  starts  with  Joliet 
on  his  expedition,  51 ;  his  travelling 
outfit,  51 :  account  of  the  expedi- 
tion, 51-66 ;  interviews  with  In- 
dians while  on  the  expedition,  53, 
54,  56-58,  61-64;  reaches  the  Mis- 
sissippi River,  55;  his  drawing  of 
Indian  manitous,  59  note ;  his  jour- 
nal, 65  note ;  his  map  of  discovery 
in  1672,  65  note;  description  of  his 
map,  451;  his  strength  exhausted, 
66,  67;  Ills  attempt  to  found  the 
mission  of  the  Immaculate  Concep- 
tion, 67-70,  156  note ;  his  failing 
health,  68;  his  reception  at  Kaskas- 
kia,  69 ;  calls  the  Indians  to  a  relig- 
ious council,  69,  70,  156  note;  his 
death,   70,   71;   his  bm-ial,  and  the 


476 


INDEX. 


subsequent  removal  of  his  remains, 
71;  miracle  at  his  burial,  71  note; 
traditions  of  hi^  death,  72  note. 

Marshall,  0.  II.,  133  note. 

Martin,  Felix,  S.J-,  2  note. 

Martmi(|ue,  3G3. 

Mascoutins,  the,  34, 36,  36  note,  53,  54, 
181. 

Matagorda  Bay,  357,  361  note,  367  note, 
371  note,  444  note. 

Matagorda  Island,  352. 

Mather,  Increase,  his  mention  of  the 
*'  Great  Comet  of  16S0,"  199  note. 

Mazarin,  117. 

Meddewakantonwan,  the,  242  note. 

Medicine-dauce,  the,  238. 

Membrt\  Zenobe,  a  Rt'collet  friar,  1-36, 
168,  172,  177  note,  178  note  ;  remains 
with  Tonty  at  Fort  Crevecoeur,  201; 
left  with  Tonty  among  the  Illinois 
Indians,  203  ;  his  missionary  labors, 
208;  his  mention  of  Tonty,  210;  was 
not  with  Tuuty  at  the  Iroquois  out- 
break, 211  no'te,  212  note ;  remains 
with  Tonty  in  his  hut,  214  ;  goes 
with  Tonty  to  make  overtures  of 
peace  to  the  Indians,  215;  attends  a 
council  of  Indians,  216,  217;  his 
journey  to  the  village  of  the  Potta- 
wattamies,  217,  219-221;  his  journal, 
229,  230  note;  meeting  with  La 
Salle,  271,  272;  accompanies  La  Salle 
on  his  new  expedition  to  the  Mis- 
sissippi, 276 ;  account  of  the  journey, 
276-288;  attends  La  Salle  in  his 
illness,  291;  accompanies  La  Salle 
on  his  last  expedition,  331,  350 ; 
remains  with  La  Salle,  365;  his 
accident  while  hunting,  385,  386; 
officiates  at  Christmas  Mass  in 
Texas,  393 ;  remains  with  the  com- 
panv  at  Fort  St.  Louis,  in  Texas, 
394;  his  fate,  444. 

M^moire  sur  Mr.  de  la  Salle,"  a 
paper  referring  to  affairs  in  Canada 
and  the  Jesuits,  96-100. 

Menard,  xxv. 

Menomonies,  the,  32;  their  place  of 
abode,  34;  meet  Saint-Lusson  at  the 
Saut,  41 ;  visited  by  Marquette  and 
Joliet,  52. 

Messier,  203  note. 

Messina,  116  note. 

M^tairie,  Jacques  de  la,  287  note. 

Meules.     See  De  Meules. 

Mexico,  113,  114;  La  Salle's  knowl- 
edge about  it  erroneous,  327  note ; 
seizure  of  the  mines  a  motive  for 
colonization  of  Louisiana,  327  note. 
Mexico,  Culf  of,  23,  30,  54,  64,  288, 
289,  328  note;  forbidden  to  the 
French,  323;  reached  by  La  Salle, 


285;  claimed  by  Spain,  89,  823,  360, 

351,  442. 

Miami,  Fort,  its  situation,  263. 

Miami  or  Miamis  River,  24  note,  148. 

Miamiha,  its  signification,  233. 

Miamis,  the,  their  place  of  abode,  34; 
visited  by  Dablon,  36  ;  remove  to  the 
banks  of  tlie  St.  Joseph,  36  note  ; 
their  reception  of  Nicolas  Perrot, 
41 ;  visited  by  INIarquette,  53,  54 ; 
induced  to  join  the  Iroquois  in  their 
invasion  of  the  Illinois  town,  205, 
210  note,  222  note  ;  similar  in  lan- 
guage and  habits  to  the  Illinois,  207 
note;  threatened  by  the  Sioux,  233; 
attacked  by  the  Illinois,  266 ;  called 
to  council  by  La  Salle,  269,  270 ;  re- 
turn a  favourable  reply  to  La  Salle, 
270 ;  occupy  Buffalo  Rock,  294  note  ; 
join  the  colony  of  .La  Salle,  295 ; 
number  of  in  La  Salle's  colony,  296 
note;  threatened  by  the  Iroquois, 
300,  304. 

Michigan,  Lake,  23,  29,  34,  289  note ; 
its  Indian  name,  34  note. 

Michillimackinac,  mission  at,  33,  71, 
140,  260  (see  St.  I(jnace);  noted 
fishing  place,  34;  the  influence  at 
the  place  is  hostile  to  La  Salle,  140, 
189. 

Michillimackinac,  Straits  of,  23. 

Migeon,  creditor  of  La  Salle,  137 
note. 

Mignan,  Islands  of,  66  note,  67  note. 

Miile  Lac,  239. 

Milot,  Jean,  9. 

Milwaukee,  146. 

Mines,  copper-mines  at  Lake  Superior, 
16,  29,  30,  31,  40. 

Minet,  an  engineer,  accompanies  La 
Salle  on  his  last  expedition,  351; 
his  good  advice,  356;  his  account 
of  La  Salle's  company,  361;  hih  map 
of  Matagorda  Bay,  361  note  ;  returns 
to  France,  365;  a  curiv)us  map  made 
by  him  on  his  voyage  homeward, 
367  note. 

Minneapolis,  city  of,  248  note. 

Minong,  Isle,  30. 

Missions,  description  of  the   stations, 
38.     For  furflier  information,  see 
Green  Bay. 
Hurons. 

Immaculate  Concepti^n. 
Manatoulin  Islands. 
IMichillimackinac. 
Mohawks, 
(iuinte. 
St.  Esprit. 
St.  Ignace. 
Saut  Ste.  Marie. 

Mississaquenk,  45. 


DTDEX. 


477 


Mississippi  River,  the,  discovered  by 
the  Spaniards,  xxiii;  its  early 
discoverers,  xxiii,  xxiv ;  rumors 
concerning  the  great  river,  xxiv, 
XXV,  8,  9;  30,  32,  33,  36,  37,  52;  the 
claims  to  its  discoverv  considered, 
23,  25-27,  25  note,  26  notes,  100; 
account  of  its  discover}'  by  Joliet 
and  Marquette,  51-64;  name  of 
Immaculate  Conception  given  to  it 
by  Marquette,  51,  67;  reached  by 
La  Salle,  197;  description  of  the 
upper  part  of  the  river,  251,  252; 
ita  various  names,  261  note,  456; 
the  voyage  of  La  Salle  from  the 
Illinois  River  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi,  277-285 ;  the  river  and 
surrounding  land  claimed  for  France 
by  La  Salle,  286-288  ;  vainly  sought 
for  by  La  Salle  in  Texas,  351-357; 
laid  down  on  the  map  of  Minet, 
367  note;  reached  by  Joutel's  party, 
431. 

Mississippi,  Valley  of  the,  its  various 
names,  457,  458. 

Missouri  River,  the,  6u;  its  various 
names,  60  note,  456;  seen  by  La 
Salle,  277;  passed  by  Joutel's  party, 
431. 

Missouris,  the,  300,  451. 

Mitchigamea,  village,  62  note. 

Mitchigamias,  the,  287  note. 

Mitchiganon,  .34  note. 

Mobile,  289  note. 

Mobile  Ba}',  363,  367  note. 

Mohawks,'  the,  addressed  by  Fron- 
tenac,  81-84;  Jesuit  mission  estab- 
lished among  them,  106  note;  dic- 
tionary of  their  language,  122. 

Mohegan  hunters,  assistants  of  La 
Salle's  partv,  133,  134,  144,  146, 
149,  151,  153',  155,  174,  183,  265. 

Mohegans,  the,  265,  275. 

Moingona,  the,  207  note. 

Moingouena,  56  note. 

Monso,  a  ]Mascoutin  chief,  161,  163, 
164. 

Monsonis,  the,  42. 

Montezuma,  459. 

Montreal,  4,  5 ;  its  appearance  in  1666, 
6 ;  plan  of  in  the  time  of  La  Salle, 
yet  extant,  7  note  ;  histoire  de,  10 
note  ;  required  by  Frontenac  to  fur- 
nish armed  men  for  his  expedition 
to  Lake  Ontario,  76 ;  reception  given 
to  Frontenac,  77,  78. 

M-oranget,  nephew  of  La  Salle,  accom- 
panies him  on  his  last  expedition, 
341,  342,  357,  362,  365,  382,  389; 
accompanies  him  also  on  his  fatal 
journey,  396;  his  quarrels  with  Du- 
hau*  aud  Liotot,  400,  401;  sent  to 


join  Duhaut,  401 ;  his  death  planned, 
401 ;  his  assassination,  402  ;  possi- 
ble exaggeration  in  the  account  of 
his  murder,  409  note. 

Moreau,  Pierre,  68  note. 

Morice,  Marguerite,  1  note. 

Motantees,  the,  287  note. 

Mountains.  See  under  their  respective 
names. 

Mustang  Island,  353. 


Nadouessioux,  the,  242  note,  262  note, 

287,  287  note.     See  Sioux. 

Natchez,  the,  visited  by  La  Salle, 
283;  their  clanship,  284  note;  one 
of  the  tribes  on  the  Mississippi 
River,  287  no'e. 

Natchez,  city  of,  283. 

Nation  des  Folles-Avoines,  the,  b2note. 

Nation  of  the  Prairie,  the,  36  note. 

Navarre,  112. 

Neches  River,  391,  443  note. 

Neutrals,  the,  204. 

New  Biscay,  the  most  northern  prov- 
ince of  Mexico,  325 ;  to  be  invaded 
by  La  Salle,  325-327,  361,  380. 

New  England,  325. 

New  France,  112,  325,  456. 

New  Leon,  442. 

New  Mexico,  328  note,  391. 

Newton,  199  note. 

Niagara,  Falls  of,  16, 116  note ;  account 
of  by  Hennepin,  125 ;  described  by 
Hennepin,  125  note,  126  note. 

Niagara,  Fort,  116  note,  125,  135. 

Niagara  River,  its  important  positior, 
126 ;  La  Motte  attempts  to  build  a 
fort  there,  126-128;  La  Salle  gains 
permission  from  the  Indians  to  build 
a  fort,  128;  La  Salle  plans  the  build- 
ing of  a  vessel  for  navigation  of  the 
Upper  Lakes,  128,  129,  131,  133;  the 
location  of  the  vessel's  construction 
a  matter  of  debate,  132  note,  133 
note ;  construction  and  launching  of 
the  vessel,  133-136 ;  La  Salle  marks 
out  the  position  of  two  blockhouseB, 
135. 

Nicanop^,  162, 163,  164,  178  note. 

Nicollet,  Jean,  his  life  among  the  In- 
dians, xxiii;  his  visit  to  the  Win- 
nebagoes,  xxiv. 

Nika,  Shawanoe  hunter,  388,  389 ;  ac- 
companies La  Salle's  last  expedition, 
397  ;  sent  with  Duhaut  to  find  the 
corn  left  in  cache,  400,  401;  his 
death  planned,  401,  402 ;  his  assas- 
sination. 402. 


478 


INDEX. 


Nipissino^,  Lake.  21. 

Nipissings,  the,    xxiii,  10,  33,  42. 

North  Sea,  the,  30. 

o. 

Oanktayhee^  deity  of  the  Sioux,  249 

note. 

Ohio  River,  the,  8;  its  discovery  by 
La  Salle,'  22,  24,  24  notes,  25,  27, 
100;  signiiication  of  its  name,  25 
note.,  60,  451 ;  its  various  names, 
60  note,  287  note,  456. 

Ojibwas,  the,  31,  242  note. 

Olighin-Sipou,  the,  287  note. 

Omahas,  the,  451. 

Omawha,  162. 

Oneidas,  the,  addressed  by  Frontenac, 

.   81-84 ;  visited  by  Hennepin,  122. 

Onondaga,  22,  77,  122. 

Onondagas,  the,  addressed  by  Fronte- 
nac, 81-84. 

Onontio,  Indian  name  of  the  governor 
of  Canada,  44,  81;  signification  of 
name,  142  note. 

Ontario,  Lake,  10,  13,  75,  79;  Fronte- 
nac's  plans  for  the  building  of  a  fort, 
75;  the  lake  commanded  by  the 
fort,  85. 

Ontonagan  River,  31. 

Orange,  settlement  of,  122. 

Oris,  362. 

Osages,  the,  160,  171,  451. 

Osages,  Riviere  des,  60  note. 

Osotouoy,  the,  280  note. 

Otinawatavva,  Iroquois  colony,  15,  16. 

Ottawa,  town  of,  155 ;  interesting  relic 
found  there,  296  note. 

Ottawa  River,  the,  21. 

Ottawas,  the,  20,  32,  33  ;  remove  the 
body  of  Marquette  for  burial  at  the 
mission  of  St.  Ignace,  71;  La  Salle 
forbidden  to  trade  with  them,  113, 
143  7iote;  one  of  their  villages,  140, 
141;  their  reception  of  La  Salle, 
141. 

Ouabache  River,  60  note,  277  note. 

Oaabona,  number  of  in  La  Salle's 
colony,  296  note. 

Ouabouskiaou  River,  60  note. 

Ouasicoude,  chief  of  the  Sioux,  245, 
248,  258. 

Ouiatenons,  number  of  in  La  Salle's 
colony,  296  nott. 

Oumalouminek,  the,  52  note. 

Oumas,  the,  284, 

Oumessourits,  Riviere  des,  60  note. 

Outagamies,  the,  their  place  of  abode, 
34;  their  treatment  oi  La  Salle,  147, 
148;  give  La  Salle  news  of  Tonty, 
267.     See  Foxes. 


P. 

Paget,  344. 

Pah-Utahs,  the,  451. 

Palluau,  Count  of,  47.    See  Frontenac. 

Palms,  River  of,  287. 

Panuco,  town  of,  328  note. 

Paraguav,  92,  105. 

Parassy,'  334. 

Patron,  255 

Paul,  Dr.  John,  296  note. 

Pawnees,  the,  451. 

Peanqhichia,  number  of  in  La  Salle's 
colony,  296  note. 

Pekitanoul  River,  60  note. 

Pelee,  Point,  18. 

Pelican  Island,  357. 

Pelonquin,  a  creditor  of  La  Salle,  137 
note. 

Pen,  a  creditor  of  La  Salle,  409  note. 

Peiialossa,  Count,  his  scheme  of  Span- 
ish conquest,  328  note. 

Peninsulas.  See  under  their  respective 
names. 

Pennsylvania,  325. 

Peoria,  or  Peouaria,  26  note,  56  note. 

Peoria  Lake,  158,  176. 

Peorias,  the,  name  of  one  of  the  tribes 
of  the  Illinois  Indians,  158  note,  207 
note,  451. 

Pepikokia,  number  of  in  La  Salle's 
colony,  296  note. 

Pepin,  a  man  in  the  employment  of 
Du  Lhut,  257  note. 

Pepin,  Lake,  239,  252,  257  note. 

Per(^,  49. 

Perrot,  local  governor  at  Montreal, 
77;  Frontenac  quarrels  with,  and 
imprisons,  him,  86. 

Perrot,  a  cur^,  87,  88. 

Perrot,  Nicolas,  23 ;  one  of  his  works 
lateh'  published,  40  note  ;  interpreter 
for  Saint-Lusson,  40,  41;  his  recep- 
tion by  the  Miamis,  41 ;  accused  of 
poisoning  La  Salle,  104,  104  ncte. 

Petit  Goave,  345,  349. 

Philip,  King.  265,  268. 

Philip  II.,  350. 

Phips,  Sir  William,  66  note,  67  note. 

Piankishaws,  the,  207  note ;  number 
of  in  La  Salle's  colony,  296  note. 

Picard,  signification  of  the  name,  173 
note.     See  Du  Gay. 

Pierre,  67. 

Pierron,  103. 

Pierson,  a  Jesuit,  260. 

Pimitoui.  158.     See  Peoria  Lake. 

Pines,  Isle  of,  350. 

Pizarro,  339. 

Plet,  Francois,  a  cousin  of  La  Salle, 
lends  monev  to  La  Salle,  114,  272 


INDEX 


479 


note  i  La  Salle  makes  h.s  will  in  his 
favor.  272;  carries  on  the  trade  at 
Fort  Frontenac,  317  note. 

Ponchartrain,  Minister,  458,  461. 

Pontia.-,  294  note. 

Port  de  Paix,  345,  346. 

Potiphar,  101. 

Pottawattamies,  the,  16,  17,  32,  41; 
their  place  of  abode,  34;  join  Mar- 
quette, 67;  friendly  to  La  Salle,  142, 
144,  145,  146. 

Prairie  du  Chien,  55. 

Prudhomme,  Pierre,  277,  278;  a  fort 
named  for  him,  277,  278,  290. 

Puans,  Les,  34  7iote. 

Pnans,  Baye  des,  34  note. 

Piu-itans,  the,  265,  275. 


Quapaws,  the,  280  note. 
Quebec,  9,  67  note,  76,  84. 
Queenstown  Heights,  125. 
Queylus,  Superior  of  the  Seminary  of 

St.  Sulpice,  5,  9. 
Quinipissas,  the,  285,  290. 
Quints,  Bay  of,  128. 
Quintd,  mission  established  there,  10. 


R. 

Eaffeix,  a  Jesuit  priest,  127;  his  map, 
65  note,  257  note  ;  description  of  his 
map,  4.54. 

Raoul,  a  creditor  of  La  Salle,  114. 

Raudin,  engineer  of  Frontenac,  81,  154 
note  ;  description  of  his  map,  454. 

Kaymbault,  xxv. 

R^collets,  the,  90,  97,  109. 

Red  River,  the,  325,  325  note,  326,  327 
note. 

Renaudot,  Abb^,  probably  the  author 
of  the  memoir  of  La  Salle,  95  note  ; 
friendly  to  La  Salle,  115,  318,  338, 
339. 

Renault,  Etienne,  208,  221. 

Rhode  Island,  268. 

Ribourde,  Gabriel,  a  friar,  119,  124, 
136 ;  his  adventures  while  on  the 
journey  with  Hennepin  and  La 
Salle,  145,  146,  172,  173;  remains 
with  Tonty  at  Fort  Crevecoeur,  201 ; 
his  missionary  labors  among  the 
Indians,  208, '214;  leaves  the  In- 
dians, 217;  is  murdered  by  the 
Kickapoos,  217,  218. 

Kiggs,  Rev.  Stephen  R.,  242  note. 

Rio  Bi  avo  River,  328  note. 


Rio  Grande  River,  289,  353. 

Rivers.  See  under  their  re.spective 
names. 

Robert,  98. 

Rochefort,  331,  344. 

Rochelle,  117,  331,  344. 

Rochester,  127. 

Rock  of  St.  Louis.  See  St.  Louis. 
Rock  of. 

Rocky  Mountains,  288,  289. 

Rouen,  1. 

Royale,  Isle,  30. 

Rudbeckia,  the,  207. 

"  Ruined  Castles,  the,"  59,  431. 

Rum  River,  246. 

Ruter,  a  Breton  sailor,  meets  Joutel  in 
the  Cenis  camp,  419,  420 ;  betrays 
Joutcl's  plans  to  Duhaut,  422; 
shoots  and  kills  Liotot,  423,  424, 
causes  the  death  of  Hiens,  445,  446 


s. 


Sabine  River,  the,  391. 

Sablonniere,  Marquis  de  la,  accom- 
panies La  Salle  on  his  last  expedi- 
tion, 358,  365,  383 ;  Joutel  refuses 
him  permission  to  marry,  385 ;  re- 
mains at  the  Texan  fort,  394 ,  his 
low  character,  394  note. 

Sacs,  the,  their  place  of  abode,  34, 
their  chiefs  attend  the  meeting  of 
the  Indians  at  the  Saut,  41. 

Sagean,  INIathieu,  458;  his  story  of  the 
West,  458-461. 

Saget,  servant  of  La  Salle,  400;  sent 
to  the  hunter's  camp,  401 ;  his  death 
planned,  401;  his  assassination,  402. 

Saguenay  River,  the,  66  note. 

St.  Anthony,  city  of,  248  note. 

St.  Anthony,  Falls  of,  248,  248  note, 
249  note. 

St.  Anthony  of  Padua,  139,  232,  248. 

St.  Bernard's  Bay,  371  note. 

St.  Charles  County,  285  note. 

St.  Clair,  Lake,  139. 

St.  Cosme,  59  note;  his  mention  of 
"Starved  Rock,"  294  note;  his 
mention  of  Tonty,  441  note. 

St.  Croix  River.  258. 

St.  Domingo,  326,  328  note,  345,  348. 

St.  Esprit,  Baye  du,  363,  367  note, 

St.  Esprit,  mission  of,  20,  32,  71. 

St.  Francis,  118,  232,  260. 

St.  Francis  River,  the,  246. 

"St.  Fran9ois,"  the,  a  -vessel  of  La 
Salle,  taken  by  Spanish  buccaneers, 
346. 

St.  Fran9oi3  Xavier,  mission  of,  35- 
See  Green  Bay. 


480 


INDEX. 


St.  Germain  en  Lave,  113. 

St.  Ignace,  mission  of,  33,  71,  260; 
Marquette's  body  buried  under  the 
chapel  floor,  71  note,  72  note.  See 
Mich  iUimaclcrnac. 

St.  Ignace,  Point,  33,  72  note,  140. 

St.  Joseph,  Fort,  149,  185. 

St.  Joseph,  Lac,  142  note. 

St.  Joseph  River,  148,  151,  190,  2G7. 

Saint-Laurent,   Marquis  de,  345,  346. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  the,  7. 

St.  Louis,  Bay  of,  357,  371  note ;  des- 
cried by  the  Spaniards,  442. 

St.  Louis,  city  of,  60. 

St.  Louis,  fort,  built  on  "  Starved 
Rock,"  in  Illinois,  224,  293,  294;  its 
Bitnation,  293  note,  294  note,  296 
note ;  number  of  Indians  in  the 
colony  at  the  fort,  296  7iote,  297; 
Tonty  left  in  charge,  305;  De 
Baugis  takes  possession  of  the  fort, 
^305,  306;  Tonty  reinstated  by  the 
king,  428 ;  reached  by  Joutel,  431, 
432 ;  condition  of,  432  note ;  pro- 
prietorship granted  to  Tonty,  441 
note ;  reoccupied  by  the  French,  441 
note.  See  "  Xe  Roclier,''^  "'Starved 
Rock,''''  and  St.  Loiiis,  Rock  of. 

St.  Louis,  Fort,  built  in  Texas,  369- 
372;  Joutel  left  in  charge,  373; 
Joutel's  account  of  the  life  at  the 
Texan  fort,  384-387;  dejection  of 
the  colonists,  392 ;  colonists  observe 
Christmas  and  Twelfth  Night,  393, 
394  ;  departure  of  the  expedition  for 
Canada,  394,  395;  the  colony  left  to 
its  fate  by  Louis  XIV.,  437;  its 
subsequent  history,  441  note  ;  the 
colony  sought  and  found  bv  the 
Spaniards,  442,  443;  fate  of  the 
colony,  443,  444. 

St  Louis,  Lake  of,  7,  8,  12. 

St.  Louis  River,  286. 

St.  Louis,  Rock  of,  191 ;  Tonty  or- 
dered to  build  a  fort  on  the  rock, 
191,  202;  description  of,  205,  206 
note,  223,  224.  See  "  Starved  Rock  " 
and  "Le  Rocher.''^ 

Saint-Lusson,  Daumont  de,  his  expe- 
dition in  search  of  copper-mines  at 
Lake  Superior,  40-46 ;  assembles 
several  Indian  tribes  at  Saut  Ste. 
Marie,  41-46  ;  takes  possession  of 
land  in  the  name  of  France,  43. 

St.  Paul,  citv  of,  239. 

St.  Peter  River,  the,  236,  242  note. 

Saint-Simon,  322. 

St.  Simon,  mission  of,  33. 

St.  Sulpice,  3-5. 

St.  Sulpice,  Seminary  of,  4;  plans 
an  expedition  to  the  West,  9-11. 
See    Sulpitians.     Opinion     of    the 


priests  regarding  Frontenac  and 
Perrot,  86. 

Saiiite  Barbe,  327. 

Sainte  Famille,  99;  description  of,  100 
note. 

Santa  Barbara,  mines  of,  327. 

Sargent,  Winthrop,  169  note. 

SasRory,  399. 

Saut  Ste.  Marie,  20;  mission  of,  31*, 
noted  fishing-place,  34;  a  meeting 
of  Indian  tribes  held  there,  41-46 ; 
claimed  by  Saint-Lusson  for  France, 
43. 

Sauteurs,  French  name  for  the  Ojib- 
was,  31. 

Sauthouis,  the,  280  note. 

Sauvolle,  461. 

Schoolcraft,  his  estimate  of  the  height 
of  St.  Anthony's  Falls,  248  note. 

Scioto,  River,  24  note. 

Scortas,  222  note. 

Seas.  See  under  their  respective 
names. 

Seignelav,  Marine  and  Colonial  Min- 
ister, 115,  250,  301,  305  note,  32a, 
328,  330;  his  ignorance  of  Mexican 
geograph}^  327  note ;  his  an-ange- 
ments  regarding  La  Salle's  expedi- 
tion, 331,  332;  i-eceives  complaining 
letters  from  Beaujeu,  regarding  La 
Salle,  333,  347-349;  his  reception  of 
Beaujeu,  367  note  ;  propositions 
made  to  him  by  Jesuits  concerning 
the  settlement  of  the  Mississippi 
region,  433  note,  434  note. 

Seignelay  River,  designates  the  Red 
River,  on  certain  earlv  maps,  325, 
326. 

Seignelay,  Riviere,  one  of  the  names 
of  the  Illinois  River,  154  note. 

Senecas,  the,  visit  La  Salle,  8;  visited 
by  La  Salle  and  Galin(^e,  13-15; 
attacked  by  Denonville,  13  note, 
256  note,  434;  their  cruel  treatment 
of  a  captive,  14,  15 ;  addressed 
by  Frontenac,  81-84 ;  jealous  of  La 
Motte's  plans,  126-128;  receive 
visit  from  La  Motte,  127,  128;  re- 
ceive AMsit  from  La  Salle,  128;  their 
dislike  at  the  proceedings  of  La 
Salle,  133,  134;  visited  bv  Henne- 
pin, 260. 

Seneff,  120. 

Severn  River,  189. 

S(^vign(^.  322. 

Shawanoe  hunter,  a,  397.     See  Nika, 

Shawanoes,  the,  210  note,  265,  273. 
287  note,  295,  299;  the  number  ol 
in  La  Salle's  colony,  296  note. 

Silhouette,  27  note. 

Simcoe,  Lake,  189,  273. 

Simonnet,  114. 


INDEX. 


481 


Sioux,  the,   XXV,   32,   33,  287   note, 
298  note ;  trade  with  the  Jesuit*!,  98, 
99;     their    aead    violated    bv    the 
Crows,  193  note  ;  various  words  and 
expressions  of  their  language,  231 
note;  capture  Hennepin,  233;  their 
treatment    of    Hennepin,    234-247; 
their  weeping  over  Hennepin,   237 
note;   the   "medicine-dance,"  238; 
their  lodges,  242  note ;  divisions  of 
the  tribe,  242  note ;  their  numbers, 
242  note  ;  signification  of  name,  242 
note;    the  name  abbreviated  from 
,    Nadouessioux,  242  note ;  their  sweat- 
ing-baths, 244  note ;  set  out  on  a  hunt- 
mg-party,  246,  247;   their  principal 
deity,  248  note  ;  their  hunting-party, 
254;  visited  by  Du  Lhut,  257;  pro- 
vide a  feast  for  Du  Lhut  and  Henne- 
pin, 258. 
"Sleeping  Bear,"  the,  a  promontory, 
11  note.  •'' 

Smith,  Buckingham,  445  note. 
Sokokis  Indian,  serves  as  interpreter. 
212  note.  * 

South  Bend,  village  of,  151. 
South  Sea,  the,  xxv,  8,  30,  37,  54. 
Southey,  169. 

Spain,  its  relations  with  France.  39 
323  326-328,  438;  its  claims  to  the 
trulf  of  Mexico  and  its  coasts,  323 
350,  351,  442 ;  plan  for  Spanish  con- 
quest m  the  mind  of  La  Salle,  326- 

Spaniards,  the  discoverers  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, xxiii ;  their  possessions  to 
be  hinited  by  Talon,  39 ;  incur  the 
displeasure  of  the  king,  Louis  XIV 
323;  their  fear  of  the  Terliquiqui- 
mechi,  327  note;  an  old  Spanish 
settlement  found  in  Texas,  372 
note;  some  of  the  spoil  taken  by 
the  Cenis  Indians,  390;  contempt  of 
the  Indians  for  the  Spanish  Creoles, 
391;  find  the  Texan  colony,  442,  443. 

Sparks,  Dr.,  his  wish  that  justice  be 
done  to  the  memory  of  Tontv  441 
note.  "^ ' 

''Starved  Rock,"  156,  156  note,  178, 
206  note;  the  site  of  Fort  St.  Louis 
of  the  IHinois,  223,  224;  description 
^'K.r  '^"^^'^^^  to  the  description 
of  "Le  Rocher,"  293  note;  tradi- 
tion of  its  name,  294  note;  the  site 
ot  i^ort  St.  Louis  of  the  Illinois,  296 
note.     See  St.  Louis,  Rock  of. 

Straits.  See  under  their  respective 
names. 

Sturgeon  Cove,  67. 

Sulpitians  the,  join  the  expedition  of 
La  Salle  and  Dollier,  12-21,  49. 
See  St.  Sulpice. 

31 


Superior,  Lake,  xxv,  16,29;  copper- 
mines  of,  16,  29,  30,  31,  31  no<e,  40: 
Jesuit  map  of,  30,  450;  claimed  bv 
Saint-Lusson  for  France,  43. 

Sun-worship,  281,  282,  283. 

T. 


Table  Rock,  125  note. 
Tadoussac,  50. 

Taensas,     the,    280;     description    of 
their  town  and  dwellings,  280-282; 
their  clanship,  284  note. 
Taiaiagon,  124. 

Tailhan,  S.J.,  27  note,  40  note. 
Talon,  a  Canadian,  373. 
Talon,  an  orphan  among  the  Texan 

colonists,  411. 
Talon,  Jean,  Intendant  of  Canada,  9, 
16  24  note,  39 ;  his  projects  for  the 
colony,  39;  his  desire  to  find  the 
Mississippi,  46;  chooses  Louis  Jo- 
liet  to  conduct  expedition  in  search 
of  the  Mississippi,  47;  misunder- 
standing with  Courcelle,  47;  asks 
the  king  for  his  recall  from  Canada, 
47.  ' 

Talon,  Jean  Baptiste,  his  fate,  445. 
Talon,  Pierre,  his  fate,  445. 
Tamaroas,  the,  their   Bufferings,  197, 
197  note  ;  a  part  of  the  Illinois  In- 
dians, 207  note,  219. 
Tangibao,  the,  285. 
Tattooing,  custom  of,  417  note,  419 
420.  '        ' 

Tears,  Lake  of,  239. 
Tegahkouita,  Catherine,  Iroquois  saint. 
256,  257  note.  ' 

Teissier,  383,  397,  400,  401  ;    is  con- 
sulted  by  Duhaut  concerning  the 
murder  plot,  401,  402;  accompanies 
Joutel  on  his  trip  to  the  Arkansas 
426 ;  reaches  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the 
Illinois,  432. 
Tejas,  use  of  name,  443  note. 
Tensas  County,  280  note. 
Terliquiquimechi,  the,  327  note. 
Tetons,  the,  their  dwelling-place,  242 

note. 
Texan  colony,   the.     See   St.   Louis, 

Fort  in  Texas. 
Texas,  claimed  for  France,  288  ,    use 

of  name,  443  note. 
Texas,  the,  a  tribe  of  Indians,  443  413 

note. 
Theakiki  River,  154  note. 
Third  Chickasaw  Bluffs,  277. 
Thouret,  187  note  312. 
Thousand  Islands,  the,  79. 
Three  Rivers,  76. 
Thunder  Bay,  256  note. 


482 


INDEX.  ' 


Tilly,  88  note. 

Tintonwans,  the,  their  dwelling  place, 

242  note. 
Tongengas,  the,  280  note. 
Tontine  life  insurance,  115. 
Tonty,  Alphonse  de,  441  note. 
Tonty,  Henri  de,  115-117;   joins  ex- 

?loring  expedition  of  La  Salle,  115- 
17;  his  signature  Gallicized,  116 
note ;  his  iron  hand,  116  note ;  de- 
parts with  La  Salle  from  Fort  Fron- 
tenac,  128  ;  book  bearing  his  name 
as  author,  disowned  by  him,  129 
note ;  his  labors  at  Niagara,  131- 
136;  despatched  to  look  after  the 
followers  of  La  Salle,  141,  142;  re- 
turns to  La  Salle,  149;  his  journey 
with  La  Salle  on  the  Illinois,  151- 
159  ;  stay  of  the  party  at  an  Illinois 
camp,  158-166;  leaves  the  Illinois 
camp,  167  ;  is  left  in  charge  of  Fort 
Cr^vecoeur,  174;  sent  to  examine 
"Starved  Rock,"  178;  his  men  de- 
stroy Fort  Crevecoeur,  185,  202 ; 
trusted  by  La  Salle,  188, 189 ;  account 
of  his  adventures  when  left  in  charge 
of  Fort  Cr^vecoBur,  201-221;  sets  out 
to  examine  "  Starved  Rock,"  202  ; 
in  the  Illinois  town,  208;  his  life  in 
danger,  210-213  ;  attempts  to  medi- 
ate between  the  Iroquois  and  the 
Illinois,  211-214;  acts  again  as  me- 
diator, 215 ;  is  obliged  to  leave  the 
Illinois,  217;  makes  his  way  to  the 
Pottawattamie  village,  219-221 ;  aids 
Denonville  in  the  war  against  the 
Indians,  256  note,  434  note,  441 
note;  his  meeting  with  La  Salle, 
271,  272 ;  accompanies  La  Salle  on 
his  new  expedition  to  the  Missis- 
sippi, 276 ;  account  of  the  journey, 
276-288;  sent  to  Michillimackinac, 
290 ;  ordered  to  begin  the  new  town 
on  the  Illinois,  292;  entrenches  him- 
self at  "  Starved  Rock,"  293  ;  left  in 
command  of  Fort  St.  Louis  of  the 
Illinois,  305;  remains  as  representa- 
tive of  La  Salle,  306;  makes  an 
unsuccessful  attempt  to  invade 
Mexico,  327  note,  438,  439;  his 
evidence  concerning  La  Salle's  as- 
sassination, 408  note ;  his  fruitless 
eearch  for  La  Salle,  428,  429;  ab- 
sent from  the  fort  at  the  arrival  of 
Joutel  and  his  party,  432 ;  returns 
to  Fort  St.  Louis,  of  the  Illinois, 
434;  deceived  by  Cavelier,  435; 
gives  furs  to  Cavelier,  435,  435  note ; 
hears  of  the  death  of  La  Salle  and 
the  deceit  of  Cavelier,  438;  his 
attempt  to  carry  aid  to  the  Texan 
colony,  438-440  ;    cAuses  of  injury 


to  his  reputation,  440  note,  441  note; 
carries  on  a  trade  in  furs  at  Fort  St 
Louis,  441  note ;  meets  with  high 
commendation  from  Denonville  and 
St.  Cosme,  441  note ;  joins  D'lber- 
ville,  441  note. 

Topingas,  the,  280  note. 

Torimans,  the,  280  note. 

Toronto,  124. 

Trinity  River,  390,  399;  southern 
branch  of  the,  location  of  the  assas- 
sination of  La  Salle,  409  note- 

Tronson,  Abbe,  436  note. 

Truanderie,  Rue  de  la,  115,  322. 

Turenne,  10. 

Twelfth  Night,  observed  by  the  colo- 
nists in  Texas,  393,  394. 

Two  Mountains,  Lake  of,  72  note 

u. 

Upper  Lakes,  the,  maps  of.    See  Maps. 

Ursulines,  the,  84. 

Utica,  a  village  in  Illinois,  69 ;  situated 

close  by  the  great  Illinois  town,  156, 

156  note,  205,  223. 

V. 

Valleys.     See  under  their  respective 

names. 
Vera  Cruz,  sends  out  expeditions  to 

destroy  La  Salle,  442. 
Vermilion   River,  205,   210;  probably 

the   Aramoni   of    the   French,    205, 

206  710^6,  223,  224. 
Vermilion  Sea,  the,  9,  30,  64. 
Vermilion  Woods,  the,  224. 
Vicksburg,  280. 

Victor,  town  of,  13  note,  127  note. 
Villermont,  Cabart  de,  receives  letters 

from  Beaujeu,  335-339. 
Virginia,  268,  325. 
Virginia,  Sea  of,  xxv,  64. 
Voltaire,   name    given  to    Arouet,   1 

note. 

w. 

Wabash  River,  60  note,  277  note. 

Wapoos,  the,  180. 

Watteau,  Melithon,  a  R^collet  friar, 

136. 
Weas,  the  number  of  in  La  Salle's 

colony,  296  note. 
Wild-rice  Indians,  the,  52,  52  note, 
William,  Fort,  256,  note. 
William   III.   of  England,   Hennepin 

dedicates  his  book  to  him,  262  note 


INDEX. 


483 


Winnebago,  Lake,  34,  36. 

VVinuebagoes,  the,  xxiv,  34  note ; 
their  place  of  abode,  34;  some  of 
their  chiefs  attend  the  meeting  of 
Indians  at  the  Saut,  41. 

Winona,  252  note. 

Wisconsin  River,  the,  54;  its  scenery- 
described,  54,  55. 

Wood,  Colonel,  said  to  have  reached  a 
branch  of  the  Mississippi  in  1654, 
xxiv. 

Wurtemberg,  388. 


X. 

Xavier,  St.  Fran9ois,  miasion  of,  35. 

Y. 

Yankton  Sioux,  the,  their  word  for 
sun,  231  note;  their  dwelling-place, 
242  note. 

You,  one  of  La  Salle's  assistants,  195 


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It  is  hardly  necessary  to  quote  here  from  the  innumerable  tributes  to  so 
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have  bestowed  the  highest  praise  upon  his  writings  are  such  names  as  James 
Russell  Lowell,  Dr.  John  Fiske,  President  Charles  W.  Eliot  of  Harvard 
Universit\',  George  William  Curtis,  Edward  Eggleston,  W.  D.  Howells, 
James  Schouler,  and  Dr.  Conan  Dojie,  as  well  as  many  prominent  critics  in 
the  United  States,  in  Canada,  and  in  England. 

In  two  respects  Francis  Parkman  was  exceptionally  fortunate.  He  choose 
a  theme  of  the  closest  interest  to  his  countrymen,  —  the  colonization  of  the 
American  Continent  and  the  wars  for  its  possession,  — and  he  lived  through 
fift}"  years  of  toil  to  complete  the  great  historical  series  which  he  designed 
when  but  a  youth  at  college. 

The  text  of  the  New  Library  Edition  is  that  of  the  latest  issue  of  each 
work  prepared  for  the  press  by  the  distinguished  author.  He  carefully 
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but  in  the  light  of  new  documentary  evidence  which  his  patient  research 
and  untiring  zeal  extracted  from  the  hidden  archives  of  the  past.  Thus  he 
rewrote  and  enlarged  "The  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac"  ;  the  new  edition  of 
"La  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of  the  Great  West"  (1878),  and  the  1885 
edition  of  "  Pioneers  of  France  "  included  very  important  additions  ;  and  a 
short  time  before  his  death  he  added  to  "  The  Old  Regime  "  fifty  pages, 
under  the  title  of  "  The  Feudal  Chiefs  of  Acadia."  The  New  Library  Edition 
therefore  includes  each  work  in  its  final  state  as  perfected  by  the  historian. 
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